Volume 1 — PREFACE. (continued 2)

The air of Jamaica, though far less unwholesome than that which he had just quitted on the Spanish main, is not very invigorating to European constitutions; and, instead of it's restoring him, he every day grew worse and worse. Sir Peter Parker, therefore, kindly invited him to make a home of his penn, which is the name of a West Indian villa; where he received the most friendly attentions from Lady Parker, and the skilfullest medicinal aids. All, however, proved ineffectual. His extreme anxiety to get on board the ship to which he had been so honourably appointed, tended now to augment his indisposition; and he was reluctantly compelled, like his worthy friend, Captain Locker, to depart for England. This, too, unwilling to resign his ship, he positively declared, till the last, he never would do, while a single person could be found who was of opinion that he might possibly recover without quitting the island. No such person was obtainable; and, accordingly, in a state of the most extreme debility, towards the close of this year, he returned home, in his majesty's ship the Lion, commanded by the Honourable William Cornwallis, the now celebrated admiral; whose kind care and attention, during their passage, greatly contributed to preserve his valuable life.

On his arrival in England, though then barely in existence, and almost wholly without the use of his limbs, such was the excessive ardour of his mind for employ, that nothing could prevent him from being immediately carried to the Admiralty, and applying for a ship. "This they readily promised me," he jocosely observed, soon after, to one of his relations, "thinking it not possible for me to live."

He now went, directly, to Bath: where he was, at first, under the necessity of being carried to the springs, and wherever else he wanted to go; and, for several weeks afterwards, constrained to use crutches. These, however, he at length threw aside, much sooner than his friends at the Admiralty had expected; though it was nearly three months before he entirely recovered the use of his limbs. In a letter which he wrote, from this place, dated February 15, 1781, to his friend Captain Locker, he observes that he is, thank God, very near perfectly restored; having the complete use of all his limbs, except his left arm, of which he can hardly tell the ailment: from the shoulder to his fingers ends felt as if half dead, but the faculty gave him hopes that it would all go off. He expresses his anxiety to be employed; and, as if willing to demonstrate that his spirits were more lively than his limb, he says, with considerable pleasantry and wit, speaking of three portraits—one of the present Admiral George Montague, another of Sir Charles Pole, and the third of himself, which was then painting by Mr. Rigaud as a present for Captain Locker—"I hope, when I come to town, to see a fine trio in your room. When you get the pictures, I must be in the middle; for, God knows, without good supporters, I shall fall to the ground."

After the restoration of his health, he paid a visit to his worthy and venerable father, at Burnham-Thorpe; as well as to his amiable eldest sister, then recently married to Mr. Bolton, who resided at Wells, about five miles distant, and other relatives and friends in the county of Norfolk: few of whom, except his father, had ever once beheld him for the last eleven years. The felicity of such a meeting is not to be described, and it can only be conceived by those who have experienced similar sensations.

At length, in August 1781, Captain Nelson was appointed to the command of the Albemarle of twenty-eight guns. In this ship, which had been a French merchantman, captured two years before, and purchased for the king's service, his delicate constitution underwent a new and severe trial; being employed, the whole winter, convoying and cruizing in the North Seas. The inconvenience, too, as well as the dangers, of this service, were in no slight degree augmented, by the mast's having been made much too long for the ship; a circumstance which had, at several times, nearly occasioned it to be overset. These perils, too, were wholly unattended with what may be denominated any success; as the Dutch, the greater part of the time, had not a single trading vessel at sea: and, though a privateer, said to be the noted pirate, Fall, stole into the fleet which the Albemarle was convoying, it got clear off, after an hour's chace, owing to the necessity of Captain Nelson's returning to the unprotected ships.

On their arrival in England, the mast was taken out, and properly shortened; and, such other improvements being made, as suggested themselves to the captain, it was, at length, far from a bad old ship. He always, however, humorously insisted, that the French had taught the Albemarle to run away; as it was never a good sailer, except when going directly before the wind.

In March 1782, he was ordered to Cork; to join the Daedalus, Captain Thomas Pringle, and go with a convoy to Quebec, where they were expected to winter. This was another severe blow at his tender frame, which had been so buffeted all the late season. He had, indeed, great reason to dread it's effects, and wished much to be off of this voyage; but, though he did not doubt that, if he had a little time, he might get another ship—especially, as his friend, Surgeon Adair, who also attended Admiral Keppel, had declared that, if he were sent to a cold climate, it would make him worse than ever—having received his orders from Lord Sandwich, he could not avoid thinking it wrong to ask Admiral Keppel to alter them. Such was his high sense of propriety, and so little his self-consideration.

On the 27th of May, Captain Nelson arrived in St. John's Harbour, Newfoundland, with four sail of the convoy; having parted with the Daedalus, twenty days before, three hundred leagues to the eastward of Cape Clear, in a hard gale of wind.

On the 3d of June, hearing that the remainder of the Quebec fleet had arrived at a harbour some leagues to the leeward, he sailed to join them; and, without losing a single vessel, they reached the place of destination on the 1st of July.

The third day after their arrival, he was ordered on a cruize off Boston; from which he returned to Quebec on the 17th of September, with the whole crew almost devoured by the scurvy. Himself and all the officers had, for eight weeks together, lived on salt beef; nor had the ship's company enjoyed a single fresh meal since the beginning of April.

During the greater part of this time, he had made a point of contriving to see Boston steeple every morning; where he watched for vessels, as they sailed in and out of the harbour.

Though this cruize was of the unsuccessful sort, not a single prize being brought into port, they took, saw, and destroyed, more enemies than are often met with in the same space of time. Some of the prizes taken, and one of them of considerable value, were lost by the mismanagement of the prize-masters. That of the principal one, was occasioned by the intoxication of the captors; who had, indiscreetly, made too free with the wine on board.

"I do not, however," said he, in a letter to Captain Locker, "repine at our loss; we have, in other respects, been very fortunate: for, on the 14th of August, we fell in with, in Boston Bay, four sail of the line, and the Iris frigate, part of Monsieur Vaudreuil's squadron, who gave us a pretty dance for nine or ten hours. But we beat all, except the frigate; and, though we brought to for her, after we were out of sight of the line of battle ships, she tacked and stood from us. Our escape I think wonderful. They were, on the clearing up of a fog, within shot of us; and chased us, the whole time, about one point from the wind. The frigate, I fancy, had not forgotten the dressing Captain Salter had given the Amazon, for daring to leave the line of battle ships."

This is the hero's own modest account of the affair: but, in truth, he might have assumed all the merit of his escape. The pretty dance he mentions, was led and concluded, by himself, with consummate skill and address, among the shoals of St. George's Bank; where the line of battle ships were unable to follow, had they even possessed his skill in pilotage. They, therefore, at length, quitted the pursuit: though the frigate, for some time after, continued to persevere; and had, about sun-set, even approached within little more than gun-shot. At this time, overhearing some of his men remark to one another, that they thought, as the line of battle ships were not following, they should be able to manage the frigate, he immediately told his brave fellows, in the most kind and encouraging language, that he would, at least, give them an opportunity to try for it: and, ordering the main-top-sail to be instantly laid to the mast, the French frigate no sooner beheld them thus bringing to, to engage, than it suddenly tacked, and bore away to rejoin it's consorts. The ascription of this French pusillanimity, to Captain Salter's gallant chastisement of the Amazon, on a similar occasion, is a very refined compliment to that deserving officer, and an admirable specimen of Captain Nelson's excessive candour and humility; while the acknowledgment that he had, "in other respects, been very fortunate," displays the genuine operation of nature in a valorous British bosom, so successfully described by Goldsmith, in his admirable tale of the Disabled Veteran.

It was at Quebec that Captain Nelson and Alexander Davison, Esq. commenced that friendship which was continued, on his part, to what may be considered as the last moment of his life; and which, on the part of Mr Davison, extending beyond the grave, still survives for all who were dear to him, and to every thing that regards a due veneration of his memory.

In less than a month, while comfortably situated at Quebec, chiefly residing on shore at Mr. Davison's, with no other expectations, or desire, than those of returning to England, the arrival of the Drake sloop, and Cockatrice cutter, brought directions for the transports to be fitted for the reception of troops, and sent to New York; in consequence of which, Captain Nelson was ordered to conduct the fleet thither. This, as he observed, in the letter last quoted, dated from the Isle of Bec, in the River St. Lawrence, was "a very pretty job, at this late season of the year; for our sails are," adds he, "at this moment frozen to the yards."

On arriving at New York, about the beginning of November, where he found Lord Hood, he requested that admiral would take him to the West Indies. Lord Hood, accordingly, wrote to Admiral Digby, who was commander in Chief at New York; and, he was, in consequence, to have sailed with the fleet: but, for some private reasons, when his ship was under sail from New York, to join Lord Hood, Captain Nelson was sent for, on shore; and informed, that he was to be kept forty-eight hours after the sailing of the fleet. Though this is said to have been for his own individual advantage, he felt much disappointed at not sailing with the fleet. In the mean time, Lord Hood had highly praised him, in a very liberal letter, for wishing to go off this station, to a station of service, concluding with the most encouraging assurances of friendship.

