Chapter XIX · THE CLOSING YEARS

Upon only one occasion in his life could a charge of Jingoism have been brought against Mr. Labouchere. The last long speech he made in the House of Commons was against the second reading of the Women's Enfranchisement Bill, in which he said that he objected to women being given the vote because they could not be soldiers; in short, because their physical limitations prevented them from being able to take a place in the battlefield. A member pointed out that the speaker himself was not a military man. With passion he replied that, whereas there was not a man alive who could not fight, and, if necessary, swim through seas of gore to protect his native land, the other sex were incapable of putting up with the hardships and privation involved in warfare.[1]

It was in the third session of Mr. Balfour's Parliament that Mr. Labouchere made his last speech in the House of Commons. He was nearly seventy-four years old, and had been hankering for some time after the delights of a reposeful old age in the retirement of the beautiful villa he had bought in the neighbourhood of Florence four years before. Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman had written to him in the previous December, when a rumour of his intended retirement had reached him: "I hope you are not really thinking of breaking off with Parliament, though I frankly say it is what I should do if I could, who have the advantage of a year or two over you, but I think we old stagers with sound views are wanted to steady the new-century gentlemen by a little of our early Victorian wisdom." But Mr. Labouchere was wise enough to know how dull it would be to exist in a modern Parliament as almost the only survivor of the grand old Victorian Radical party, whose sympathies and ideals, the policy of the Labour members alone resembled, in the remotest degree. His mind was made up, but he kept his own counsel, except to his leader, because, as he wrote to Mr. Robert Bennett at the time of his retirement, a man who is known not to be going to stand again becomes a nonentity in Parliament.

In a letter to Mr. Edward Thornton, the month before his withdrawal from public life, he gave his view of the Parliamentary situation at that time:

Just now politics are dead. When Parliament meets, the Liberals will try to put the Government in a majority during the session, and Balfour will try to carry on to the end of it. There seems no reason why he should be beaten, provided that he can keep his men in the House. But this is also our difficulty. The individual M.P. never wants an election.... Campbell Bannerman is now absolutely certain to be the next Premier unless his health breaks down. All that you see about this or that man in the Cabinet is only intelligent anticipation. He is not de jure on the succession to the Premiership, there are no consultations, and he has a wholesome distrust of his Front Bench friends who almost all have intrigued against him. I know him intimately, and he talks to me pretty freely, for I have expressed to him that I want nothing. At seventy-four a man is a fool to be a Minister.

The news of Mr. Labouchere's retirement came as a surprise to most of the world. The first intimation to the public was his letter to the Liberal electors of Northampton announcing his decision. It was written from Florence, and dated December 14, 1905. It ran as follows:

GENTLEMEN,—I have been elected by a majority of you to represent you in six Parliaments. I have received no intimation from any of the Radicals, to whose votes I have owed my having been your member for twenty-five years, that they disapprove of my Parliamentary action whilst serving them, or that they do not wish me to be one of their candidates at the next general election. Were I, therefore, to come forward again as a candidate there is little doubt that I should be one of your representatives in a seventh Parliament. But I am now seventy-four years old. At that age a man is neither so strong nor active as he once was, and any one who wishes to represent efficiently a large and important constituency like yours in Parliament should be strong in wind and limb. I feel therefore that I ought not to take advantage of your consideration towards me in a matter so vital to you in order to lag superfluous on the political stage.

I have delayed until now making this announcement because it was impossible to know when a general election would take place, and I thought that it would be more convenient to you for me to wait until the date of the election was settled and near at hand. I do not think that my withdrawal will affect the position of parties in Northampton. In Dr. Shipman you have a member whose Parliamentary action has been in accord with the pledges that have already secured his return, and on whose personal worth all are agreed. You will have no difficulty in finding a man to replace me, as eager to promote the cause of democracy as I am, and who will be better able to fight for the cause than one in the sere and yellow leaf.

Mr. Labouchere remarked once, that he had on one occasion only been asked by a constituent for a pledge with regard to his Parliamentary action. He had unhesitatingly given it, and been unflinchingly true to his word. The elector's injunction had been, "Now, mind, I say, and keep your hi on Joe." But whether the story is a slight exaggeration of the confidence his constituents had in him to faithfully represent their views at Westminster or not, it gives elliptically a description of his attitude during the twenty-five years he served the electors of Northampton. He became their member as an anti-Imperialist, in Lord Beaconsfield's interpretation of the term, and he took his leave of them as an anti-Imperialist, in the more modern, and what may be called "Chamberlain" sense of the word.

I shall quote Mr. T. P. O'Connor's farewell on the occasion of his retirement, which he published under the title of "The Passing of Labby," for, apart from its literary merit, it is the fine appreciation of a friend of many years' standing, who knew the value of Mr. Labouchere from the social as well as the Parliamentary and journalistic points of view:

There is no old member of the House of Commons who will not feel a pang of personal regret at hearing that Labby is leaving that Assembly. No one has a right to criticise a man for giving up an active life at seventy-four years of age—he has done his work. But Labby had become an almost essential part of the House of Commons; and there never will be anybody who can quite take his place there. That extraordinary combination of strong party zeal, with a lurking desire to make mischief; the sardonic and satirical spirit, mingled with a certain fierce, though carefully concealed zeal for the public good; the mordant wit that was equally the delight of the House and of the smoking room; the world-wide and varied experience of all life in almost every country and in almost every form—these are the possessions of but one man, and his like we shall never see again. There are two Labbys. There is the Labby who almost corrodes with his bitter wit, and who seems to laugh at everything in life. There is the other Labby who has strong, stern purpose, who hates all shams, all cruelty, all imposture, all folly, and who has made war on all these things for more than a quarter of a century. There is even a third Labby—the man who hates to give pain even to a domestic, and who is laughingly said to have run out of a room rather than face the irritated looks of a maidservant whom he had summoned by too vigorous a pull at the bell. One of the reasons of the popularity Labby enjoyed in the House was his tolerant amiability. I have seen him in the smoking room in the most friendly converse with many a man whom in previous years he had most fiercely attacked; he bore no ill will, and treated all those encounters as demanded by business, and as dismissable when the fight was over. Finally Labby was a far straighter, far more serious, far more effective politician than his own persiflage would allow people to think. With all his light wit, there was something stern and rigid in the man, as you could see from the powerful mouth, with the full compressed lips. He was perfectly honest in his hatred of extravagance, pretence, vainglory. He preferred riding in a tramcar to riding in a coach and four. He dressed so shabbily sometimes that his counsel used to have to remonstrate with him when he had to answer a charge of libel. He was an ascetic in eating. Once he dined quite comfortably, when he was electioneering, on ham sandwiches with sponge-cake for bread. He rarely, if ever, tasted wine; he smoked incessantly the poorest and cheapest cigarettes. As he was in private, so he was in public life. He derided all great Imperial designs as snobbery and extravagance; he hated ambition—in short, he was in both his personal habits and his public opinions, a true devotee of the simple life. He did immense service to his party in his time. During the heat of the Home Rule controversy he spoke in scores of towns; took journeys by night and by day, never spared himself exertion, never complained of discomfort; in his laughing air, with his assumed air of languor, he was a strenuous, manly, courageous fighter. And he never changed, he never concealed, he never explained away his opinion upon anything. And so I bid him with regret farewell from a scene where he was a model of honest good faith and courage.[2]

So Labby goes! [mourned the Morning Post]. What Parliament and public life will be without him, I hate to think. The letter of cheery regrets to his Northampton constituents subtracts the sauce piquante from the Parliamentary dish. The House has long counted Labby as the last of its originals, has prized him as a refreshing relish, has looked to him for the unexpected flavour. All strangers would ask inevitably to have him pointed out, and the House would fill at once when the word went round the corridors and lobbies and smoking rooms that Labby was "up" and holding forth from his customary corner seat below the gangway—the best of all positions from which to address the House. So too the smoking room became suddenly crowded when Labby was to be seen standing there with back to fireplace, the eternal cigarette between his lips, ready for talk. It gives a peculiar pang to realise that he will be seen there no more. But the pang is lessened when one finds Labby—Labby of all men—seriously pleading old age as a ground for his retirement. It sounds like one of his little jokes, or, perhaps, it is a genuine case of hallucination. Labby had possibly a touch of old age at twenty, but he had also the sense to outgrow it. Since then he has never relapsed, and now in the seventy-fifth year of his youth, and with a pen several years younger, it is a vain and commonplace and un-Labbyish thing to pretend that youth and he are no longer "housemates still." An unbelieving world will not accept that plea.... I daresay that, half a century ago, Labby was, not unlike the wise youth Adrian in Meredith's Richard Feverel, quite unnaturally cool and quizzical, long-headed and non-moral, but an Adrian humanised by something of the Bohemian spirit and a turn for careless pleasuring. And in those days, no doubt—his Eton and Cambridge days—he struck his contemporaries as really old. But no one, for fifty years, has ever accused him of not having overcome his early weakness; and it was the very last charge I ever expected to hear Labby prefer against himself.[3]

There was something about Mr. Labouchere's personality, apart from his deeds and thoughts, which appealed almost irresistibly to the affectionate sympathies of all mankind. To find an ill-natured comment in any of the articles that were published about him in the press when he left the House of Commons is so difficult that, were such a one to be recorded in this volume, it would give its author an almost unenviable position of distinction. But in order to be perfectly impartial, I shall merely quote the pleasant part of the only one I could find, so that its writer need not feel that he has been placed in an out-of-the-way corner with a fool's cap on his head:

On the whole Mr. Labouchere has done a great deal of good in his life, more good and less evil than many so-called statesmen. He has exposed swindlers and moneylenders and rotten companies. He has obtained for the public the right to ride, drive, and walk up and down Constitution Hill. No victim of cruelty or injustice ever appealed to him for a hearing in vain. Above all he wrote an English style of remarkable purity, logic, and humour.

Letters of regretful farewell poured in upon Labby in his Florentine home, and he possessed a kindly characteristic common to nearly all frankly unpretentious human beings. He loved his post. In his cosy armchair by the fire he read his letters and enjoyed them, and what was more—he proceeded to answer them. No pre-occupation, however diverting, ever prevented him from, at the first available moment sitting down to his writing-table, and, in the almost illegible hand which he vainly tried to improve, penning answers to his welcome correspondents.

"I have been very sorry, but not surprised," wrote Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman to him on Christmas Day, "to read in the newspapers of your retirement. It is not over kind of you to put it on the ground of age, for that hits some of the rest of us hard. For my part, I confess my sentiment when I read it was: O si sic omnes—and envy was the prevailing feeling. But, seriously, we shall miss you greatly as one always ready to hoist the flag of the old Liberalism, as distinguishable from the less stout and stalwart doctrine which passes for Liberalism with the moderns.