Without pretending to penetrate into all that relates to the private reasons above stated, it is certain that Lord Hood was desirous to have Captain Nelson, and that Admiral Digby was unwilling to part with him: so sensible, at this early period, were both these commanders of his value. The contest, however, was at length concluded, by Admiral Hood's agreeing to leave a ship of nearly double the force for the Albemarle; which, after all, Admiral Digby is said to have scarcely considered as sufficient.

On joining the fleet, Lord Hood's notice of Captain Nelson was in the highest degree flattering to so young a man. He actually treated him as a son, and was always ready to grant him every thing that he could ask. Prince William Henry, too, as the Duke of Clarence was then called, having recently entered into the navy under Admiral Digby, contracted a strong friendship for Captain Nelson, which was ever retained. Lord Hood even told the prince, on first introducing them to each other, that if he wished to ask any questions relative to naval tactics, Captain Nelson could give him as much information as any officer in the fleet. This was, indeed, acting the part of a professional father to both the young men.

In a letter from Cape Tiberoon, dated February 25, 1783, written by Captain Nelson to his friend Captain Locker, from which some of the above facts are also extracted, he says, speaking of the Duke of Clarence—"He will be, I am certain, an ornament to our service. He is a seaman; which, perhaps, you would hardly suppose: every other qualification you may expect from him. A vast deal of notice has been taken of him at Jamaica: he has been addressed by the Council, and the House of Assembly were to address him the day after I sailed. He has his levees at Spanish Town; they are all highly delighted with him. With the best temper, and great good sense, he cannot fail being pleasing to every one."

What a pity it is, that any impediment should have ever prevailed against the royal duke's taking an active command!

Some time after Captain Nelson had joined Lord Hood, in the West Indies, the admiral having received several contradictory accounts of the number of the enemy's ships at the Havannah, and being consequently unable to rely on such varying reports, was desirous of sending, for the requisite information, one on whom he well knew he might safely depend. Accordingly, Captain Nelson was dispatched on this business, which he executed with his usual adroitness and success. He reflected that the Albemarle, from it's having been formerly a French ship, might still be taken for one on this occasion. Having, therefore, sailed for the Spanish main, he hoisted French colours, and lay off the Havannah harbour. While he remained in this situation, a boat filled with scientific gentlemen, who had been collecting curious plants, and other natural rarities, on the Spanish main, happening to pass near, he ordered them to be hailed, and invited aboard. From these persons, who had no suspicion that this French-built vessel, and under a French flag, being addressed also in that language, was any other than it pretended to be, very readily mentioned all the particulars relative to the force and number of the ships in the harbour: their astonishment, however, is not to be described, when they found themselves prisoners of war, on board an English frigate. The worthy captain soon satisfied them, that they had not fallen into the hands of free-booters; and, in consideration of the scientific pursuits in which they were manifestly engaged, the manner in which they had been captured, and the requisite information with which they had faithfully furnished him, he told them, in the handsomest way possible, after regaling them on board for some time, that they should be at liberty to depart whenever they pleased, with their boat and all it contained, on their parole of honour, to be considered as prisoners, if his commander in chief should refuse to acquiesce in their being thus liberated, which he did not think at all likely to happen. Struck with such generosity of sentiment, they earnestly entreated him to take whatever might be most acceptable from their collection of natural curiosities, or any thing else they had to offer; but he positively declined receiving any reward for doing what he felt to be his duty under all the circumstances of the case, and they parted with mutual good wishes for each other's felicity. It will hereafter appear, that this generous act was performed to one, at least, of the party, who retained a very grateful sense of the indulgence.

Captain Nelson continued actively employed in the West Indies, till the Peace of 1783; but Lord Rodney's famous victory of the 12th of April 1782, which led finally to that event, had so completely damped the ardour of the enemy, that little or nothing farther occurred, worthy of particular notice. At the conclusion of the war, he had the honour of attending his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence on a visit which he paid to the Governor of the Havannah; a circumstance which contributed still more powerfully to cement their mutual friendship. From hence, being under orders to return home, he sailed for England, where he safely arrived; and his ship was paid off, at Portsmouth, about the first week in July 1783.

In such estimation was this brave and worthy man held, even at that period, by those who had the best opportunities of judging, that the whole of his ship's company offered, if he could get a ship, to enter for it immediately. Nor can we wonder at this attachment, when we behold him, on shore, after the conclusion of their services, employing all his activity and address in attempts to get the wages due to his good fellows, as he kindly called them, for various ships in which they had served during the war. The infernal plan of turning them over from ship to ship, he frequently declared, occasioned the chief disgust which seamen have to the navy; and both prevented them from being attached to their officers, and their officers from caring two-pence about them.

A few days after the Albemarle was paid off, Lord Hood introduced Captain Nelson at St. James's; where he remarked that the king was exceedingly attentive to what his lordship said. The beginning of the week following, he went to Windsor; and there took leave of the Duke of Clarence, who was then about to embark for the continent.

As Captain Nelson had now no thoughts of going to sea; his fortune not permitting him to live on board a king's ship, to use his own words, "in such a manner as is going on at present;" after again visiting his family and friends in Norfolk, he agreed to reside a short time in France, with Captain Macnamara, for the purpose of acquiring a knowledge of the French language.

Sterne's Sentimental Journey, he said, was the best description he could give of this tour. He was highly diverted by looking what a curious figure the postillions, in their jack boots, and their rats of horses, made together. He was told that they travelled en poste, but did not get on above four miles an hour. Their chaises were without springs, and the roads paved like London streets. They were shewn into an inn, as the Frenchmen called it; but he thought it more like a pig-stye: there, in a room with two straw beds, they had two pigeons for supper, on a dirty cloth, with wooden handled knives. "Oh!" exclaimed he, "what a transition from happy England!" But they laughed at the repast; and went to bed with a determination that nothing should ruffle their temper. In their way to St. Omer's, they passed through a very fine corn country, diversified with woods; and Captain Nelson, though a Norfolk man, acknowledged it to be the best place for game he had ever known. Partridges, at Montrieul, were sold at two-pence halfpenny a brace, and pheasants and woodcocks in proportion. On arriving at St. Omer's, he was surprised to find it, instead of a dirty, nasty town, as he had always heard it represented, a large city, with good streets, well paved and lighted.

While Captain Nelson was at St. Omer's, he received a most polite letter from the principal personage among those whom he had detained off Porto Cavallo, when he went to look into the harbour of the Havannah. This gentleman's rank he did not at all know till he got to France. His assumed name was that of the Count de Deux Ponts: but he was, in fact, a Prince of the German Empire, a General of the French Army, Knight of the Grand Order of St. Louis, and second in command at the capture of York Town. His brother was heir-apparent of the Electorate of Bavaria, and of the Palatinate. So that Captain Nelson had the honour of taking prisoner a man who was not unlikely to become a sovereign prince of Europe, and capable of carrying into the field an army of a hundred thousand men. This letter, which had been dispatched the first moment it was known by the grateful writer that Captain Nelson had arrived in France, was truly expressive of the attention that had been paid him when on board the English ship, and contained a very kind and pressing invitation to Paris; of which it was the captain's full intention to have availed himself, had he remained as long in the country as was originally intended.

Though he visited only a few English families, lest he should never speak French, he made but slow progress in learning the language; and, early in the year 1784, was recalled from it's pursuit by the prospect of an appointment.

About the 20th of March, accordingly, he was commissioned for the Boreas frigate of twenty-eight guns, then at Long Reach, under the command of Captain Wells: and, unfortunately, was attacked the very same day, by the ague and fever; which continued, every other day, for above a fortnight, and pulled him down most astonishingly. This, however, was not his sole misfortune. On his recovery, he sailed at daylight, just after high water; but the pilot run the ship aground, where it lay with so little water that the people could walk round, till next flood. That night, and part of the following day, the ship lay behind the Nore, with a hard gale of wind and snow. "On Tuesday," says he, in a true sailor's letter to Captain Locker, dated at Portsmouth, April 21, 1784, "I got into the Downs: Wednesday, I got into a quarrel with a Dutch Indiaman, who had Englishmen on board; which we settled, though with some difficulty. The Dutchman made a complaint against me; but the Admiralty, fortunately, have approved my conduct in the business; a thing they are not very guilty of, where there is a likelihood of a scrape. And yesterday, to complete me, I was riding a blackguard horse, that ran away with me at Common; carried me round all the works, into Portsmouth, by the London gates; through the town; out at the gate that leads to Common, where there was a waggon in the road, which is so very narrow that a horse could barely pass. To save my legs, and perhaps my life, I was obliged to throw myself from the horse; which I did, with great agility: but, unluckily, upon hard stones; which has hurt my back, and my legs, but done no other mischief. It was a thousand to one, that I had not been killed. To crown all, a young girl was with me: her horse ran away, as well as mine; but, most fortunately, a gallant young man seized the horse's bridle a moment before I dismounted, and saved her from the destruction she could not have avoided."

This was, certainly, a most wonderful escape, though it is related with a vein of humour which takes off all apprehension from the reader; to whom it must, undoubtedly, appear little less whimsical and facetious than John Gilpin's celebrated race: while, to balance the advantage of Cowper's admirable fiction, it has the boast of Nelson's unimpeachable truth.

The Boreas, being fully equipped for the Leeward Islands, as a cruizer on the peace establishment, Captain Nelson sailed from Spithead about the middle of May 1784; carrying out Lady Hughes and her family, to Admiral Sir Richard Hughes, who commanded in chief on that station.

They arrived at Madeira, after a pleasant passage, on the 1st of June; and, on the 8th, proceeded to the place of destination, which they safely reached just before the hurricane season. The ladies expressed themselves well satisfied with their accommodation on board, which had certainly cost the captain nearly two hundred pounds extraordinary; for which Lady Hughes is stated, from most respectable authority, to have demonstrated her gratitude, by presenting him with a silver tea-caddy ladle, which could hardly be worth more than five shillings!

The service, on this station, was attended with difficulties which had, perhaps, been but little expected, either by the officers of the British navy, or those who sent them; and it was far more fortunate for government, than it was for Captain Nelson, that he had been employed on the occasion.

The Americans, while colonists of Great Britain, had enjoyed, as subjects, almost the entire trade between their country and our West India Islands. Having erected themselves into independent states, they had hoped that, on the return of peace, we should have permitted them again to enjoy the privileges of fellow-subjects, which they had, by withdrawing their allegiance, undoubtedly forfeited. This hope had not been indulged, by the Americans, through any want of political discernment on their part; they well knew themselves now to be, what on other occasions they loudly enough boasted, foreigners in every sense of the word. They were satisfied, however, at the same time, that the mother-country had not always been renowned for the highest degree of national sagacity; they felt, that they had themselves acquired, by force, the independence which they enjoyed; and they trusted that the British administration, through apprehensions of renewing an unpopular and disastrous war, would be induced to connive at, if not confirm, the privilege the Americans affected to claim under the very Navigation Act of Great Britain, the most beneficial effect of which they were thus artfully contriving to destroy.

The West Indians, themselves, who were prevented, by an immediate prospect of the return of their own interest, from contemplating it in a remote view, they well knew, would oppose no obstacle: these, in fact, readily fell into the snare, and were clamorous for their old customers. Those persons, too, who held official situations, generally more considerate of their ease and their emoluments, than of the duties proper to be performed, in a climate so enervating, and a country so luxurious, would naturally, it was not doubted, rather contend for, than against, such claims as seemed to favour these indulgences. Here, too, with very few exceptions, they met with equally zealous and still more powerful supporters.

The governors and custom-house officers, in fact, agreed that, by the Navigation Act, the Americans had a right to trade with all our West India islands; and the merchants and planters, who likewise found it for their present interest to embrace the same doctrine, pretended that they were of the same opinion.

Captain Nelson, in the mean time, ever as studious to acquire a due knowledge of the full extent of his professional duties, as zealously determined completely to perform the utmost that they could possibly require of him, unswayed by any sinister or selfish motive, viewed the business in a very different light; and felt that, as an executive naval officer, it was his business to enforce, on all occasions, the maritime laws of his country.

Accordingly, in November 1784, the hurricane months being over, and the squadron arrived at Barbadoes, where the ships were to separate for the different islands, with no other orders than those for examining anchorages, and usual enquiries after wood and water, as this did not appear to him the intent of placing men of war, in peaceable times, he asked Captain Collingwood to accompany him, their sentiments being exactly similar, and ask the commander in chief a few questions. They, accordingly, proceeded together, to Sir Richard Hughes; when Captain Nelson respectfully asked, whether they were not to attend to the commerce of their country, and to take care that the British trade was kept in those channels which the navigation laws pointed out? Sir Richard replied, that he had no particular orders, nor had the Admiralty sent him any acts of parliament. That, Captain Nelson remarked, was very singular, as every captain of a man of war was furnished with the Statutes of the Admiralty, in which the Navigation Act was included; which act was directed to admirals, captains, &c. to see it carried into execution. On producing and reading these laws to Sir Richard, to use Captain Nelson's own words, "he seemed convinced that men of war were sent abroad for some other purpose than to be made a show of;" and, the Americans then filling our ports, orders were issued for all the squadrons to see the Navigation Act carried into execution.

When Captain Nelson went to his station, at St. Kitt's, he sent away all the Americans; not chusing to seize them at that time, lest it should have appeared a trap laid for them.

In December, to his utter astonishment, he received an order from the commander in chief, stating that he had obtained good advice, and required that the Americans might not only be prevented from coming in, but permitted to have free egress and regress, if the governor chose to allow them. He inclosed, at the same time, a copy of the orders which he had sent to the governors and presidents of the islands. Some, on this, began by sending letters, not far different from orders, that they should admit them in such and such situations as they described: telling Captain Nelson, that Sir Richard had left it to them; but, that they thought it right to let him know it. These, however, he soon silenced. The commander in chief's was a more delicate business. He was under the necessity of either disobeying orders, or of disobeying acts of parliament which he conceived the latter was disobeying. He, therefore, nobly determined on the former: trusting to the uprightness of his intention; and fully confiding, that his country would not allow him to be ruined by protecting it's commerce. He sent to Sir Richard; expatiated on the navigation laws, to the best of his ability; and frankly told him, that some person, he was certain, had been giving him advice, which he would be sorry for having taken, against the positive directions of acts of parliament. He expressed his conviction, that Sir Richard had too much regard for the commerce of Great Britain, to suffer our worst enemy to take it from us; and that, too, at a time when Great Britain was straining every nerve to suppress illegal trade at home, which only affected her revenue: that he hoped we should not be so singular, as to allow of a much more ruinous traffic's being carried on under the king's flag. He added, in short, that he should decline obeying his orders, till he had an opportunity of seeing and talking to him; making, at the same time, an apology for any seeming impropriety.

Sir Richard Hughes was, at first, going to send a captain to supersede him: but, having mentioned the matter to his captain, was informed, that all the squadron seemed to think the orders sent were illegal; and, therefore, did not know how far Captain Nelson was obliged to obey them. Such being their sentiments, he could not have been there tried by a court-martial.

Captain Nelson now proceeded to inform the people of the custom-house, that he should, after such a day, seize all foreign vessels found in our islands; and, till then, keep them out to the utmost of his power. They fancied, however, that he could not seize, without a deputation; and, therefore, disregarded his threats.

In May 1785, accordingly, he seized the first American vessel. Immediately, he had the governor, the officers of the customs, and most of the planters, for his enemies. Subscriptions were instantly set on foot, and soon filled, to prosecute him; and the admiral stood neuter, though his flag was then flying in the roads.

This last circumstance grieved him; but there was nothing by which he could either be dismayed or deterred from any act which he considered as forming part of his positive duty.

Though he had thus offended most of the heads of distributive justice, and the demons of the law were accordingly let loose on him, before the first vessel's complaint was brought to trial, he had seized four others under similar predicaments. On these occasions, too, having ordered the masters on board his ship, to examine them; and sent marines to take forcible possession of their vessels, without allowing any person whatever to go on shore; he had many different actions brought against him, for detention, false imprisonment, &c. and damages laid, in the various causes, at the enormous sum of forty thousand pounds!

The consequence was, that he remained a close prisoner on board his own ship eight weeks, to prevent being arrested for a sum which it would have been impossible for him to have found bail.

When the trial came on, he was protected, for the day, by the judge. The marshal, however, was engaged to arrest him, and the merchants promised to indemnify that officer for the act: but, the judge having declared that he would send him to prison, if he dared take such a step, he thought proper to desist.

Let it, however, never be forgotten, that Captain Nelson had the good fortune to find an honest lawyer; and, that the President of Nevis offered the court to become his bail for ten thousand pounds, if he chose to suffer the caption! The worthy president declared, that Captain Nelson had done only his duty; and, though himself suffered more in proportion than any of them, he could not possibly blame him.

Thus, supported by an upright judge, an honest attorney, and a sincere and opulent friend, after a trial of two days, he carried his cause, and the American vessels were condemned.

As a last resource, when under the terrors of the law, the only terrors his heroic mind ever felt, he had transmitted a memorial to his majesty; who, immediately, says Captain Nelson, "had the goodness to order me to be defended at his expence; and sent orders to Mr. Shirley to afford me every assistance in the execution of my duty: referring him to my letters, &c. as there was, in them, what concerned him not to have suffered."

This kindness was particularly grateful, as it manifested the fullest approbation of Captain Nelson's conduct; but he felt far from being pleased to find, that the chief praise bestowed by government on the occasion was addressed to the very person whom, he could not but be of opinion, least deserved it. "The treasury," says he, "by the last packet, has transmitted thanks to the commander in chief, and the officers under him, for their activity and zeal in protecting the commerce of Great Britain. Had they known what I have told you, I don't think they would have bestowed thanks in that quarter, and neglected me. I feel much hurt that, after all the loss of health, and risque of fortune, another should be thanked for that which I did, and against his orders. I either deserved to be sent out of the service, or at least have had some little notice taken of me. They have thought it worthy of notice, and have neglected me. If this is the reward for a faithful discharge of my duty, I shall be careful, and never stand forward again. But, I have done my duty, and have nothing to accuse myself of."

What is thus urged against the propriety of giving most thanks to him who had, from misconception or misrepresentation, been induced rather to prevent than promote those operations by which thanks were obtained; and not particularly directing the smallest attention, otherwise than by indemnifying his law expences, to the individual who had, at all hazards, effectually performed them; is certainly very natural. Let it be considered, however, that government might not be so sufficiently informed of all the particulars as to warrant their entering into a nice degree of just discrimination.