"But now as you are going would you care to have the House of Commons honour of Privy Councillor? If so it would be to me a genuine pleasure to be the channel of conveying it. You ought to have had it long ago. I may add that in the highest quarter gratification would be felt. I have taken soundings. I think we have done and are doing pretty well. The Government are pretty well the pick of the basket, though there are some good men left out, and I think we can make it a change of policy and not a mere change of men. All seasonable wishes to you and yours.—Yours always,

"H. C. B."

"Knowing you to be a wise man," wrote Lord Selby, who had been Speaker of the House in three of the six Parliaments of which Mr. Labouchere had been a member, "I was not surprised to see that you had made up your mind to eschew Westminster, and enjoy Florence and its climate, but if I were still in the Chair I should miss you in the next Parliament, and I am sure the smoking-room will be a forlorn place without you; and I do not see how the loss is to be repaired, for it takes a good many years to grow a plant of the same kind. I wish you and Mrs. Labouchere long leisure and much pleasure in your Italian home, seasoned with occasional visits to England. The election may be said to have begun with Balfour's speech at Leeds, and Campbell Bannerman's at the Albert Hall...."

The leader of the Irish party wrote from Dublin:

"DEAR LABOUCHERE,—When writing the other day, I did not know that you had any idea of retiring from Parliament. I learned your intention with deep regret. You have been so long one of the truest friends of Ireland that you will be missed by us all, and at a time when we can badly spare a real friend. With heartiest good wishes, and many thanks for your advice and assistance on so many occasions, I remain very truly yours,

"J. E. REDMOND."

"I have just read your farewell to Northampton," wrote Sir Wilfrid Lawson, on December 17, "and it has troubled me. I am going to stand again for Cockermouth (I am older than you!) with a fair chance of success, but, if I win and get back to the House, I shall feel that it is not exactly the same place without you. I therefore just write this to say how sorry I am to lose you. Certainly you have always held up bravely and ably the banner of the Radicalism in which I believe, and it remains to be seen whether we shall get it as well held up in the Parliament which is to be. Any way those who believe in Government 'of, for, and by the people,' ought to be grateful to you for your persistent preaching and teaching of that doctrine.

"The new Government promises well, but I remember a story on which you trenchantly commented in Truth some years ago. When Lord Dudley was married it was proposed in the Kidderminster Corporation that they should give him a wedding present, on which an old weaver rose and suggested that it should be postponed 'till we see how he goes on.'

"Well, I hope that you will go on well and happily till the end of your days, and, meantime, not forget to give outside help to your old comrades, who for a bit longer are grinding in the Parliamentary mill."

Lord James of Hereford wrote:

"The announcement of your departure from the House of Commons seems almost to affect me personally. I recall a day in the end of August, 1868, when you and I and John Stamforth were sitting in front of the Kursaal at Homburg. You and I were discussing our relative chances in Middlesex and at Taunton, and then you asked Stamforth how he was getting on at Athlone. "I am member for Athlone," replied that unfortunate man, who afterwards, as you know, polled one vote.

"Well, the water has been flowing on since then. You and I have seen a good deal of political life, and taken a fair share in it. I hope we have not done much harm, but Heaven only knows. I am very sorry that you are not continuing in the fight....

"I know how little I can do, for I am three years older than you are—but the House of Lords offers some opportunities for easy going to an old one."

"DEAR LABOUCHERE," wrote Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice,—"We have enjoyed sweet converse together in the House of Commons and in the woods of Marienbad on 'men and things.' We are both leaving the House of Commons at the same time, so I send you a word of greeting—or farewell, or by whatever other name it may be appropriate to describe these words.... A short Parliament generally follows a long Parliament, and I expect to see this canon once more illustrated."

"The New York Herald of this morning announces your appointment as a P. C.," wrote Sir Edmund Monson from Paris. "I am very glad that you have received this distinction, which, in my own case, I have always regarded as the most acceptable of all that have been bestowed on me.... I can quite understand your relinquishing Parliament, and I hope you may long enjoy the otium cum dignitate which no place better than Florence can supply.... Believe me, always your sincere old friend,

"EDMUND MONSON."

Lord Brampton wrote on the last day but one of the year: "I have just received your note. Your reasons for retirement from Parliament are unreasonable. But, as far as I am concerned, although I have not a word of objection to offer, still I remain sorry. With all my heart I rejoice in to-day's Times, and offer to you, my right honourable friend, my heartiest congratulations to you and all yours, and every good wish for the coming New Year. I wish I could avail myself of your invitation to Florence, but I fear I have no chance, as I am very weak still and can hardly hold a pen."

Only one other letter must be quoted from the friends of Labby's youth. Sir Henry Lucy wrote on Christmas Day:

"MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,—You will find in the forthcoming issue of Punch some reflections on 'The Sage of Queen Anne's Gate,' from the Diary of Toby, M.P. I believe they echo the feeling of the whole House of Commons, irrespective of party, at the prospect of your withdrawal from the scene.

"But why cut Westminster altogether? There is still the House of Lords. If I might behold you walking out shoulder to shoulder with the Archbishop of Canterbury to vote 'content' or 'not content' as the case might be, I should feel I had not lived in vain.... With a warmth and friendship dating back nearly thirty years—Eheu! we were colleagues on the World staff in 1875."

Toby, M.P., recalled in a pathetic little article in Punch the way Mr. Gedge had tried to do Labby out of his corner seat below the gangway, where Sir Charles Dilke had sat beside him on one side of the House or the other ever since Mr. Gladstone's Parliament of 1892. In order to secure a seat in the House, members had to be present at the reading of prayers, during which any one could slip a card with his name upon it into the back of the place he wanted. Now Labby was never at prayers, and yet, Mr. Gedge noticed, he had always had the same seat secured to himself in the orthodox manner. Accordingly, one day he allowed his thoughts to wander whilst the House of Commons devotions were proceeding, and his eyes followed his thoughts. Between his fingers held devoutly before his face, he peeped, and noticed Sir Charles Dilke, buried in prayer as usual. Then he saw his devotion relax for a moment. Sir Charles was slipping a card into the back of the seat which he intended to secure for himself, and Mr. Gedge was horrified to see that he proceeded to slip a card with Labby's name upon it into the back of the next one—the coveted corner seat below the gangway. Mr. Gedge subsequently drew the attention of the House to this piece of underhand dealing, but honourable gentlemen did not choose to take any notice of what would clearly not have been observed, if Mr. Gedge had been paying proper attention to his prayers.

A propos to the seating accommodation in the House of Commons, it should be remembered that as far back as 1893, when the disgraceful scrimmage for seats took place at the introduction of Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill, Mr. Labouchere had begun to agitate for a new House of Commons with seats for every member. He explained to a journalist at the time his plan for an ameliorated House:

"At present," he said, "a man goes before a constituency and, after a lot of trouble and expense, wins a seat—so it is called. He then comes up here to Westminster, and finds he has gone through only half the preliminaries necessary for securing a seat. He has taken only the first steps, which are simply child's play to what he has yet to do. Getting elected is simply nothing comparatively. First I wanted an octagonal chamber," he proceeded, "but I find general opinion will retain the present form. So my idea is to have eight rows of seats on each side of the House, curving round at the end opposite to the Speaker. If each row will seat forty-two members, you will find that will provide a seat for the whole six hundred and seventy-two. Then every one could retain his seat throughout the session. The difficulty about the square shape of the House is that it gives you an equal number of seats for each party and the Government is generally in a majority. That is why I would run the seats round at one end—so that the supporters of the Government could have the whole of one side, and as far as the second gangway on the other. Having a broader House would necessarily mean enlarging the Press and Strangers' Galleries also. All the members are in favour of it, with the exception of the front benches. They have got their seats assured, so they say that the House is cosy, and to enlarge it would force them to pitch their voices higher." The journalist who was interviewing him commented on the extreme moderation of his designs for an ameliorated House of Commons. "Oh," remarked Mr. Labouchere, "these are just the alterations we shall probably make. What I personally should have liked would be to clear the Lords out of their House, which is bigger than the House of Commons, and install ourselves therein."[4] Eight years later he went to Vienna, and poured forth in Truth the story of his envy when he saw the Austrian House of Deputies:

I went to see the Parliament House, and, after inspecting it, I felt that I could with pleasure join a mob to disinter the remains of the eminent architect who built the Palace at Westminster and hang his bones on a gibbet. The Vienna architect has erected a building which is Parliament Architecture. Everything is adapted to the wants and requirements of those who want to use it. The members of each of the two Chambers sit in a semi-circular room, and each member has an armchair and a desk before him. The general objection made to this plan of a deliberative room is that it obliges members to speak from a tribune. But at Vienna they speak from their places, and, owing to the excellent acoustic properties of the Chamber, they can be perfectly heard. I went over the place in the company of a priest who was visiting it at the same time. He perceived that I was an Englishman, and asked me how the place compared with the English Parliament House. "The members in England," I said, "sit in an oblong room, in which there are only places for half their number." "But what do the others do?" he asked. "They do not listen to the debates," I replied; "they seldom know what is under discussion. A bell rings and they come in, and are told to vote as their leader orders them." As a good Radical I felt it necessary to give a further explanation, so I continued: "The majority of the members are the supporters of the Government; it is one of the worst Governments with which a country was ever cursed; it is called the 'stupid party,' and it is composed of Junkers and men who have made much money. They want the laws to be made for their benefit, and not for the benefit of the poor." "But why," he said, "do they have a majority, for I suppose that the poor have votes as well as the rich, and there must be more poor than rich in England?" "They gained their election by corruption and falsehood," I answered. "Their wives and their daughters went about giving the electors feasts, and they went about saying everywhere that the Radicals wanted to destroy the Empire. In this way they bought some with gifts, and others they deceived with falsehoods. Soon the electors discovered how they had been fooled, and for five years they have wanted to take away the Government from the 'stupids,' but, by our laws, a Parliament is elected for seven years, and the country is still obliged to submit to the disgrace of having such a Government for one or perhaps two more years. Then there will be another election, and the 'stupids' will be in a minority, and the Radicals who represent the sense and intelligence of the country will become the Government." "And the Radicals," he said, "will, I suppose, make a Chamber large enough to hold all the members." "I am not sure of that," I answered. This seemed to surprise him, but he thanked me for having made clear to him the party differences in England.[5]

But my story is wandering backwards instead of forwards. And so stories usually do in the City of Flowers, where the present is so full of ease and pleasure that a man's mind is free to linger where it will, either lazily in the middle ages, or to stray with graceful discrimination in the bye paths of memory to find the savour again of some of the deeds of a gallant past. He may choose, perhaps, to grasp contentedly and almost without effort, the gifts of the gods that lie about in profusion, but he must always remember that care and earnestness, strenuousness and ambition have no place in Florence. It was of course a home after Mr. Labouchere's own heart. He went to London in the January of 1906 to be sworn in as a Privy Councillor, and, in February, he came back with delight to his villa to enjoy the merry continental train de vie he had always loved.

Whilst in London, he wrote to Mr. Edward Thornton, who was then in India:

I did not, as you see, stand. At seventy-four one gets bored even with politics. I am only over here for a fortnight, as I have to get sworn into the Privy Council. The Unionists have been beaten badly, because they seem to have gone out of their way to court defeat. One never knows what may happen, but they will remain in a minority for the next twenty years, if they run on Protectionist lines. Joe swaggers and has captured the machine, and Balfour would do well to fight him instead of knocking under to him. The Chinese labour helped us greatly. They ought to have known that the old anti-slavery feeling is still strong, but they seem to imagine that every one has Rand shares.... The really important thing connected with the election is the rise of a Labour Party. I do not think, however, that there are above six M.P.'s returned who are bona fide and Socialists, they are all jealous of each other.

He wrote to Mr. Thornton again on March 10:

I had had enough of Parliament, for one gets bored with everything.... I have not the slightest notion what a Privy Councillor is, except that I had to take half a dozen oaths at a Council, which were mumbled out by some dignitary, and then Fletcher Moulton, who was also being sworn in, and I performed a sort of cake walk backwards. I don't precisely know whither we shall go in the summer—for it is such a relief to let the day take care of the day. It is lucky C. B. has so large a majority, otherwise things would have been difficult with the Labour lot—far more difficult than with the Irish.

Mr. Labouchere's most regular correspondent up till the time of his death in January, 1911, was Sir Charles Dilke. The friendship between them had continued uninterruptedly since 1880. Two letters that Mr. Labouchere wrote to Sir Charles Dilke in 1910 have an especial interest, bearing as they do upon the problem that had always interested Mr. Labouchere so keenly throughout the whole of his political career, and which, in the first twentieth century Liberal Parliament, had assumed a new aspect. The first of these letters was written on February 11:

MY DEAR DILKE,—What is the Government going to do in regard to the Lords? I can understand a one-Chamber man, in default of getting directly what he wants, trying to get it indirectly, by having a sham Upper Chamber. But if the Government has to appeal to the country on a suspensory veto, I doubt this creating much enthusiasm. If it be carried, this suspensory vote would, of course, be used by the Peers for all that it is worth when a Liberal Government is in to throw batons dans leurs roues. I should have thought, with the experience of the last Parliament, that it would be realised that Peer obstruction, cleverly managed, could reduce any Liberal Government to ridicule and contempt. So long as a Reform is hung up by the Lords, the electors have no heart in further Liberal legislation, which, in its turn, would also be hung up. A Party with a H. of C. majority at its back cannot afford to be unable to carry through its measures. Why not go at once for the abolition of the H. of Peers, and its being replaced by some sort of an elected Upper Chamber? Nothing is easier than to contrive one. The basis would be the constitution of the U.S. Senate mutatis mutandis. It should have only one half of the membership of the H. of C., and if the two Houses cannot agree, then they should sit and vote together on the issue. Notwithstanding the curious way in which Senators are elected in the Senate of the U.S., I never heard of any serious proposal to alter this. Its main strength is due to its executive powers, and this we need not provide for in our Senate. With any reasonable plan of election, and the members reduced to about 300, it is odds against there ever being a majority of one Party of above 40 or 50. No Government at present can get on long without a certain majority of slaves of more than this in the Commons, so the Commons would always get their way. I have been at times a President of and a member of several Abolition of Lords Associations, and have advocated abolition in thousands of speeches in the country. The feeling was generally against hereditary Legislators, for this comes home to all as an absurd abuse. If I were in the House I would move an amendment on the Address against hereditary Legislators, and the vast majority of the Government supporters would vote for it, as they would most of them be afraid of their electors. What surprises me is that the Unionists do not counter the plans of the Government by many such an amendment. They are sacrificing what is their interest to a lot of obscure Peers, who are of no importance. As for the House of Lords, with only a suspensory veto, it is worthless to them, except for tactical obstruction in order to discredit a Liberal Government.

It is rather curious that if the H. of C. reflects the opinions of the country there is a majority for Tariff Reform, as all the National M.P.'s are Protectionists. As it is, they will find it difficult to vote for the Budget, with O'Brien painting Ireland red against it. He is a power in Ireland, and Redmond is perfectly aware of it. Anyhow the manœuvring in the H. of C. and the Debates will be amusing. There will be difficulties with the Labour men, headed by Keir Hardie. If I were the Unionists I would buy him.—Yours truly,

H. LABOUCHERE.

The second was written on November 17, and ran as follows:

MY DEAR DILKE,—... It is a curious thing that in the discussions about Home Rule all round, no one has pointed out that in the German Empire Bavaria occupies a peculiar position. It has far more independent rights than any other State. It was only on these terms that it came into the Empire, for there is no great love lost between the Prussians and the Bavarians. Yet it sends its quota of representatives to the Reichsrath. Therefore there seems to me no particular reason why, if there be Home Rule all round, the position of Ireland should not be that of Bavaria.

I confess that I do not think much of the Government proposal in regard to the veto. It seems to me a stupid arrangement. The Upper Chamber is a fifth wheel on the coach which only can make itself a nuisance by persistent obstruction, which in two years is swept aside automatically. My experience in going to lots of anti-Lords Meetings led me to the conclusion that the country hates an Upper Chamber on hereditary lines, but does not quite believe in a Single Chamber which is absolute master. Why does no one propose to "scrap" the H. of L. and to have an elected Upper House, one-third of whose members are renewed by election every two years, or some such period? This would be on the lines of the U.S. Senate, only with a popular franchise, instead of the strangely illogical one of the U.S. Such an Upper Chamber would probably be conservative in the real, and not the party sense of the word, and yet command respect. It would rarely act except when the decision of the H. of C. was influenced by a small minority, threatening to turn the Government out if it did not knock under to it. Were the Unionists to come forward with such a scheme, they might very probably get a majority.—Yours truly,

H. LABOUCHERE.

After Sir Charles Dilke's death, Mr. Labouchere wrote the following interesting letter to Lord Channing, dated Feb. 18:

DEAR CHANNING,—No, I am not writing any memoirs. I shall find it more agreeable to read yours than to do so.... I knew him (Dilke) very well since his start in politics. When in the House, he was the only man well up, particularly in domestic legislature, and, really, it is thanks to him that many useful measures were passed. In explaining them, however, he was too apt to lose himself in minor details. In foreign politics he never clearly knew what he wanted, and he was given to believe in mares' nests which he thought he had picked up abroad.... He fancied that he would be able to become the leader of the Labour M.P.'s. They were ready to profit by his speeches, but it soon became clear that they would only have a Labour M.P. for their leader. We started a sort of Labour Party with a Whip. But they came to me and said that it must be understood that he was not to be either President or Chairman. In the main this was due to jealousy of him.... I did all that I could with Campbell Bannerman for him to be in the Cabinet. Campbell Bannerman hesitated. Then Morley made a speech asserting that the Liberals would not be satisfied unless he was included. At once the Bishop of Rochester and a head dissenter (I think it was Clifford) published letters protesting. Campbell Bannerman then pointed to these letters, and said that we should have a split in the party if he were in the Cabinet. Personally, I quite agree with you as to his ostracism from office, but you know what the English are, and particularly the dissenters....

Why did you resign your seat? It was a perfectly safe one. I resigned because I had got to an age, when I got tired out at a long sitting. It is curious I was with Campbell Bannerman and his wife and mine. She wanted him to give it up, as his doctor had told him that he ought to. I urged him to go on. He said that this was odd advice, when I had said that I should do so, and he was younger than I was. I replied that it was worth taking risks to be Prime Minister, but not for anything else. And he is dead and I alive....

If ever you want to rest calmly you must come down here and see me. I have a big villa close to Florence, and live a vegetable existence.—Yours truly,

H. LABOUCHERE.

A great grief befell Mr. Labouchere in 1910. He and Mrs. Labouchere had been spending the summer as usual at Villa d'Este and Cadenabbia, and had returned to Florence in the early days of October. Never had Mrs. Labouchere appeared to be in better health and spirits. On the evening of the 30th October, she had delighted every one with her inimitable reading aloud of David Copperfield, and life at Villa Cristina, on that day, had seemed, if possible, more joyous and serene than usual. The next morning the blow fell, but so gently as to be almost imperceptible. Mrs. Labouchere, feeling a little giddy on rising, had returned to her bed to allow the temporary sickness to pass off. By the afternoon she was beginning to slip away into unconsciousness, and before the bells in the neighbouring convent had begun to welcome the dawn of the Tutti Santi, she had gone forth alone on her last long journey.

The winter of 1910 and 1911 passed quietly away for Mr. Labouchere. His days were cheered by the constant presence of his daughter, who had married Marchesa Carlo di Rudini, the son of the former Prime Minister of Italy, and Mr. Thomas Hart Davies stayed with him till Christmas Day, returning to Florence again in the early spring. A succession of visitors from England and Rome kept the house gay and lively as he loved to have it, always provided that he had to take upon himself none of the activities or responsibility of entertaining. "I am merely a passenger on the ship," he would say, when he wanted to wriggle out of any active participation in the organisation of whatever might be going on. But it always happened to be towards the corner of the ship where that particular passenger was resting that the pleasure and interest of every one converged. It was not so much the charm of his talk, that was, perhaps, more entertaining in his old age than it had ever been, as the extraordinarily youthful and never failing interest that he continued to take in the affairs of every one else that made him the best conversationalist in the world. No little event of the smallest human interest was too trivial to amuse him, and to awake the never failing source of his mother wit. He passed the summer at Villa Cristina and went to Villa d'Este in September. Though his spirits were as gay and unflagging as ever throughout the winter, it was easy to see that his physical strength was beginning to weaken. The walk which he took daily round his garden fatigued him so much that, by Christmas, he had given up even that mild form of exercise.

He experienced another bereavement during the winter in the death of his oldest and most intimately associated friend, Sir George Lewis. He felt his loss very deeply, and I remember that when he told me the news his voice was full of emotion. He related that Sir George Lewis had always looked upon him as his mascotte. "As long as you're alive and flourishing, Labby," he used to say, "I shall be all right too, so mind you take care of yourself." "Just shows what nonsense all those things are," continued Mr. Labouchere, "for here am I as well and strong as ever, and there is poor Lewis dead and gone." The return of Mr. Hart Davies to the Villa early in December cheered him up immensely, and his devoted friend did not leave his side again, until the last sad morning when he bade farewell to him on the hill of San Miniato.