About this period, March 1786, Captain Nelson seems to have been engaged in paying his addresses to the widow of Dr. Nesbit, of the Island of Nevis, Mrs. Frances Herbert Nesbit, who was a daughter of William Herbert, Esq. the senior judge, and niece of his brother the president: for he says, in a letter to Captain Locker, "most probably, the next time you see me, will be as a Benedict; I think, I have found a woman who will make me happy." He adds, that he shall tell him more shortly; but, that his paper is full. In two subsequent letters, however, one of the 29th of December following, and the other of the 9th of February 1787, not an additional word appears respecting the lady.

In the mean time, Admiral Sir Richard Hughes had, in August, quitted the command; and, shortly after, Captain Nelson received orders from the Admiralty, to take the Pegasus and Solebay frigates under his command, immediately on their arrival from Nova Scotia, which was about the latter end of November. The Pegasus being commanded by Prince William Henry, the Duke of Clarence, his royal highness was, of course, under the command of Captain Nelson; who did every thing in his power to prevent his illustrious friend from being a loser by this pleasing circumstance. They were, in fact, mutually attached to each other, and almost inseparable companions. He knew that the prince had foibles, as well as private men; but he knew, also, that they were far overbalanced by his virtues. In his professional line, he considered him as superior to nearly two-thirds of the list; and, in attention to orders, and respect to his superiors, Captain Nelson declared, that he hardly ever knew his equal.

The prince was every where received with all the honour and respect due to his rank, at our different islands: and was invited, also, by the French Governor of Martinico, the Viscount de Damas; and the Baron de Clugny, Governor of Guadaloupe; to favour their islands with a visit.

On the 14th of February, Captain Nelson writes to his friend Captain Locker, from Montserrat—"I am here, with the Pegasus and Solebay. The island has made fine addresses, and good dinners. Tomorrow, we sail for Nevis and St. Christopher's, where the same fine things will be done over again. His royal highness keeps up strict discipline in his ship; and, without paying him any compliment, she is one of the first ordered frigates I have seen. He has had more plague with his officers than enough. His first-lieutenant will, I have no doubt, be broke. I have put him under arrest; he having written for a court-martial on himself, to vindicate his conduct, because his captain thought proper to reprimand him in the order-book. In short, our service has been so much relaxed during the war, that it will cost many a court-martial to bring it up again."

The affair above alluded to, which made considerable noise at the time, appears to have been this: the prince, on going ashore, is said to have left express orders, that none of the crew should, during his absence, be permitted to quit the ship. The lieutenant, however, from the general maxim, that the superior officer on board has a right to exercise uncontrouled command, permitted a boat to go on shore with some of the men. This coming to his royal highness's knowledge, who could not possibly be pleased with what appeared manifestly done in defiance of his instructions, he adopted the method which has been mentioned of expressing, in the order-book, his disapprobation of the act.

Captain Nelson proved, by his conduct on the occasion, what he thought of the business: and, without his knowledge of naval usage, a man at all conversant in legal constructions, or even the plainest principles of common sense, must see, if he is not blinded by prejudice, that the general rule above alluded to could never be intended to overthrow any positive orders left by a superior officer, at the will of the inferior. If, indeed, a case of necessity should arise, the latter would have a right to act according to his discretion; but it must always be at his peril, if he cannot prove, at least, that it appeared to be absolutely necessary; still more so, if he manifestly breaks through, wilfully or perversely, the very orders which himself received from his superior officer, and is consequently bound to see regularly carried into execution.

It is somewhat remarkable, that Captain Nelson, in writing to Captain Locker, whom he always considered as a sort of father as well as a friend, on the day preceding his departure for Nevis, where he was a few weeks afterwards married to the widow of Dr. Nesbit, a physician of that island, should not even yet muster sufficient resolution to say that he was then going to take possession of the woman who, he thought, was destined to make him happy.

To this lady, who had a son then about nine years of age, he was, at length, early in March 1787, actually united. The marriage was celebrated with considerable splendour, and his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence did them the honour to stand as the bride's father on the joyful occasion.

A very few days afterwards, he proceeded, in the Boreas, on his passage to Tortola, with his royal highness, who had then only that island and Grenada left unvisited. Indeed, ever since November, his time had been entirely taken up in attending the prince on his tour round these islands.

On the 21st of March, he wrote, while at sea, to Captain Locker, expressing how happy he should be when the time arrived for a voyage to England. "No man," he observes, "has had more illness, or more trouble, on a station, than I have experienced: but, let me lay a balance on the other side—I am married to an amiable woman, that far makes amends for every thing. Indeed, till I married her, I never knew happiness. I shall have great pleasure in introducing you to her."

The prince, he adds, who has shewn him every act of kindness that the most professed friendship could bestow, was expected to leave the country in June; and, by that time, himself hopes orders will arrive for his returning to England. He wonders that any independent man will accept the command of this station: "for," he concludes, "there is nothing pleasant to be got by it."

In June 1787, accordingly, the term of three years usually allotted to ships employed on such stations in times of peace being expired, he was ordered home; and arrived at Portsmouth the beginning of July, with Mrs. Nelson and her son.

From this place he writes, on the 3d instant, to his friend Captain Locker; and, speaking of his "dear wife," says— "I have no doubt you will like her, on acquaintance; for, although I must be partial, yet she possesses great good sense, and good temper."

In all these praises of his lady may be clearly discerned, that he congratulated himself on having made, at least, a prudent choice. There is little, however, of that rapturous extasy which issues from many a finally most infelicitous husband, some days, weeks, or even months, after the conjugal union.

It was not, certainly, on his side, a mercenary match. He would have been incapable of marrying with so mean a motive. He is said, indeed, to have given, about this period, a substantial proof of very much the contrary disposition. This appears in the following anecdote, which has been repeatedly published.

The President of Nevis had been so excessively displeased with his only daughter, that he resolved to disinherit the young lady, and leave her immense fortune to his niece, Mrs. Nelson: but Captain Nelson, most generously, instead of widening the breach between them, actually made use of all his interest with the president, who had the highest regard for him, completely to close it, by bringing about a perfect reconciliation; which, at length, to his unspeakable satisfaction, he had the happiness of accomplishing.

Dr. Nesbit, Mrs. Nelson's first husband, was a native of Scotland. He had, formerly, been an apothecary at Coventry; but, at Nevis, he practised as a physician. He had not, however, acquired any very considerable wealth. It has even been asserted, that Captain Nelson received the widow and child without any present fortune whatever; and that four thousand pounds, some years afterwards bequeathed Mrs. Nelson, on the death of her father or uncle, was the whole that ever came into his hands by his marriage with that lady. When it is considered, that he was, at this time, a post-captain in the British navy, of more than eight years standing, though only twenty-nine years of age, there could, surely, be no reason for him to expect, without saying a word about prospects from his transcendent abilities, that he was ever to hear any reflections on the pecuniary advantages which he derived from this most disinterested union!

The Boreas was paid off at Sheerness, on the 30th of November 1787; and the winter was chiefly employed in visiting places of public amusement, and introducing Mrs. Nelson to his numerous respectable friends.

In a letter, written at Bath, April 3, 1778, to his friend Captain Locker, he says, that he has been, for the last month, at a relation's near Bristol, and is only just returned, to drink the waters another fortnight. He was, in fact, very partial to Bath: not only on account of the present cure he had himself received there; but because his venerable and much afflicted father was under the absolute necessity of spending his winters in that city, during so many of the latter years of his life. The Reverend Mr. Nelson, indeed, from paralytic and asthmatic affections, which would scarcely permit him to speak for several hours after rising in the morning, had actually been given over by the physicians almost forty years prior to his decease.

From Bath, Captain Nelson proceeded, on another visit of a month, to Exmouth; and, passing through London, in the summer, went immediately into Norfolk, where it was agreed to fix his future residence.

His father, accordingly, gave him up the parsonage-house at Burnham-Thorpe, where he formed his little domestic establishment. He had, in the mean time, since his arrival in England, been again pestered with prosecutions from some of the Americans whose ships he seized in the West Indies, On this subject he says, in a letter to Captain Locker, "I have written them word, that I will have nothing to do with them, and they must act as they think proper: government, I suppose, will do what is right, and not leave me in the lurch. We have heard enough, lately, of the consequence of the Act of Navigation to this country. They may take my person; but, if six-pence would save me from a prosecution, I would not give it."

Though this may have the semblance of treating lightly these menaced legal prosecutions, it is well known that he felt very acutely on the occasion: and nothing is more certain, than that he would have for ever quitted England, had not government so far interfered as entirely to quiet all his apprehensions on the subject. His remonstrances were too strong to be resisted. He was a man to be in no way trifled with. Thus, had a thoughtless or careless administration slighted, or neglected, his claim to protection, and left him a prey to legal machinations, the nation would have certainly lost it's chief champion; for, on the best authority, it is here repeated, he once had it in contemplation to leave for ever his native country!

What an awful consideration does this demand, from those who are entrusted with the administration of justice! How many great men have been driven into eternal exile by the terrors of abused justice, by legal constructions of equity, and by the horrors of an impending prison for the perpetual incarceration of unfortunate and injured innocence!