It was fitting perhaps that almost the last letter that Mr. Labouchere should have written, should have been to one of his old theatrical friends. Mr. Charles James Sugden, the actor, wrote to him and asked him to write a preface to his (Sugden's) forthcoming volume of Reminiscences. Here is Mr. Labouchere's reply:

VILLA CRISTINA, Jan. 4, 1912.

MY DEAR SUGDEN—You ask me to write a preface to your forthcoming book. I don't think that I ever read one in my life, for they always seem to be platitudes, impertinently thrust forward by some person who has an exaggerated idea of his own importance, in order to hinder me from getting at what I really do want to read. Good wine needs no bush, and I shall be greatly disappointed if I do not derive great pleasure from reading yours, for you have been brought into close contact with so many persons of note in their day, and some of whom are still in this world, and can throw many sidelights on them, and know many anecdotes about them. Pray bring it out as soon as possible. I am now over eighty, and at about that age senile imbecility commences, so I do not want it to make progress before I have had the opportunity to read the book and can appreciate it.[6]—Yours truly,

H. LABOUCHERE.

But it was not until the beginning of the second week in January that we all felt certain that he would never be well again. He was sauntering along so gently and carelessly, as only Labby knew how to saunter, towards the brink of the dark river. When the little heaps of cigarettes, that were arranged about his library so as to be always ready to his hand, ceased to dwindle as usual, it became clear to each and all that he must be very ill indeed. As simply as a child, tired with play, he took to his bed on the 11th of January, and did not get up again. He died peacefully at midnight on January 15, 1912.

The earliest remark of Mr. Labouchere's that I have recorded in this book was a jest, and so was the last I heard him utter. On the afternoon of the day before he died, as I was sitting at his bedside, the spirit lamp that kept the fumes of eucalyptus in constant movement about his room, through some awkwardness of mine, was overturned. Mr. Labouchere, who was dozing, opened his eyes at the sound of the little commotion caused by the accident, and perceived the flare-up. "Flames?" he murmured interrogatively, "not yet, I think." He laughed quizzically, and went off to sleep again.

* * * * * * *

The words in which Mr. Hart Davies conveyed the news of his end to Carteret Street are so beautiful in their simple directness that no others can fitly replace them in this biography:

"His mind always remained perfectly clear. He took a lively interest in the German elections, the political crisis in France, and the events of the Italian-Turkish War. He was ever one for whom nothing that concerned the human race (nihil humani) was alien to his vivid intelligence. But his bodily powers were constantly declining, and on Monday, January 15, just before midnight, the end came, peacefully and painlessly, a fitting termination to the career of one who had ever been a fighter and ever in the forefront of the battle.

"He was buried on Wednesday morning, under the cold drizzling rain of the Florentine winter, at San Miniato, in the same grave with his wife, who died some fifteen months before him. There, his tomb, at the edge of the western battlement of San Miniato, looks over the Tower of Galileo and the dark cypresses of Arcetri. It may be said of him, as Heine said of himself, that on his grave should be placed 'not a wreath, but a sword, for he was a brave soldier in the war for the liberation of humanity.'"

Before his death, he had expressed a strong wish as to the place of his burial. He wanted to rest beside his wife at San Miniato. But, when the arrangements for the funeral were about to be made, it was remembered that only Catholics were permitted to lie in the beautiful cemetery of the Florentines. The difficulty seemed insuperable, and the preliminary steps had already been taken to bury him in the Protestant graveyard. His daughter, however, determined to leave no stone unturned so that she might carry out her father's dying wishes. An appeal was made to some municipal authority, and, by an extraordinary coincidence, that seemed to make Labby's funeral fit in with all the rest of his strange paradoxical career, it was ascertained that, just at that moment, the possession of the cemetery was passing out of the hands of the religious body to whom it had hitherto belonged, and was becoming the property of the lay ecclesiastical authority of the city, and there had been no time for new regulations or restrictions to be formulated. There were, therefore, from a legal point of view, none in existence, and so it turned out that Mr. Labouchere was permitted to lie in the spot that he had himself chosen.

For many days after his death, the letters of condolence and sympathy from all quarters of the globe continued to pour into the deserted home. Of these one must assuredly be published, for it bears witness to the loyalty and affection that was unfailingly manifested to him by the borough he had represented for twenty-five years in Parliament. It was addressed to Marchesa di Rudini, by Mr. Edwin Barnes, the Secretary of the Northampton Liberal and Radical Association, and ran as follows:

At a special meeting of the Executive Committee of the above Association, held last night, the following resolution was unanimously passed, which I was directed to send to you: "The Liberals and Radicals of Northampton have heard with the deepest regret of the death of the Right Hon. Henry Labouchere, who, for more than a quarter of a century, faithfully represented the Borough in the House of Commons. The members of the Executive of the Northampton Liberal and Radical Association hereby place on record the profound gratitude of all its members for the loyal service which Mr. Labouchere rendered to the cause of Democracy during so many years. Whoever faltered, he stood firm, and it will always be a proud remembrance that Northampton also stood firm, and that there was no break in the mutual confidence of member and constituents. To his daughter, the Marchesa di Rudini, and other members of Mr. Labouchere's family, we offer our sincerest sympathy in the irreparable loss that they have sustained, and trust they may find some consolation in the warm tributes that have been paid by men of all parties to his life, character, and work." Having known Mr. Labouchere for many years, and being his agent in the important election of 1900 (during the Boer War), allow me to add my own personal sympathy and condolence with you.

INDEX

Abbeville, Labouchere at, 141

Abbot, Labouchere's action against, 108, 109

Abdulal Pasha, exile of, 221

Abercorn, Duke of, 85

Aberdeen, Earl of, 262; Col. Turner as aide to, 361

Adelphi Theatre, Green at the, 29

Affirmation Act, passing of the, 160

Afghan War, the, 143

Afrikanders, National League of, 437

Aix, Provence, Fouché exiled to, 12

Albert, Prince, 67

Albret, Jeanne d', founder of the Protestant University at Orthez, 1

Alexander II., Emperor of Russia, watches Labouchere at écarté, 57

Alexandria, bombardment of, 71, 194, 195, 196, 218

Aliens Bill, 170

Alison on Mexico, 33

Alison, Sir Archibald, his command in Egypt, 209

Alliance Loan, the, 13

Allsopp, Labouchere on, 239

America, Bradlaugh in, 161-64; Fenianism in, 81, 170, 288, 309-10, 385; its constitution an example for England and Ireland, 237-8, 293, 294, 298, 531-33; its diplomats in Paris during the siege, 43; its interest in Labouchere's Paris letters, 96; its labour system compared with English, 461, 471, 479; its surgery and its girls in the Franco-Prussian War, 44, 45; its system of education, 42; Labouchere's prediction for, 14, 41, 44, 226; Lord Taunton travels in, 14-15; unpopularity of Parnell in, 378

Amiens, Labouchere at, 140

Amsterdam, house of Hope at, 2, 10

Anarchist party, the, 418

Anglo-American War, 9

Anne, Queen, Labouchere on, 245

Antwerp, 7, 10

Appeals in the House of Lords, Labouchere on, 83

Appropriation Act, the, 354

Arabi Pasha, exile of, 203-9, 219-24; rebellion of, 70-1, 195-98, 202, 215

Arago, Mayor of Paris, 127

Arklow, Parnell at, 258

Armenian persecutions, the, 435

Arms Bill, the, 172

Army, Labouchere on the, 478

Arrears Bill, the passing of, 176, 179, 181, 183, 187, 252, 361

Ascot, Labouchere at, 106

Ashbourne, his Irish policy, 279

Asquith, Rt. Hon. H. H., counsel for Parnell v. Walter, 374 n., 407

Assouan, 209

Athlone, Stamforth contests, 525

Atkinson, American statist, 468

Atkinson, counsel for the Times, 374 n.

Audiffret-Pasquier, Duc d', Histoire de Mon Temps, 13 n.

Austen, Charles, correspondent in Paris during the siege, 141 n.

Australia, J. R. Cox in, 223

Austria, customs union with, 418

Austrian chargé d'affaires, in Stockholm, Labouchere's duel with, 50

Austro-Prussian War, the, 97

Avebury, Lord, at Eton, 18

Aztecs, the, in Mexico, 34

Bacon, Lord, quoted, 20, 515

Baden-Baden, Labouchere at, 54, 65

Baggallay, Lord Justice, his judgment against Bradlaugh, 157; on Labouchere in Hyde Park, 364

Baker, his army in Egypt, 199

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J., administration of, 438, 517, 518, 524, 531; Bannerman on, 455; Gladstone's letters to, re Home Rule, 289, 298; his coercive measures as Irish Secretary, 357-60; Labouchere on his philosophy, 369

Ballantine, Serjeant, acts as counsel for Labouchere, 76 n., 77; at Evans', 29; dines with Labouchere and Orton, 116

Balloons, as letter carriers, during the siege of Paris, 128-35

Ballot Act, amendments of the, 272

Balston, Edward, Labouchere's house master at Eton, 18

Bannerman, Sir Henry Campbell, his letters to Labouchere, re retirement, 517, 523; his premiership, 518, 524, 531; on Chamberlain's South African policy, 427, 448, 449, 454, 455

Baring, Alexander, partner in the house of Hope, 2

Baring, Rev. Alexander, his story of P.-C. Labouchère, 2

Baring Brothers, restore French credit, 12, 13; their crisis in 1890, 489

Baring, Dorothy, her marriage to P.-C. Labouchère, 2

Baring, Emily, marriage of, 14 n.

Baring, Sir Evelyn. See Lord Cromer

Baring, Hon. Francis Henry, 3 n.

Baring, Sir Francis, consents to his daughter's marriage, 3; his friendship with Wellesley, 5, 7, 8

Baring, Lucy, daughter of Charles, 13 n.

Baring, Sir Thomas, his daughters' marriages, 14

Baring, M.P., Thomas Charles, 3 n.

Baring. See Lord Revelstoke

Barnes, Edwin, Secretary of Northampton Liberal and Radical Association, 539

Barrère, Camille, on the staff of the World, 107

Barrier, Jean Guyon, 2

Barrow, Cavendish influence at, 350

Barton fights Labouchere at Eton, 18

Bass, Labouchere on, 239

Bathurst, Lord, as Foreign Secretary, 6

Bavaria, an example for Ireland, 533

Bayonne, 1

Bazaine, Marshal, at Metz, 123, 124

Beaconsfield, Earl of, advises Northcote in the Bradlaugh case, 154; arranges an Egyptian loan with Rothschilds, 190, 191; attends the Berlin Congress, 191, 192; defeated at Taunton, 13, 14; his administration, 85, 86, 235, 520; his Imperialism, 143

Bedford, Duke of, Burke's letter to, 231

Beefsteak Club, the, Labouchere's expulsion from, 117

Beit, Alfred, his complicity in the Jameson Raid, 426, 428, 431

Belfast, manufacturers of, 276, 319

Belgium, Egypt compared with, 203, 206

Bell, Moberley, manager of the Times, 436

Bellew, Kyrle, début of, 111, 496

Bellew, Montesquieu, Labouchere travels to Palestine with, 111-13, 496

Belloc, Hilaire, as a conversationalist, 73

Bennett, Robert, editor of Truth, 518; on Labouchere as a journalist, 491-516

Berlin Congress, the, Disraeli and Salisbury attend, 191, 192

—— Decree of, 9

Beza, Theodore, professor at Orthez, 1

Bigham, 427. See Lord Mersey

Bingham, Captain Hon. D., in Paris during the siege, 138 n., 141 n.

Birmingham, Chamberlain, M.P. for, 167, 241, 322, 323; death-rate of, 463

Birmingham Post, 455

Biron, Mr., counsel for Labouchere, 76 n.

Bishop Auckland, Labouchere at, 118

Bishops, Labouchere on, 241

Bismarck, 96 n.; as Ambassador at St. Petersburg, 62; at the Berlin Congress, 192; his Memoirs, 70; threatens intervention in Egypt, 194

Blackwood, Sir Arthur, at Eton, 18

Blake, his support of Labouchere, 427

Blanc, Louis, Labouchere protected by, 132

Blaquières, M. de, French controller in Egypt, 195

Bloemfontein, capture of, 454

—— Conference, the, 455

Blücher, General, 57

Blunt, Wilfrid Scawen, Gordon and Khartoum, quoted, 214; his reminiscences of Labouchere, 69-73; his support of Arabi Pasha, 204, 222; Labouchere's letters to, re Arabi in exile, 220, 224; Labouchere's letters to, re the Soudan War, 216-19; on the death of Gordon, 212; on Disraeli and Salisbury, 174; on the English policy in Egypt, 193, 204, 214-15; on Labouchere as a politician, 198, 214; Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt, quoted, 190 n., 192 n.

Boadicea, 244

Boer War, the history of the, 436-57; Labouchere's protests against, 436, 438-39, 540

Boers, the, their resentment against England, 437. See also under Transvaal

Bologna, 61

Bonn, 32

Bonner, Mrs. Bradlaugh, Life of Mr. Bradlaugh, 142 n.

Booth, Charles, statist, 460

Booth, Sclater, Labouchere on, 239

Boston, Labouchere mistaken for an Irish patriot, in, 47, 48

Boulogne, Labouchere at, 500

Bourbon, the House of, 8

Bowen, Lord Justice, 501

Bower, Sir Graham, censure of, 428

Bowles, Thomas Gibson, correspondent in Paris during the siege, 141 n.

Boycott, Captain, English agent of Lord Mayo, 165

Boycotting, practice of, 165, 176, 185

Boyd, Charles, his interview with Labouchere, 435, 436

Bradford, election of 1886 at, 326

—— Forster, M.P. for, 176

Bradlaugh, Charles, Gladstone's tribute to, 160-61; his imprisonment, 154; his struggle for the right to affirm, 145-64; Labouchere's defence of, 148, 151, 156-64; returned for Northampton, 142-45, 158

Brampton, Henry, Lord, his letter to Labouchere, re retirement, 526

Bramwell, Lord Justice, his decision against Bradlaugh, 157

Brand, M.P. for Stroud, 334

Brand, Sir Henry, 238; his rulings in the Bradlaugh struggle, 146, 151-2, 160

Brassey, Lord, Labouchere on, 239

Brennan, his imprisonment, 172, 174

Brentford, election scenes at, in 1868, 86, 90-2

Breslin, John, American Fenian, 385, 396

Breteuil, Labouchere at, 140

Brett, 280, 289

Bridges, Sir Henry, his ditty, 117. See Appendix

Brielle, 6

Bright, John, his defence of Bradlaugh, 146, 149-51; Labouchere's admiration of, 171, 228; opposes coercive measures in Ireland, 166, 181, 187; opposes the Egyptian policy, 220

Brighton, Labouchere at, 269, 273; Voules at, 507

Bristol, Lord, Labouchere's fag at Eton, 19 n.

British South Africa Company, its complicity in the Jameson Raid, 426-37, 438, 452, 454; its evacuation of Uganda, 420

British virtue, Labouchere's indictments of, 105

Broadley, A. M., How We Defended Arabi and His Friends, quoted by Arabi, 222

Broome Hall, Surrey, John Peter Labouchere at, 16, 31, 73

Broue, Catherine de la, 2

Brough, Lionel, at New Queen's Theatre, 99; bluffs Labouchere, 94

Brousson, L., on the staff of Truth, 505, 509

Brownrigg, Inspector, Labouchere on his conduct at Michelstown, 368-71

Bruce, Campbell, counsel, 76 n.

Brunner, Mr., at Michelstown, 365, 367

Brunswick, House of, Bradlaugh's impeachment of, 148

Bryce, James, on the Coercion Bill, 182

Buckenbrock, Labouchere's friendship with, 52

Budget Bill of 1885, the, 251

Buenos Ayres, Labouchere's appointment in, 65

Buffalo Bill's Wild West Show, Indians in, 40

Buffon quoted, 133

Bulgaria, Turks in, 200

Buller, his policy in Ireland, 361

Buller, Sir Henry, as Ambassador at Constantinople, 54, 63, 64. See Lord Dalling

Buller, Sir Redvers, in Pretoria, 440

Bunsen, Labouchere on, 308

Buonaparte, Jerome, 9

Buonaparte, Joseph, in Spain, 8, 9

Buonaparte, Louis, as king of Holland, 5-9

Bureaucracy, Labouchere on, 122

Burke, Under-Secretary for Ireland, murder of, 174, 175, 359, 372

Burke, Edmund, his letter to the Duke of Bedford, 231

Burmah as a political pawn, 310-12

Burnaby, Captain Fred, his reminiscence of Labouchere, 242

Busch, Our Chancellor, 53 n.

Butler, General Sir William, his command in South Africa, 437

Buxton, Sidney, 427

Byrne, Frank, 386

Byron, H. J., Dearer than Life, 99

Cadenabbia, Labouchere at, 418-21, 423, 515, 535

Caine, M.P., Labouchere on, 350

Cairnes, quoted by Hyndman, 481, 482

Cairo, Arabi at, 70, 204; General Gordon in, 212; Lord Wolseley in, 208; Prefect of Police at, 216

Calais, Labouchere at, 127

Calcraft, hangman, 115

Caldwell's dancing rooms, 105

Callan, M.P., Mr., on Bright and Bradlaugh, 150

Cambridge, St. Peter's College, 23; Trinity College, Labouchere at, 22-7, 251, 491, 522

Cambridge, Duchess of, her friendship with Labouchere, 54

Campbell, secretary to Parnell, 375, 396

Campbell, Sir George, 208

Canada, Dominion of, Labouchere on, 301, 304

Canning, George, his duel with Castlereagh, 6

Canrobert, Marshal, his corps, 123 n.

Cape Colony, Lord Milner as Governor of, 437; Rhodes as Premier of, 427, 430; war spirit in, 437

Capital v. Labour, discussed by Hyndman and Labouchere at Northampton, 458-90

Cardwell, Mr., 136

Carey, James, informer, forged letters to, 372, 374, 375, 384

Carlisle, Earl of, 14

Carnarvon, Lord, as Viceroy of Ireland, 251-56, 279, 282, 286

Carrington, Lord, assaults Grenville Murray, 110 n.

Caspian Sea, the, 135

Cassell, Petter, and Galpin, firm of, 493

Castlereagh, his duel with Canning, 6

Catholic Emancipation, question of, 6

Cattle-maiming in Ireland, 165, 169

Cavendish family, the, their influence at Barrow, 350

Cavendish, Lord E., Chamberlain on, 271

Cavendish, Lord Frederick, 146; murder of, 174, 175, 188, 358, 359, 372

Cavour, Gladstone on, 419; Labouchere's reminiscences of, 62

Ceylon, Arabi's exile in, 204-9, 220-24

Châlons, French camp at, 122-23 n.

Chamberlain, Joseph, as President of the Local Government Board, 317 n.; Churchill on, 209; Healy on, 303, 363; his alleged complicity in the Jameson Raid, 427, 431, 446, 452; his correspondence with Labouchere re the Boer War, 446-54; his correspondence with Labouchere on Home Rule, 261-356; his Egyptian policy, 70, 211, 212; his Irish policy prior to the Home Rule Bill, 256-303; his probable Premiership, 226, 227, 249, 280, 319, 320, 349; his responsibility, as Colonial Secretary, for the Boer War, 437-38, 442-57; his scheme of Home Rule, 255, 326; his secession from the Liberal party over Home Rule, 226-28, 318-355; Labouchere's admiration of, 259; Labouchere's letters to, re Bradlaugh, 159; Labouchere's letters to, re the Egyptian policy, 205-6, 210, 211; Labouchere's letters to, re the Irish Coercion Bill, 177-187; Labouchere's letters to, re Radicalism, 41-2, 226-27; Labouchere's opposition to, 519, 531; on Gladstone's Irish policy, 167, 189, 226, 263, 266, 271, 306; on Herbert Gladstone, 265; on the House of Lords, 241; on the Land Question, 276, 292; on the Parnell Commission, 383; on Salisbury's Irish policy, 251; opposes the use of coercion in Ireland, 165, 173, 189

Chaplin, M.P., Henry, 146, 150; on the Coercion Bill, 187

Chartered Company. See British South Africa.

Chatham, Earl of, his death, 6

Chaumes, Prussian army at, 127

Chelmsford, Morley at, 322

Chesterfield, Philip, Earl of, his Letters to His Son, 29; quoted, 88

Chevreau, M., 126

Chiala, Signor, on the relations between England and Italy, 410

Chicago, Healy in, 310

Childers, M.P., his Irish sympathies, 150, 260, 347

China, industrialism of, 468, 479, 487

Chinese Labour question, the, Labouchere on, 531

Chippeway Indians, Labouchere's life among the, 40-41

Christina of Sweden, Queen, Labouchere on, 245

Church of England, Disestablishment of the. See Disestablishment.