Not, now, likely to be disturbed in the calmness of his retirement, he willingly descended, from the hero, to the private gentleman. Nor did he even disdain to cultivate a few acres of glebe land annexed to the rectory. Known, and beloved, by all the gentry in the neighbourhood, he joined frequently in their field diversions, and was particularly fond of coursing. Though one of the best gunners in the world, he was a bad shot at a hare, a woodcock, or a partridge. In pointing a great gun, however, on grand and suitable occasions, at a ship, a castle, or a fort, he was scarcely to be equalled: so well, indeed, was this talent known, and so universally recognized, by his frequently volunteering his services on shore, that he was familiarly called the brigadier, ever after the affair of San Juan.

In cultivating the friendship of respectable neighbours, who laudably courted his society; in rendering kind offices to the humbler inhabitants of his vicinity, by whom he was universally beloved; in enriching his mind by reading and reflection, and improving his land by cultivation; this great man employed most part of the leisure which peace afforded him. Sometimes, indeed, he went to Bath, or other fashionable resorts, during the seasons, where he might meet with his old friends; and sometimes sought them in the metropolis, where he occasionally paid his respects at the Admiralty.

His heroic mind, no doubt, amidst the calm of peace, prepared for the storm of war; and, though he disdained not the culture of the ploughshare, he looked forward to the day when it would become necessary to exchange it for the sword. He was particularly fond of geographical studies: few men were so well acquainted with maps and charts; and his accurate eye frequently traced with eagerness the various parts of the globe which he had passed with difficulty or delight, and the spots at which he had successfully or unpleasantly paused.

In the mean time, as he had become an affectionate husband to Dr. Nesbit's widow, so he proved, in every possible sense, a faithful father to his child. The youth was carefully educated, with all the advantages of this great man's excellent directions, and his progress was minutely inspected by the same truly paternal attention. Being treated, in every respect, with the most indulgent tenderness, and seeming early to evince an inclination for the naval service, Captain Nelson, who had no prospect of issue by his lady, willingly consented to take him, as an only son, under his own immediate protection.

Doubtless, while the mind of this exalted man was thus innocently and laudably engaged in attending to the various duties of private life, he not unfrequently felt disposed to indulge in deep reflections on numerous noble plans meditated for the future service of his country: for, in common with almost every gifted possessor of superior genius, he seems to have constantly borne about him an invincible conviction, that he should, at some period of his life, be enabled to give the fullest manifestation of it's presence to an admiring world. As war was his element, he could have no hope of any opportunity to demonstrate his wonderful abilities till that national calamity should arrive: and, though he was much too good and pious a man, to be desirous of war, for no other purpose than a display of his own skill and valour; he was, at the same time, far too wise and wary, to imagine that a nation so rich in commerce as Great Britain, surrounded by artful, envious, and powerful enemies, would be permitted long to preserve an honourable state of public tranquillity. He was, therefore, as an individual, ever prepared for what he naturally expected soon to occur; and he was of opinion, that the power of the country should be kept in an equal state of continual readiness.

In the year 1790, when the cruelties exercised by the Spaniards at Nootka Sound, seemed to have awakened the national vengeance, and an armament was accordingly ordered to be prepared, he immediately offered his services at the Admiralty; and is said to have felt not a little mortified, at finding his application ineffectual. The fact, however, appears to have been, that offers from commanders of longer standing had previously been made and accepted for all the ships then meant to be immediately commissioned. No blame, therefore, could be fairly imputed to the Admiralty, on the occasion: and, when that business came, soon afterwards, to be adjusted, and the ships paid off, he had reason to congratulate himself on not having been put to expences for equipment, which the advantages of so little actual service were quite inadequate to repay. This, perhaps, at that period, might be no inconsiderable consolation.

The sum finally stipulated to be paid by Spain, on this occasion, besides restoring the vessels unjustly seized, was two hundred and ten thousand dollars.

After two years more passed in retirement, the French revolutionary war having extended it's baneful influence to this country, there became an instant necessity for preparing all the strength of our navy to oppose it's pernicious tendency. He had now, happily, no difficulty in obtaining a ship; but, at the very commencement of the war, having made the usual application, he immediately received a positive promise from Lord Howe, which was handsomely performed still sooner than he had the smallest reason to expect.

On the 26th of January 1793, he says, in a letter to his friend Captain Locker, "Lord Hood tells me, that I am now fixed for the Agamemnon, at Chatham; and, that whatever men are raised for her will be taken care of on board the Sandwich."

The name of the ship having been thus fixed for the purpose of his immediately raising men for sea, he had already sent out a lieutenant and four midshipmen to get men at every sea-port in Norfolk. He applied, also, to his friends in Yorkshire, and the north, who promised to obtain him what hands they could, and deliver them over to the regulating captains at Whitby and Newcastle. To Captain Locker, he says—"I hope, if any men in London are inclined to enter for the Agamemnon, you will not turn your back on them; as, though my bills are dispersed over this country, &c. I have desired that no bills may be stuck up in London till my commission is signed."

This was one of his delicate punctilios; for he did not expect that, from what Lord Howe had written him on the occasion, the ship would have been actually commissioned till about a fortnight longer.

On the 30th of January, however, being only four days, instead of fourteen, after the date of the above letter, his commission was actually signed; and, on the 7th of February, he joined his ship, the Agamemnon of sixty-four guns, which was then under orders of equipment for the Mediterranean.

His ship's company was soon raised; chiefly from Norfolk and Suffolk, and not a few from his own immediate neighbourhood. So universally was he esteemed, and such was even then the general opinion of his conduct and abilities, that many gentlemen in the vicinity were desirous of placing their sons under his command; some of whom, persons of considerable respectability, solicited and obtained this distinguished favour: particularly, the Reverend Mr. Bolton, his relation, brother of Thomas Bolton, Esq. his eldest sister's husband; with the Reverend Mr. Hoste, and the Reverend Mr. Wetherhead, his intimate friends.

Nor must it be forgotten that, on the very first appearance of actual service, he had taken his son-in-law, young Josiah Nesbit, from school, equipped him as a midshipman, and carried him on board the Agamemnon.

There is a curious anecdote related, and that from the very best authority, respecting one of the young gentlemen thus taken as a midshipman by Captain Nelson. The father of this youth, though a friend of Captain Nelson, happened to be a very staunch whig. The youth, therefore, he apprehended, might possibly require some little counteraction of the principles of modern whiggism, which he did not think very conducive to the loyalty and subordination of a young British sailor. Accordingly, when this youth came on board, he called him into his cabbin, and immediately addressed him in the most impressive manner, to the following effect.

"There are three things, young gentleman," said he, "which you are constantly to bear in mind: first, you must always implicitly obey orders, without attempting to form any opinion of your own respecting their propriety; secondly, you must consider every man as your enemy who speaks ill of your king; and, thirdly, you must hate a Frenchman as you do the devil."

The youth, who had been thus prepared, always conducted himself with great propriety; and, it is believed, ever afterwards retained a truly filial regard for his friendly patron.

Captain Nelson was perfectly indefatigable in getting his ship ready for sea. In a letter to Captain Locker, written at the Navy Office, the beginning of February 1793, where his brother Maurice had long held a situation, after requesting him to discharge Maurice Suckling, and such men as may be on board the Sandwich, into the Agamemnon, he says—"Pray, have you got a clerk whom you can recommend? I want one very much, I urge nothing; I know your willingness to serve. The Duke of Clarence desires me to say, that he requests you will discharge Joseph King into the Agamemnon; or, that I am welcome to any other man, to assist me in fitting out. He is but poorly; but expresses the greatest satisfaction at the appointment you are likely to succeed to, and in which no one rejoices more than your affectionate Horatio Nelson."

In another letter to this much honoured and honourable officer, written at Chatham towards the end of the same month, he congratulates him on having obtained his appointment, which was that of Lieutenant-Governor of Greenwich Hospital; from which, he hopes, his friend will derive every comfort: and tells him, that he need not hurry himself about the charts, as he shall certainly see him before he sails.

It was not, in fact, till about the middle of May, that the Agamemnon, in company with the Robust of seventy-four guns, Captain the Honourable George Keith Elphinstone, proceeded to it's station in the Mediterranean, under the command of Lord Hood; who followed, a few days after, with the rest of his fleet, from Plymouth, on the 22d of that month.

About the beginning of June, he went with six sail of the line to Cadiz, where they took in water. They also took in some wine: for he tells his worthy old friend, Captain Locker, that he has got him a cask of, he hopes, good sherry; which he shall take an early opportunity of sending home, and begs him to accept as a proof of his remembrance. He observes, that they have done nothing; and, that the same prospect appears before them: for, the French would not come out, and they had no means of getting at them in Toulon. Lord Hood was to be joined, off Barcelona, by twenty-one Spanish ships of the line: "but," adds he, "if they are no better manned than those at Cadiz, much service cannot be expected of them; though, as to ships, I never saw finer men of war."

It was on the occasion above alluded to, when Captain Nelson put into Cadiz to water, that he exclaimed, at the moment of first beholding the Spanish fleet—"These ships are, certainly, the finest in the world: thank God, the Spaniards cannot build men!"

Early in August, Lord Hood went with the fleet to remonstrate with the Genoese respecting their supply of corn to the French, and bringing back French property under neutral papers: a practice which Captain Nelson, who was then off Toulon, justly observed, rendered the station there a mere farce, if such trade should continue to be allowed.