Church Patronage Bill, the, Labouchere on, 243

—— Rates Abolition Act, 81

Churchill, Lord Randolph, at Brighton, 269; at Twickenham, 356; Chamberlain on, 253, 264, 271, 285-86, 288, 313; Hartington's quarrel with, 278, 282; Healy on, 274, 283, 285, 303, 313, 362, 363; his comment on Labouchere's Michelstown speech, 368, 397; his friendship with Labouchere, 250; his illness, 262; his letters to Labouchere re Home Rule, 285, 289, 298 ff., 307; his letter to Salisbury re Home Rule, 279; in Ireland, 282; in opposition, 409; Labouchere on, 315, 319, 344; negotiates with the Irish party, 254-303, 315; on Chamberlain, 298, 308; on the Conservative party, 248; refers to Labouchere as "the religious member," 142

Churchill, Winston Spencer, Lord Randolph Churchill, quoted, 280 n.

Civil List, the, Labouchere's attacks on, 233, 234, 239-40, 246, 409, 413, 465-66, 478

Clan-na-Gael, the, takes possession of Parnell letters, 386

Clarendon, Earl of, 67; Viceroy of Ireland, 251

Clarke v. Bradlaugh, action of, 157

Clayton, John, at New Queen's Theatre, 99

Cleave, Mr., 76

Clongowes, school at, 404

Clonmel, Mayor of, at Michelstown, 366

Coalition Ministry, the, 6; of 1885 proposed, 268, 270, 295, 304

Cobden, Richard, on landlordism, 235

Cockermouth, Lawson M.P. for, 524

Coercion Bills, passing of the, 171-179, 238, 251, 256, 263, 313, 357-61, 363

Colenso, 440

Collectivism v. Individualism discussed by Labouchere and Hyndman, 463, 464, 479

Collings, Jes, 333; his amendment, 315, 316

Communism, Hyndman on, 485

Condé, Prince de, his army, 7

Condorcet, his gambling system, 66

Connaught, Duke of, his allowance, 233

Conservative party, the, Labouchere on, 247-48, 458; their advances to the Irish, 251, 308

Constantinople, Labouchere as secretary of Embassy at, 54, 62-5; Lord Stratford Ambassador at, 62, 63

Constitutional monarchy, Labouchere on, 230, 233, 242, 246

Cooke, Q.C., W. H., 76 n.

Coombe, Gladstone at, 214

Cooper, Labouchere's tutor at Cambridge, 22

Co-operation, principle of, 472

Cork, Mayor of, at Michelstown, 366, 367; Parnell M.P. for, 174, 378

Cortes in Mexico, 34

Corti, Count, on the Berlin Congress, 192 n.

County Councils, establishment of, 302

Covent Garden, Labouchere's life in, 28-30, 70

Covington, Frederick, 418 n.

Cowper, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland, his resignation, 174; urges coercion, 165, 166, 173, 175

Cox, M.P., J. R., his visit to Arabi, 223

Crampton, Mr., British Minister at Washington, 46, 47

Crawford, George Morland, leaves Paris before the siege, 119-120

Crawford, Mrs., on Labouchere as a diplomatist, 66, 67-8; on Labouchere in Paris before the siege, 119-120

Cremorne, Labouchere at, 105, 129

Crimean War, instigated by Lord Stratford, 63; recruiting in America for, 45

Crimes Bill. See Prevention of.

Crimping, practice of, in America, 45

Cripps, Sir Alfred, on the Select Committee on British South Africa, 427

Cromer, Lord, as English Controller in Egypt, 195, 212; in India, 210; on General Gordon, 212

Cross, Sir R. Assheton, 150; Labouchere on, 239

Crown and Country, financial relations between, 42, 230, 232, 242, 246, 413

Cuernava, Labouchere at, 36

Cumming, Dr., impersonation of, 82

Cunynghame, Sir Henry, member of the Parnell Commission, 373-74, 395

Cyprus, England's lease of, 191, 192, 197, 222

Daily Chronicle, Spender of, 448

Daily News, affected by Birmingham imperialism, 96 n.; Churchill on, 279, 286; Labouchere as a correspondent of, 43-44, 96, 114, 119-41; Labouchere's financial connection with, 95, 96, 492; on Home Rule, 257, 274, 279, 299, 326; on the Parnell Commission, 383-84, 393; on the Triple Alliance, 411

Daily Telegraph, its action against Labouchere, 500; Lawley, correspondent in Paris, 141 n.; on Home Rule, 256

Dalglish, Robert, 76 n.

Dallas, correspondent in Paris during the siege, 141 n.

Dalling, Henry Bulwer, Lord, as Ambassador at Constantinople, 54, 63, 64

Damascus, Labouchere at, 72

Darmstadt, Court of, plays at whist, 55

Darvill, Mr., town-clerk of Windsor, 75

Darwin, Charles, Gladstone on, 267

Daunt, O'Neill, 302

Davitt, Michael, Healy on, 254; his scheme for the nationalisation of land, 179, 182-83; his letter to Labouchere re Home Rule, 257-58; Pigott forgeries of, 395, 396; speaks against the Coercion Bill, 363

Davy on the Coercion Bill, 182, 185

Day, Sir Charles, member of the Parnell Commission, 373, 393

Deacon, banker, 16

Dead Sea, Labouchere at the, 112

Dearer than Life, produced at New Queen's Theatre, 99

De Beers Consolidated Mines, the, 427

Defence of Philosophic Doubt, Balfour's, 369

Delaney, his evidence in the Parnell Commission, 384

Democracy, English government by the, Labouchere on, 238-39, 248, 413, 418, 481, 540

Derby, Lord, anecdotal photograph of, 68; Grenville Murray's attacks on, 109; his ministry, 85; retires on the Egyptian loan, 190, 191, 193; signs the Convention of 1884, 451; travels in America, 14

De Sartines, chief of police, wit of, 4

Devonshire, seventh Duke of, his death, 363

Devonshire, eighth Duke of, on the House of Lords, 363. See Lord Hartington.

Devonshire House, anti-Home Rule meeting at, 344 n.

Devoy, American Fenian, 170

Dhakool, capture of, 219, 220

Dickens, Charles, David Copperfield, 535; Household Words, 32, 68

Dictionary of National Biography, 46 n.

Diet of Frankfort, the, Bismarck Prussian representative at, 52, 54, 55

Digby, Sir Kenelm, 28

Dilke, Sir Charles, 436; as a member of Gladstone's Government, 196, 200, 204, 228, 233; his acquaintance with foreign affairs, 71; his Egyptian policy, 71, 196, 200, 204; his return to Parliament, 418; Labouchere's letters to, re the abolition of the House of Lords, 532-34; Labouchere's letters to, re the Egyptian policy, 198-200; letters to and from Labouchere re Home Rule, 325, 327-28; secures Labouchere's seat in the House, 527

Dillon, Charles, at Michelstown, 365-67; Healy on, 276, 362; imprisonment of, 172, 174; his speeches re South Africa, 438

Diplomacy, Bismarck on German, 52; Labouchere on English and American, 44, 53, 411, 452

Disestablishment of the Church of England advocated by Labouchere, 43, 226, 234, 243, 244, 248, 417

Disraeli, Benjamin. See Beaconsfield.

Dongola, 434

Donkey as a diet, 139

Donleath, Stuart, case of, 187

Dorking, Mrs. Labouchere at Oakdene, near, 130 n., 138 n.

Douay, Abel, death of, 123

Douglas, Akers, 352

Dramatic, artists, Labouchere on, 101-102

—— critic, Labouchere as a, 496, 503

Dresden, Labouchere as attaché at, 59

Drink bill, national, 466

Dublin, headquarters of the Land League, 181, 183; Healy in, 239, 271, 273, 283, 289, 303; Liberal Unionists of, their responsibility for the Pigott children, 404; Parliament in, 422; Parnell at, 256; Ph[oe]nix Park, 174, 175; proposed Irish Parliament in, 252, 306, 321, 327, 339; Redmond in, 524; trial of the Land League in, 166

Dublin Daily Express, 279, 309

Duclos, Maître, notary to Trochu, 136

Ducrot, General, in Paris, 136

Dudley, Lord, marriage of, 525

Duelling, Labouchere's experience of, 50

Dufferin, Lord, his Egyptian policy, 207, 208, 223

Dumas, Alexandre, père, Labouchere meets, at Genoa, 113, 114

Dumas, Mlle. Maria, Labouchere at the wedding of, 114

Dunn, Parliamentary agent at Windsor, 75

Du Pre, Caroline, her marriage, 14 n.

Du Pre, James, banker, 16

Du Pre, Rev. William Maxwell, his marriage, 14 n.

Durand's, Paris, 120

Durham, Bishop of, 3 n.

Durrant, Mr., solicitor to Sir Henry Hoare, 76, 78-81

Dyke, Sir W. Hart, 427

Dynamite Concession, the, 449

Echo, Voules as manager of, 493

Economy, Labouchere's political, 409, 410

Eden, Frederick Morton, his reminiscence of Labouchere at Eton, 19

Edict of Nantes, revocation of the, 2

Edinburgh, Chamberlain at, 323; represented by Goschen, 264, 297

Education, English national, Carnarvon on, 282; Chamberlain on, 270; Conservative support of denominational, 258; Labouchere on, 42-43, 84, 234, 235, 248; Mundella as Minister of, 286

Edward VII., accession of, 148; as Prince of Wales, defends Grenville Murray, 67

Edwards, Passmore, acquires the Echo, 493

Egan, Patrick, his forged correspondence with Parnell, 358, 372-405; treasurer of the Land League in Paris, 172, 181, 182, 186, 358, 372

Egypt, as a political pawn, 310-13; English occupation of, 70-71, 72, 190-224, 248, 259, 434; French interest in, 191, 192, 197, 203, 210; its occupation of the Soudan, 209; its Soudanese frontier established, 215, 216; national movement under the Arabi in, 195-98, 205; rule of Khedives in, 190-97, 205, 207-8

Elandslaagte, battle of, 440

Electoral districts, Labouchere on, 229

Elephant as a diet, 138

Elgin, Lord, Governor of Canada, at Washington, 45

Elizabeth, Queen, Labouchere on, 245

Ellenborough, Lady, in Palestine, 72

Ellis, John, 427, 455

Ellis, T. E., at Michelstown, 365, 367

El Obeid, the Mahdi at, 209, 210

Enfield, Lord, his quarrel with Labouchere during the Middlesex election, 85-93

England, house of Hope transferred to, 4; its relations with America, 81; its relations with Turkey, 196-7, 199

English, abroad, Labouchere on, 95

—— diplomatists in Paris during the siege, 43-44

—— institutions contrasted with the American, 41

—— system of education contrasted with the American, 42-43

Ephesus, Council of, 150

Escott, T. H. S., contribution to the World, 107

Established Church of England, See Disestablishment

Eton, education at, 42; Labouchere at, 18-21, 251, 491, 522

Eugenie, Empress, in Paris, 124, 126, 134; her letter derided, 134

Evans', Convent Garden, habitués of 28, 29; Labouchere in residence at, 28-31, 70

Eversley, Lord, Gladstone and Ireland, quoted, 358 n.; on the Land League, 172

Evidence Amendment Act, the, 145

Expenses of Voters, Labouchere on, 83

Fagan, Captain, received by Wellesley, 7, 12

Fagging, Labouchere's views on, 20

Fairfield, Mr., 431

Fakenham, Rev. John Labouchere of, 21 n.

Farnham Castle, 2 n.

Fatherland, production of, 103

Favre, Jules, member of the Provisional Government, 127, 128

Fawcett, Professor, 136

Fenianism in America, 81, 170, 288, 310-11; in Ireland, 171, 183, 186, 275, 276; Labouchere on, 276, 278, 282, 292, 316

Fenwick, Mr., directs the case against Labouchere for cribbing, 24-25

Ferdinand VII. of Spain, Napoleon's treatment of, 8, 10

Ferguson, Sir James, 410, 412

Fermoy, Labouchere at, 365

Ferry, Jules, member of the Provisional Government, 127

Feudalism, Labouchere on, 241. See also Land System

Finance, economical, Labouchere's efforts on behalf of, 246, 494-95, 505

Financial Reform Almanack, the, quoted, 232

Fitzgibbon, Churchill visits, 282, 289

Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond, his letter to Labouchere re retirement, 525-26

Fletcher Moulton, Privy Councillor, 531

Florence, flight of the Grand Duke from, 61; Labouchere in, 60-62, 72, 95, 513, 517-23, 530-39; Unione Club, 61; Florence Herald, quoted, 62 n.

Flower, Mr., retires from the candidature of Windsor, 75-80

Foljambe, Chamberlain on, 271

Fond du Lac, Labouchere at, 41

Forbes, Archibald, on the staff of the World, 107; war correspondent to the Daily News, 96, 127

Foreign Office, Archives, examples of telegrams in, 53, 54

—— —— messengers, their expense, 54

Forster, M.P., R. N., seconds Sir H. D. Wolff, 148

Forster, W. E., Chief Secretary for Ireland, allusions to, in Parnell's supposed letters, 372; blackmailed by Pigott, 393; Healy on, 303; his arrest of Parnell, 172, 254; his resignation, 174, 188, 267, 276; Labouchere on, 282, 297; urges coercive measures in Ireland, 165-73, 176, 182

Fortnightly Review, Chamberlain on Home Rule, in the, 255; "Radicals and Whigs" quoted, 41, 42, 228-29

Fottrell, 302

Foucault threatens the Protestants of Orthez, 1

Fouché negotiates his own downfall, 5-12

Fowler, Sir Henry, his speech inspired by Labouchere, 350

France, financial situation of, in 1817, 12, 13; Guizot on, 480; inauguration of the Third Republic, 126, 127, 191; its interests in Egypt, 190, 192, 197, 203, 210

Franchise, Act of, 1884, the, 256

—— extension of the, Labouchere on, 229, 244-46, 248. See also Suffrage

—— Law for the Transvaal, 442, 448-49

Franckfort, Bismarck in, 52, 53; Labouchere as attaché in, 52, 54, 60, 69, 119

Franco-Prussian War, 116, 191; Labouchere's correspondence during, 43-44, 96, 119-41

Freehold Land Society, its work in Northampton, 143

Freeman's Journal, the correspondence between Egan and Pigott in, 375

Free Trade for Ireland, Davitt on, 256-57

French, journalism during the siege of Paris, Labouchere on, 133-36

—— wars, allusions to, 287, 296

Froisard, General, defeat of his Army Corps, 124

Galveston, Healy in, 310

Gambetta, member of the Republican Government, 127

Gambling, Labouchere's system in, 65-66

Garter, Order of the, 241

Gaulois, its address to the Prussians, 134

Gave, the river, 1

Gedge, Mr., tries to do Labouchere out of his seat in the House, 527

Genealogist, The, the Labouchere pedigree, 14 n.

Genoa, Labouchere and Dumas at, 113

George III., 296; at Kew, 409

George V., his installation as K.G., 246

George, Mr., his scheme for the nationalisation of land, 235

German, Empire, its proposed intervention in Egypt, 194; position of Bavaria in, 488; Socialism in, 487

—— people, Labouchere's dislike of, 51, 52

—— Zollverein, principle of the, 294

Gibbon, Edward, 88, 151

Gibraltar, English tenure of, 199

Gibson, M.P., Mr., 150

Giffen, Mr., quoted, 470, 485

Girondists, the, compared with the Irish Nationalists, 293

Gladstone, Mrs., 282

Gladstone, Herbert, Lord, Chamberlain on, 265; negotiates between his father and Labouchere, 214-17, 261-303, 312-55

Gladstone, William Ewart, 407; his Egyptian policy, 71, 189, 190, 194-219; his first administration, 85, 86, 136 n.; his position in the Bradlaugh case, 148, 151-55, 158, 160; his tribute to Bradlaugh, 160-61; Labouchere dubs him "Grand Old Man," 158; opposes coercive measures in Ireland, 165, 166, 173-75, 225, 236, 238; Labouchere's admiration of, 171, 176; adopts coercive measures in Ireland, 175-189; his second administration, 194, 297; rebukes Labouchere, 219; Chamberlain regarded as the successor of, 225, 227, 249, 281, 318, 321, 348; his resignation in 1885, 251; his Irish policy prior to the Home Rule Bill, 252-320, 361; in Norway, 257; Labouchere on his motives in the Irish question, 262, 281, 288, 298, 304, 308, 313, 318, 326, 329, 419; his capacity for mystification, 265, 278, 283, 335, 347, 350; his third administration, 269 n., 283, 315, 317 n., 357; submits Home Rule scheme to the Queen, 270, 287 n., 288; Healy on, 272, 274, 283-86, 290, 303, 314, 315, 361-63; Parnell on, 278; his desire for office, 281-82, 288; his letters to Balfour re Home Rule, 289, 298; Chamberlain on, 298-300, 326, 334-35, 340, 342, 346; his popularity, 305, 351; Chamberlain secedes from, 318-355; introduces the Land Bill, 321; his first Home Rule Bill, 319-357, 413, 416, 419, 420; his letters to Labouchere re the Triple Alliance, 411; his fourth administration, 412, 420, 423; his letters to Labouchere re his exclusion from his Cabinet, 412-18; his second Home Rule Bill, 421, 422, 528; his final view of the House of Lords, 422-23; his retirement, 96 n., 274, 315, 354

Glasgow, Chamberlain at, 323

—— Home Government Association of, 156

Globe, its interview with Labouchere on the fall of Rosebery's Ministry, 424; publishes the Cyprus Convention, 192

Godin, Stephen Peter, 14 n.

Gold fields of South Africa, 427

Goldney, M.P., Sir Gabriel, 146, 150

Gonesse, 140

Goodenough, Sir William, death of, 437

Gordon, Colonel Bill, his conversation on Egypt, 72

Gordon, General, 72; Arabi on, 222; as Governor-General of the Soudan, 209; his death at Khartoum, 212-15

Gordon, Sir Arthur, 222

Gorst, Sir John, Healy on, 284; opposes Gladstone's motion in favour of Bradlaugh, 155

Gortschakoff, Prince, at the Berlin Congress, 192

Goschen, Viscount, negotiates with Hartington, 281, 282, 297, 348; on the Coercion Bill, 185; returned for Edinburgh, 265; unpopularity of, 262

Goschen-Joubert arrangement with Egypt, the, 191, 206

Gosling, Sir Audley, his reminiscences of Labouchere, 39, 65, 65 n.

Got, of the Comédie Française, 120

Graduated Income Tax, the, Labouchere on, 246, 247

Graham, General, his command in the Soudanese War, 213, 219

Graham, W., counsel for the Times, 374 n.

Grant, Parliamentary agent at Windsor, 75

Grantham, M.P., Mr., 146, 150

Granville, Lord, 121; consulted by Gladstone re Arabi, 204; denies responsibility for the defeat of Hicks Pasha, 209

Grattan, his Parliament, 254, 258, 306

Gravelotte, battle of, 124

Greeks, Labouchere on the, 191, 496

Green, Paddy, waiter at Evans', 29, 70

Greene, Conynghame, British agent at Pretoria, 442-43, 444

Gregory, Sir William, his interest in Arabi, 221

Grenville, Lord, ministry of, 6-7

Grey, Albert, his amendment of the Church Patronage Bill, 243

Grey, Lord, director of the British South Africa Company, 428; ministry of, 6-7

Griffiths, his valuations in the Land Court, 181

Grosvenor, Captain, M.P., for Westminster, 80

Grosvenor, Lord Richard, Government Whip, 146; Healy on, 314; Labouchere on, 305, 315, 316; on the Coercion Bill, 179, 180

Guinness, Lord, Labouchere on, 239-40

Guizot, M., on France, 292, 480

Haag, Frères, La France Protestante, 1

Habeas Corpus Act, question of its suspension in Ireland, 165-70

Hague, The, birth of P.-C. Labouchère at, 2

Halliday, dramatic author, 99

Hame, General, surrenders Laon, 127

Hamilton, Lord George, his election for Middlesex in 1868, 85-92

Hammond, Anthony, 19 n.