On the 20th of this month, writing to Captain Locker, he observes that the Agamemnon sails well, and is healthy; but, that he wants to get into port for refreshment. He says that, by all the accounts, the district of Provence would gladly become a separate republic under the protection of England; and, that the people of Marseilles declared they would willingly destroy Toulon to accomplish this measure.

There seems, at the time of his thus writing, to have been a positive proposal to this effect then under the consideration of the commander in chief: for, on the 23d of August, only three days after, did Admiral Lord Hood publish his celebrated preliminary declaration to the inhabitants of Toulon, as well as his proclamation to the inhabitants of the towns and provinces in the south of France, which ended in his taking a provisional possession of Toulon, with all the ships of war in the harbour, &c. on the 28th of the same month.

Captain Nelson, however, was not present during the period of this negociation, or the subsequent taking possession of Toulon; having been previously charged with dispatches from Lord Hood, dated off Toulon, the 17th of August 1793, and addressed to Sir William Hamilton, Knight of the Bath, his Majesty's Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of Naples.

It should seem that he had, also, some intermediate orders to execute; for, on his passage to Naples, he met with Lord Hugh Conway, at sea, who had left Toulon in the possession of Lord Hood, and sent Sir William Hamilton a letter to that effect, dated the 31st of the same month.

There was, evidently, more to be transacted at the court of Naples, than a mere delivery of these dispatches from Lord Hood, or Captain Nelson would scarcely have been selected for the business. He went, no doubt, with confidential communications from the commander in chief to the British minister plenipotentiary, and objects of discretional discussion for mutual consideration, which were not possible to be transacted in writing, and consequently required the talents and address judiciously employed on the occasion. Lord Hood was no stranger to the superlative ability which he possessed for negotiation; and how much more rarely that quality is to be found in British naval officers, than the natural bravery which seems common to all, or even the great nautical skill which may justly be boasted by most of them.

It was not till the 11th of September, that Captain Nelson arrived, in the Agamemnon, at Naples; and so effectually did he accomplish the objects of his mission, that Sir William Hamilton, who immediately communicated the intelligence of Toulon's being in possession of Lord Hood to General Acton, procured two thousand of his Sicilian majesty's best troops to be embarked, the 16th, on board two line of battle ships, two frigates, two corvettes, and one Neapolitan transport vessel.

The next day, September 17, Sir William Hamilton sent intelligence of the above particulars to England, which appeared in the London Gazette, dated Whitehall, October 12, 1793: where it is added, that a Spanish frigate, returning to Toulon, had likewise taken some Neapolitan troops on board; that three more battalions were that night to embark at Gaeta, on board of two Neapolitan frigates, two brigantines, and nine large polacres; that, in a week or ten days, the Neapolitan government were to send off to Toulon the remaining ships, and two thousand more men, with thirty-two pieces of regimental artillery, and plenty of provisions; and that, should the wind remain as it then was, these succours might reach Toulon in five days, or sooner.

In the mean time, Captain Nelson had been introduced to the King and Queen of Naples, from whom he met with a most cordial and gracious reception: nor must his singular previous introduction, by Sir William, to Lady Hamilton, be passed over, without particular notice; on the result of which, so much of the felicity of this exalted hero's future life seems evidently to have in a superlative degree depended.

On Sir William Hamilton's returning home, after having first beheld Captain Nelson, he told his lady that he was about to introduce a little man to her acquaintance, who could not boast of being very handsome: "but," added Sir William, "this man, who is an English naval officer, Captain Nelson, will become the greatest man that ever England produced. I know it, from the few words of conversation I have already had with him. I pronounce, that he will one day astonish the world. I have never entertained any officer at my house, but I am determined to bring him here. Let him be put in the room prepared for Prince Augustus."

Captain Nelson was, accordingly, introduced to her ladyship; and resided with Sir William Hamilton during his short stay at Naples: and thus commenced that fervid friendship between the parties, which continued to glow, with apparently increasing ardour, to the last moment of their respective existences whom it has been Lady Hamilton's severe lot to survive.

The introductory compliment which had been paid by Sir William Hamilton, to Captain Nelson's transcendent abilities, was not ill requited by one of the latter's first salutations of the worthy envoy—"Sir William," said he, in consequence of the dispatch made use of in obtaining the Neapolitan troops, "you are a man after my own heart: you do business in my own way! I am, now, only a captain; but I will, if I live, be at the top of the tree."

These reciprocal good opinions of each other, which form the basis of all substantial friendships, could not fail to unite such excellent and enlightened minds in a sincere amity. It can never appear wonderful, then, that Lady Hamilton, herself a person of very considerable talents, and possessing a warm and affectionate heart, naturally attached to splendid abilities, should be forcibly struck with the pleasing manners, extreme goodness and generosity of mind, and evident proofs of comprehensive intellect, which she continually witnessed in the new friend of her intelligent husband, during the few days of his continuance at Naples.

The frank and friendly attentions of her ladyship, at the same time, it must necessarily be supposed, made no slight impression on the susceptible bosom of Captain Nelson; who was charmed with the characteristic sweetness of disposition which she so fascinatingly displayed for the promotion of his ease and comforts.

The imperious calls of professional duty soon separated the hero from his affectionate friends; but they parted not without mutual assurances of losing no opportunity which might occur of corresponding with or seeing each other.

It appears, from Lord Hood's dispatches to the Admiralty, that the first division of the Neapolitan troops disembarked at Toulon on the 28th of September, under the command of Brigadier General Pignatelli; and that they were a very fine body of men, in perfect health, and well appointed. The second division of Neapolitans, consisting of two thousand men, arrived on the 5th of October; and the last two thousand were to leave Naples on that very day. His Sicilian majesty, Lord Hood added, had manifested the greatest readiness and zeal in fulfilling the treaty; and confided his ships and troops solely to his lordship's discretion, as that sovereign had made known to him in writing under his own hand.

Such was the success of Captain Nelson's services at Naples, where the king and queen treated him with no less attention and regard than Sir William Hamilton and his lady, and witnessed his departure with similar regrets.

The Neapolitan troops thus obtained, greatly signalized themselves, on several occasions, while at Toulon: but Captain Nelson, almost immediately on his arrival, received orders to join a squadron under Commodore Linzee; who had been detached by Lord Hood, at the request of General Paoli, to protect Corsica. He could, therefore, scarcely be said to have at all participated in the occurrences which took place at Toulon, farther than in thus procuring military aids.

Captain Nelson, indeed, appears to have had little concern with this unfortunate business: not the less so, perhaps, on that very account. Notwithstanding all the blood and treasure which this expedition cost Great Britain, on Toulon's being evacuated the 19th of December following, Lord Hood was only able to carry away three ships of the line and five frigates; after burning there nine ships of the line, and one at Leghorn.

About the period of these transactions, Captain Nelson was with Commodore Linzee, at Tunis, negotiating for a French convoy under an eighty-gun ship and a corvette. The English, however, he observed, never yet succeeded in a negotiation against the French. "We have not," says he, in a letter to Captain Locker, dated off Sardinia, December 1, 1793, "contradicted our practice at Tunis, for the Monsieurs have completely upset us with the bey; and, had we latterly attempted to take them, I am certain he would have declared against us, and done our trade some damage."

In this letter he also mentions, that Lord Hood has, in a very handsome letter, ordered him from Commodore Linzee's command, to take the command of a squadron of frigates off Corsica and the adjoining shore of Italy, to look out for some French frigates which were in St. Fiorenzo in Corsica. With these frigates, it seems, Captain Nelson had, joined with one or two others, what he calls "a little brush," in the preceding October. He observes that, if they are active, they may do our trade some mischief: "but," adds he, "to say the truth, I believe that they are more inclined to be passive; at least, they had much of that inclination when I saw them."

At this time, he does not appear to have thought Toulon in much danger; and, at all events, was persuaded that the French fleet and arsenal might be destroyed. Some of the ships, he remarked, were the finest he ever beheld. The Commerce de Marseilles, in particular, he says, had seventeen ports on each deck, and our Victory looked nothing to it.

Their friend, Sir Charles Pole, he observes, is gone to the West Indies, which was a thing that officer dreaded: had himself been at Toulon, he would have been a candidate for this service; for, he thought our sea war was over in the Mediterranean. He admits, however, that the Agamemnon has had it's share of service; having had the anchor down but thirty-four times since sailing from the Nore, and then only to get water or provisions. He says that, having then upwards of one hundred of his ship's company absent, they are not much better than a fifty gun ship. To another friend, however, he jocosely observed, on this occasion, that those he had were chiefly Norfolk men, and he always reckoned them as good as two others.

In the warmth of gratitude, he asserts that Lord Hood is a very good friend to him; and is, certainly, the best officer he ever saw: every thing from him being so clear, that it is impossible to misunderstand him.

All this day, the 1st of December, he observes, he has been in sight of the French squadron; which, he hears, has been joined by a frigate from Calvi. He misses, however, the frigate which had received most of his fire; and adds, that there are not wanting those who declare that they beheld it sink.

With these frigates, on the coast of Corsica, Captain Nelson may be said to have commenced his career as commander of a squadron; and such was his activity, skill, and bravery, that they were perpetually engaged against the enemy. It would be difficult, perhaps impossible, to trace every single transaction which occurred during the time which he held this command. His services were, occasionally, exerted at land as well as sea; and such was his dexterity in getting out guns, erecting batteries, and assisting the reduction of fortresses, that much of our success in gaining possession of that island was generally ascribed to his ability.

On the 10th of February 1794, the tower and garrison of Mortella surrendered; and the strong redoubt and batteries of the Convention were taken by storm on the 17th, after a severe cannonading of two days. The enemy abandoned, that same night, the tower of Forneli, and two considerable sea-batteries dependent on it.

On the 19th, they retreated from St. Fiorenzo to Bastia; having previously sunk one of their frigates, and burnt another in the gulph: and the town, forts, and port of St. Fiorenzo, were taken possession of, the same day, by his majesty's land and sea forces. The frigate which had been sunk was afterwards weighed, and taken into our service under the name of the St. Fiorenzo.

At the siege of Bastia, whither the enemy were followed, and which commenced the beginning of April, Captain Nelson bore a most conspicuous share; exerting himself with a vigour, alacrity, and judgment, which obtained universal admiration. It has been said, and re-echoed, that ample testimony was, on this occasion, given to his skill and unremitting exertions; but, it may safely be asserted, he never thought so.

Lord Hood, it is true, makes respectful mention of his services; it would be extremely wonderful if he did not, when it is considered that he was the principal naval officer actively employed there, and yet served, with the most indefatigable perseverance, nearly two months on land. What follows, however, is all that appears in his lordship's dispatches relative to Captain Nelson, which few will think too much—"Captain Nelson, of his majesty's ship Agamemnon, who had the command and direction of the seamen, in landing the guns, mortars, and stores, and Captain Hunt, who commanded at the batteries, very ably assisted by Captain Buller and Captain Serecold, and the Lieutenants Gore, Hotham, Stiles, Andrews, and Brisbane, have an equal claim to, my gratitude; as the seamen, under their management, worked the guns with great judgment and alacrity. Never was a higher spirit, or greater perseverance exhibited; and I am happy to say, that no other contention was at any time known, than who should be most forward and indefatigable for promoting his majesty's service; for, although the difficulties they had to struggle with were many and various, the perfect harmony and good humour that universally prevailed throughout the siege overcame them all."

This, certainly, is no singular praise of Captain Nelson; who, it is well known, greatly signalized himself on the occasion.

In the very next paragraph of the same Gazette, Lord Hood says—"I cannot but express, in the strongest terms, the meritorious conduct of Captain Duncan and Lieutenant Alexander Duncan, of the Royal Artillery, and Lieutenant De Butts, of the Royal Engineers: but my obligation is particularly great to Captain Duncan, as more zeal, ability, and judgment, was never shewn by any officer than were displayed by him; and I take the liberty of mentioning him as an officer highly entitled to his majesty's notice."

Such superior praise and recommendation of a military officer, however deserving, by the naval commander in chief, could not be very pleasing to Captain Nelson; who felt conscious of having merited at least equal attention, by ably performing more than could be in any way considered as his actual duty.

The slight sketch modestly given of this affair, by himself, in a letter to Captain Locker, will afford some idea of it's importance. It is dated, at Bastia, May 30, 1794, on board the Agamemnon: and states, that he has just got on board, after eight weeks service on shore; where, he trusts, he has acquitted himself in a manner his friends will be pleased with. The more he saw of this place, the more he was astonished at it's being given up: but, the truth was, that the different parties were afraid to trust each other; the surrender could be justified on no other ground.

The frigates formerly mentioned had now, most of them, fallen into his hands; for he mentions that he has then on board the Agamemnon two captains, twenty-four other officers, and three hundred seamen, of the ships he fell in with the preceding October. The officers abused the crews; the people, their officers: all joined against their commodore, for not coming down to the British ships after they were crippled. Not that Captain Nelson had any idea they could have taken his ships; but, he admitted that they certainly behaved shamefully ill. The Fortunee was burned, the Minerve and Le Fleche taken: the Melpomene got to Calvi; and would, he trusted, fall into his hands.

He adds, that they are now taking on board shot, powder, &c. for Calvi; which, though very strongly situated, he thinks will soon fall. Agamemnon is then to go to Gibraltar, for something like a refitment, having been without the slightest repair, in hull or rigging, sixteen months. He describes Bastia as most pleasantly situated; containing fourteen thousand inhabitants, and being capable of holding twenty thousand. A few hours, he says, will carr parties to Italy: and observes that, if the Corsicans knew their own interest, they would be happy with us; but, that they cannot bear dependance.

This opinion of Captain Nelson's, respecting the disposition of the Corsicans, is a fresh proof of his acute discernment, and was abundantly confirmed by the event.

It having been agreed, by the two commanders in chief, Lord Hood and Lieutenant-General the Honourable Charles Stuart, that the utmost dispatch was necessary, in order to enable the troops selected for the siege of Calvi to begin their operations before the commencement of the unhealthy season, every effort was used to forward the necessary preparations; and so effectual were the exertions of the different departments, that the regiments embarked at Bastia in the course of a very few days. Captain Nelson, accordingly, who had been detached on the 9th of June, by Lord Hood, from the fleet off Mortella Bay, to take the charge of these embarkations, in his lordship's absence, agreed that they should proceed to Port Agra, where a landing was effected on the 19th of the same month; and, on that very day, the army encamped, in a strong position, on the Serra del Cappucine, a ridge of mountains three miles distant from the town of Calvi.

From many of the out-posts, and particularly from those which the friendly Corsicans were ordered to occupy, it was distinctly discoverable that the town of Calvi was strong in point of situation, well fortified, and amply supplied with heavy artillery. The exterior defences, on which the enemy had bestowed a considerable labour, consisted in the bomb-proof Stone Star Fort Mozello, mounting ten pieces of ordnance, with a battery of six guns on it's right, flanked by a small entrenchment. In the rear of this line, which covered the town to the westward, was placed, on a rocky hill to the east, a battery of three guns. Considerably advanced on the plain to the south-west, the Fort Mollinochesco, on a steep rock, commanded the communication between Calvi and the province of Balagori; supported by two frigates, moored in the bay, for the purpose of raking the intermediate country. The principal difficulties, however, in approaching the enemy's works, did not so much arise from the strength of the defences, as from the height of the mountains and rugged rocky surface of the country it was necessary to penetrate; and so considerable were these obstacles, against the usual mode of attack, that it was judged expedient to adopt rapid and forward movements, instead of regular approaches.

In conformity to this plan of proceeding, the seamen and soldiers were laboriously employed in making roads; dragging guns to the tops of the mountains; and collecting military stores, for the purpose of erecting two mortar and four separate gun batteries, on the same night. One of these was intended against the Mollinochesco; the second, to be constructed on rocks, to cover the principal one, of six guns; which, by a sudden march, and the exertions of the whole army, was to be erected within seven hundred and fifty yards of the Mozello.

Owing to some mistake, the proposed battery against the Mollinochesco was built and opened two days earlier than the time appointed. Observing, however, that though this fort was considerably damaged, it seemed evidently the intention of the enemy to repair rather than evacuate it, on the evening of the 6th of July, the Royal Irish regiment was ordered to move towards their left, exposing the men to the fire of their artillery. At sun set, and during the greatest part of the night, this diversion was seconded by a feigned attack of the Corsicans: which so effectually deceived the enemy, that they withdrew a considerable piquet from the spot where the principal battery was to be constructed, in order to support the Mollinochesco; and, directing the whole of their fire to that point, enabled the troops to complete their work.

This important position established, the enemy was compelled to evacuate the Mollinochesco, and to withdraw the shipping under the protection of the town.

A heavy firing immediately commenced on both sides; which continued, with little intermission, till the 18th of that month: when, observing that their batteries were considerably damaged, and a breach appearing practicable on the west side of the Mozello, a disposition was made for a general attack on the outworks, under cover of two batteries ordered to be erected that night; which would, from their position, in the event of a check, appear the principal object of the movement.

By the greatest exertions, this battery was completely constructed, without discovery, within three hundred yards of the Mozello, an hour before day-break: a signal gun was then fired from it, for the troops to advance. Covered, in their approach, by two field pieces, they proceeded, with a cool and steady confidence, and unloaded arms, towards the enemy; forced their way through a smart fire of musquetry; and, regardless of live shells thrown into the trench, or the additional defence of pikes, stormed the Mozello: while the Royal Irish regiment, with two pieces of cannon, equally regardless of opposition, carried the enemy's battery on the left, and forced their trenches, without firing a shot.

The possession of these very important posts, which the troops maintained under the heaviest fire of shells, shot, and grape, induced an offer to consider such terms as the garrison of Calvi might incline to propose.

An unfavourable answer, however, being returned, the navy and army once more united their efforts; and, in nine days, completed batteries of thirteen guns, four mortars, and three howitzers, within six hundred yards of the town. These opened with so well directed a fire, that the enemy were unable to remain at their guns; and, in eighteen hours, sent proposals, which terminated in a capitulation, and the expulsion of the French from Corsica, on the 10th of August, after a siege of fifty-one days.

The above account of the reduction of Calvi is extracted from the dispatches of the military commander in chief, and affords a very good idea of the siege.

Lord Hood, who arrived off Calvi on the 27th of June, where he continued during the siege, in his dispatches to the Admiralty, writes—"The Journal I here transmit from Captain Nelson, who had the command of the seamen, will shew the daily occurrences of the siege; and whose zeal and exertion I cannot sufficiently express—or, of that of Captain Hallowell—who took it by turns to command in the advanced battery, twenty-four hours at a time: and, I flatter myself, they, as well as the other officers and seamen, will have full justice done them by the general; it is, therefore, unnecessary for me to say more on the subject."

What Lieutenant General Stuart did say, respecting Captain Nelson's wonderful exertions and consummate skill, on this occasion, however, instead of doing him fuller justice, was sufficiently moderate, and very concise—"The assistance and co-operation of Captain Nelson, the activity of Captain Hallowell, and the exertions of the navy, have greatly contributed to the success of these movements."

Can any person of the smallest discernment, for a moment suppose, that a mind like that of the heroic Nelson, could feel satisfied by such indiscriminate and cold approbation as is here expressed? The slightest glance even of his own modest Journal of the siege, must have convinced every one, had it been given, as he might expect, to the public, of the prodigious fatigue and perseverance, at least, which this great man underwent, if it had not demonstrated the astonishing skill and bravery which he is so well known to have there most eminently displayed.

An intelligent Corsican, now in England, Mr. Casalonga, perfectly remembers the general estimation in which Captain Nelson was held throughout the island, for the various prodigies of valour performed there during the year 1794; particularly, at the siege of the tower of Mortella, and the towns of Bastia and Calvi. Respecting this last place, he observes, an official report was sent to the municipality of Ajaccio, where himself was a member, that during the siege, which was very obstinate and dangerous, the place being deemed impregnable, Captain Nelson ran to every direction; and, in spite of a tremendous fire kept up by the enemy, he erected his battery in such a position as to throw shot on the besieged; who, perceiving their works destroyed, and public and private buildings demolished, were soon panic struck, and sued for capitulation.

Thus, while Captain Nelson was only considered, at home, as making one among the many brave officers employed in this service, his distinguished merits were so attractive in the eyes of foreigners, on the spot, that they ascribed nearly the whole success to his transcendent abilities.

Nothing can be more certain, than that his services were supereminently beneficial; and, that the period was not yet arrived for their being duly acknowledged.

Though not a word appears, in the official returns of the wounded at the siege of Calvi, to intimate the fact; though not a single syllable of regret is expressed, in the dispatches of either commander in chief; it was at this very siege, that the hero had the misfortune to be entirely deprived of the sight of his right eye. The calamitous accident was occasioned by a shot from one of the enemy's batteries striking the ground near the battery which he commanded; and driving, with prodigious violence, some minute particles of sand, or small gravel, into that tender organ.

Even this shocking event, with all it's attendant anguish, was incapable of forcing him from his post. With a ribbon tied over his inflamed eye, he persisted in directing the batteries, till the last fortress of Corsica had submitted to his sovereign's arms.

Surely, if the total loss of sight in one eye, which himself is said never to have considered as a wound, did not entitle his name to be placed in the list of wounded officers, which seems somewhat doubtful, the gallantry of remaining at his post would never have escaped Lord Hood, as it seems to have done the Honourable Lieutenant General Stuart, had he been present on the occasion.

On the 8th of August, two days before the capitulation was signed, Lord Hood, who had received the thanks of both houses of parliament, for his very gallant conduct in the expedition against Corsica, voted on Friday, the 20th of June 1794; when, also, the like thanks were voted to all the officers, sailors, and soldiers, engaged in that expedition; sent a letter to Captain Nelson, dated on board the Victory, off Calvi, in which he inclosed the above resolutions: observing that, having received his majesty's commands, to communicate to the respective officers, seamen, marines, and soldiers, who had been employed in the different operations which had been successfully carried on against the enemy in Corsica, a resolution of the two houses of parliament; he desires that he will make known, to all in the Agamemnon, and such other officers and seamen as are with him, and were employed at Bastia, the sense that is entertained of their spirited and meritorious conduct.

This, too, which is merely an official letter, has been magnified, by those who clearly know nothing about the matter, into an additional honour conferred on Captain Nelson, and said to have been highly flattering to his feelings.

How his feelings were in reality affected at this period, the reader will presently have an opportunity of knowing from much better authority.

In the mean time, Lord Hood sent duplicates of his former dispatches to the Admiralty, dated on board the Victory, off Calvi, August 9, 1794. He herewith transmits a continuation of Captain Nelson's Journal, from the 28th of July, to the 8th of August: also, the copy of a letter which he had received from Captain Nelson, highly creditable to Lieutenant Harrison, a transport agent; as well as to Mr. William Harrington, master of the Willington, and the transports men; who were all anxiously eager to serve on shore, or on board his majesty's ships, mentions having taken possession of the Melpomene and Mignonne frigates: the former, one of the finest ever built in France, carrying forty guns; the other, only thirty-two. Captain Cunningham, charged with these dispatches, who had been three months cruizing off Calvi, with infinite diligence, and perseverance, under many difficulties, is recommended as an officer of great merit, and highly deserving any favour that can be shewn him.

Without wishing to detract from the merits of Captain Cunningham, it may certainly be contended that he had not, during the time mentioned, surpassed Captain Nelson, who receives no such decided praise, nor any positive recommendation whatever.

These observations are drawn from the face of the public dispatches, compared with a knowledge of the services and character of Captain Nelson, as they were at that time manifesting themselves to all who knew him.

His conspicuous merits, it should seem, were growing too conspicuous; the power of his rising splendour, it might begin to be feared, would too powerfully eclipse that which was getting into the wane; and, therefore, though praise could not be entirely denied, it was by no means to be lavishly bestowed. This is ever the cold and cautious sentiment of mean and mercenary minds: it sometimes creeps into the bosoms of even the liberal and the brave. In the former, it begets a fixed principle of action; from the latter, it is generally soon expelled by a little dispassionate reflection. It is like the last struggle of age, contending against a conviction of the superior vigour of youth: which, by a good parent, is often unwillingly relinquished, in even corporeal considerations; scarcely ever, willingly, in those of intellect.

Without meaning to hazard any particular application of these ideas, there is good reason to think that he began now to be an object of considerable attraction. His power, though still abundantly too confined for his ability, had been in some degree extended; and his services were, in consequence, so numerous and great, that he well merited recommendation to an enlarged sphere of action.

That he thought himself slighted, is beyond a possibility of doubt: smarting with the total loss of sight in one eye, and almost exhausted by fatigue, he felt conscious of deserving applause more ardent than any which he had yet obtained. He was, probably, not pleased to find that his journal of the siege of Calvi did not appear, as perhaps it ought to have done, in the Gazette; nor even the letter in commendation of his voluntary coadjutors, which he had sent to Lord Hood. His lordship, however, it is but just to remark, could by no means be considered as accountable for these omissions, as he certainly transmitted both these documents to government.

What were his sensations, at this juncture, it would be difficult exactly to ascertain; but his consolation is known, and it was worthy of his exalted mind—"They have not done me justice," said he, writing to his eldest sister, Mrs. Bolton, "in the affair of Calvi; but, never mind, I'll have a Gazette of my own."

On another occasion, soon after, he remarked that he had then been more than a hundred days actually engaged, at sea and on shore, against the enemy, since the commencement of the war; that he had the comfort to be ever applauded by the commander in chief, but never to be rewarded: and, what he considered as more mortifying than all the rest, for services in which he was slightly wounded, others had been extravagantly praised, who were very snug in bed all the time, far distant from the scene of action.

In October 1794, Lord Hood returned to England; when the command of the Mediterranean fleet devolved on the present Lord Hotham, with whom Captain Nelson continued to serve with equally distinguished ability wherever opportunities occurred.

At the latter end of December, and beginning of January 1795, they were cruizing off Toulon for about three weeks: during fifteen days of which, in such a series of bad weather as he had scarcely ever experienced, they were almost constantly under storm stay-sails. They saw, while on this cruise, three French frigates; and had no doubt that, as one of them was a crippled ship, the Agamemnon, which sailed better than any ship in the fleet, and was the nearest to them by a couple of leagues, might have taken one or two of them. A line of battle ship, however, never chasing on such occasions, and the admiral's anxiety to keep the fleet together preventing him from making the signal for the frigates to chase them till too late in the day, they unfortunately effected their escape.

On the 10th of January, they arrived, from this unsuccessful cruise, in the Gulph of St. Fiorenzo; where, a few days after, in a very heavy sea, the Berwick, of seventy-four guns, Captain Smith, which was preparing to join the fleet, not having the rigging set up, lost all it's masts, and was rendered a complete wreck. The superiority of the Toulon fleet, at that time, rendered this a very serious misfortune, and it led to one which proved still greater.

The French, in fact, had sixteen ships of the line, besides the Sans Culotte of a hundred and twenty guns, with twelve frigates and five corvettes, then in the harbour; and thirty Marseilles ships were also fitting out as transports, generally supposed to be intended for the conveyance of troops on an expedition against our newly-acquired kingdom of Corsica.

Admiral Hotham, in the mean time, was desirous of getting again to sea, for the purpose of covering the convoy and expected reinforcements from England; and this he was obliged to effect without waiting longer for the Berwick. He had, in truth, at this period, much to contend with. His fleet was only half manned; Italy was calling him to her defence; and Corsica perpetually demanding the reinforcements and convoy hourly expected.