Hanbury, M.P., Robert, death of, 83

Hannen, Sir James, President of the Parnell Commission, 373

Hanover, Crampton, envoy at, 45; Napoleon's plans for, 9

Hansard, speeches of Labouchere in, 197

Harcourt, Sir William, 407; at his best in Opposition, 409, 424; Healy on, 260, 274, 289; his Coercion Bill, 170, 175, 180, 181, 184, 188; Labouchere on, 287, 313, 323, 334, 344; moves a new Address, 425 n.; on the Michelstown meeting, 365; sits on the Committee on British South Africa, 427

Hardie, Keir, Labouchere on, 533

Harold, Canon, 404

Harper's Magazine, biographical sketch of Labouchere in, 38

Harrington, 312; Healy on, 276

Harris, Rutherford, director of the South Africa Company, 426

Harrison, Morley on his Irish scheme, 309

Harrow, education at, 42

Hart Davies, Thomas, visits Labouchere in Florence, 535-37

Hartington, Lord, as Secretary for War questioned on the Egyptian policy, 213, 214, 219, 220; Chamberlain on, 264, 270, 271, 286, 329; Churchill on, 269, 281; Goschen negotiates with, 348; Healy on, 260, 283, 363; his Irish policy prior to the Home Rule Bill, 257-98; his meeting re Home Rule, 344 n.; his quarrel with Churchill, 278, 282; Labouchere on his position in the Home Rule split, 268, 278, 282, 287, 297, 304, 315, 318, 324, 329, 344, 351; Parnell forgeries shown to, 375, 406; secedes from the Liberal party, 228, 249

Hastings, Labouchere at, 338, 339

Hatfield, Lord R. Churchill at, 286, 287

Hatton, Joseph, his biographical sketch of Labouchere, 38, 40, 103

Haussman, M., 126

Havana, 31

Hawarden Castle, Gladstone at, 301, 415

—— Manifesto, issue of the, 257

Hawkesley, Mr., solicitor, his correspondence with Chamberlain, 429 n., 452-53

Hawtrey, Dr., headmaster of Eton, 18; Labouchere on, 20-21

Healy, Timothy Michael, agitates for Home Rule, 254-303; Davitt on, 258; his amendments of the Coercion Bill, 177, 179, 181, 185, 186; his attack on Chamberlain's article, 255 n.; his letters to Labouchere re coercive measures in Ireland, 361-64; his letters to Labouchere re Home Rule, 252, 256, 259-60, 271-72, 273-74, 283-85, 289-90, 301-3, 309-15; on Parnell, 253-54, 266, 280

Heath, Labour candidate for Nottingham, 93

Heim, Van Der, Dutch statesman, 6

Heine, Heinrich, 538

Herbert, Dr. Alan, in Paris during the siege, 120

Herbert, Edward, at Constantinople, 63

Herschell, Farrer, his mediation views on the Home Rule question, 338, 340-43, 347; Solicitor-General, 146, 150, 186

Hesse family, the, 54

Hibbert, John Tomlinson, 76 n.

Hicks Beach, Sir Michael, as Chief Secretary for Ireland, 357; Bannerman on, 455; Churchill's scheme for, 270; his Amendment of the Budget Bill, 251; on the Select Committee on British South Africa, 427

Hicks Pasha, defeat and death of, 210-11, 213, 214

Hill, Dr. Birkbeck, contributes to the World, 107

Hill, Frank, editor of the Daily News, 96, 286

Hill, M.P., Staveley, 146, 150

Hillyer, Mrs., sister of Henry Labouchere, 17 n.

Hoare, Sir Henry, contests Windsor and is unseated, 75-82

Hodson, Henrietta, appears at the New Queen's Theatre, 99; Labouchere's letters from Paris to, 129. See Mrs. Labouchere.

Holborn Casino, the, 105

Holker, M.P., Sir John, 146, 150

Holland, invasion of, 4; Louis Buonaparte as king of, 4-9

Homburg, Labouchere at, 54, 65, 69, 72, 95, 119, 242, 419, 525

Home Rule Bill, introduction of, 527; Labouchere on, 167, 189, 225, 236-39, 508, 521. See also Ireland.

Home Rule Split, the, its effect on Labouchere, 227

Hope, M.P., Beresford, 146, 150

Hope, house of, its dealings with America, 15; John Peter Labouchere as a partner in, 16; P.-C. Labouchère as a partner in, 2-5

Hope, John, takes P.-C. Labouchère into partnership, 2

Hopwood, M.P., Mr., member of Select Committee on Bradlaugh case, 146, 150

House of Lords, abolition of the, advocated by Labouchere, 226, 230-33, 238-42

Household Suffrage Act, the, its effect in Northampton, 143

Houston, E. C., his purchase of letters from Pigott, 375, 380, 385, 386, 389, 396, 405

Howard, Lady Mary, her marriage, 14

Hudson, Sir James, English Minister at Turin, 61

Hugessen, Mr. Knatchbull-, Labouchere on, 239

Hungarians, English enthusiasm for, 284

Hunter, Mr., in Hyde Park, 363

Hyde Park, demonstration against the Coercion Bill in, 363; Labouchere on, 84

Hylands, P.-C. Labouchère settles at, 13

Hyndman, Mr., defends Socialism against Labouchere at Northampton, 459-90

Iddesleigh, Lord. See Northcote, Sir Stafford.

Illingworth, Radical M.P., 345

Illinois, educational system of, 42

Imperial Parliament, Labouchere on an, 293, 299-301, 304, 336, 422

—— South African Association, the, 436

Income Tax, the, Labouchere on, 207, 246, 249, 466

Independence Belge, 429 n.

India, English rule in, 135; Labouchere on, 197, 201, 204

Individualism v. Collectivism, discussed by Labouchere and Hyndman, 464, 465, 480, 487

Industrial Commission of South Africa, 447

International Law, studied by Labouchere, 81

Ipswich, Labouchere at, 333

Ireland, agriculture in, 292; Churchill in, 283, 289; disestablishment of the Anglican Church in, 86, 88; Labouchere's political sympathy for, 72, 225, 247, 248, 508, 521, 523; landlordism in, 261, 264-65, 276, 292, 361-62; Protection in, 258, 261, 276-77; question of coercive measures in, 165-89, 225, 251-52,313, 318-19, 329, 358-72; question of Home Rule for, 167, 189, 225, 236-39, 416-17, 419, 421-22, 508, 521, 523; correspondence on, 250-356; secret societies in, 171, 177

Irish Nationalist party, the, 266, 293; Conservative advances to, 251, 252; English feeling against, 165-66, 175, 240-41, 258, 285-86

—— patriots in Boston, Labouchere among, 47, 48

—— police force, Labouchere on, 276, 292, 316

—— Privy Council, Labouchere on, 276, 277, 282, 294

Irish World, The, 310

Irishman, Parnell's purchase of the, 374

Irving, Sir Henry, appears at the New Queen's Theatre, 99, 102; mistaken for the defeated candidate at Brentford, 92

Irwin, District Police Inspector, 370

Ismail, Khedive, his claim on the Soudan, 209; his rule in Egypt, 190-95, 209

Ismail Bey Jowdat, W. S. Blunt on, 215, 216

Ismail Sadyk, murder of, 193

Ismailia, Lord Wolseley at, 208

Italian-Turkish War, the, 538

Italian unity, England's support of, 284

Italy, England's relations with, in the Triple Alliance, 410, 411

Jackson, Mr., 427

Jackson, M.P., Sir Henry, 146, 150

Jacobin party, the, 293

Jamal-ed Din, Sezzed, W. S. Blunt on, 216

James, of Hereford, Henry, Lord, 351; Attorney-General, 146, 148, 150; counsel for the Times, 374 n.; his letter to Labouchere re retirement, 525

Jameson, Dr., history of his Raid, 426-36, 438, 452, 454

Jerrold, Douglas, at Evans', 29

Jerusalem, Labouchere at, 111, 112

Jeyes, S. H., Mr. Chamberlain, 189

Joan of Arc, 244

Johannesburg, capture of, 454; grievances of Englishmen in, 426, 427, 431-34, 442, 443, 451

Johnson, Dr. Samuel, Life of, 29; quoted, 108

Jordan, the, Labouchere at the source of, 112

Joubert, his arrangement with Goschen,191

Journalistic London, by Joseph Hatton, 38, 104 n.

Jowdat, Ismail Bey, W. S. Blunt on, 216

Justice, 474

Kensit, John, his action against Labouchere, 500

Kératry, Prefect of Police, 127

Kerry, Buller in, 361, 362

Kew Bridge, Labouchere at, 91

—— Palace, Labouchere on, 409

Khalil Pasha, outwitted at whist, 58

Khartoum, 72; Gordon at, 212-14; the Mahdi at, 216

Khedival Domains Loan, the, 193

Khedives, rule of the, 193-200, 205, 207-8, 224

Kidderminster, 525

Kilkenny, 265

Kilmainham Gaol, Parnell's imprisonment in, 172-74, 187, 276, 372

Kimberley, relief of, 441

Kinglake, W., his history of the Crimean War, 62

Kingstown, Pigott's home at, 376, 402

Kipling, Rudyard, his Lest We Forget parodied, 448

Kirkcaldy, Campbell M.P. for, 208

Kitawber, Labouchere joins a circus at, 39

Kolli, Baron, police agent, 10

Kordofan, the Mahdi at, 209

Kruger, President of the Transvaal, 435, 442, 446, 448, 453

Labouchere, Henry, his inheritance from his uncle, 14, 250; his recollections of Talleyrand, 14; mistaken for a son of Lord Taunton, 15; his love for America, 14-15, 41-42, 44, 225; his birth and education, 16-22, 491; his alleged cribbing at Cambridge, 22-27; his propensity for gambling, 22, 29, 30, 35, 47, 55, 65-66, 70, 491, 514; his life at Evans', 28-31, 70; at Wiesbaden, 30; travels in South America, 31-38, 496; follows a circus, 39, 40, 491; lives with the Chippeway Indians, 40-41, 45; imbibes Radicalism in America, 41, 226; as attaché at various embassies, 53-60, 66, 69, 412, 491; lives in Florence during his appointment to Parana, 60-62; as Secretary in Constantinople, 62; elected for Windsor and unseated, 75-83; as M.P. for Middlesex, 83-93; his protests against extravagant finance, 84, 246-47, 409; contests Nottingham, 93; his proprietorship of the Daily News, 95, 492; his managership of the New Queen's Theatre, 98-104, 491, 496; as financial editor of the World, 106, 491, 492; his editorship of Truth, 110, 117, 492-512; visits the Holy Land with Bellew, 11-12, 496; his reminiscences of Dumas, 113-14; his curiosity as a journalist, 114-18; his lawsuits, 117, 500-2; his experiences in Paris during the siege, 43, 96, 106, 119-41; as member for Northampton, 142 et seq.; his support of Bradlaugh, 144-64; opposes coercion in Ireland, 166-90, 225, 363-64; his Egyptian policy, 196-204, 205-20; his defence of Arabi, 203, 204-5, 207, 220-26; his conception of Radical government, 225-49, 530-34; his admiration for Chamberlain, 225-26; his Parliamentary influence, 250, 520, 521; negotiates between the Irish party and the Liberals, 252-356, 421-22; see also under Chamberlain, Gladstone, Hartington, Parnell, etc.; at Twickenham, 356; at Michelstown, 365-71; discovers Pigott's forgeries, 360, 371-406; hoaxes practised on, 406-8; at his best in Opposition, 409, 423; on the Triple Alliance, 410, 418; his exclusion from the Cabinet in 1892, 412-18, 527; at Cadenabbia, 418-21, 423, 515, 533-34; his desire to become Minister at Washington, 423; his opposition to Lord Rosebery's administration, 423, 424; his report on the Jameson Raid, 426-32; on the Chartered Company of British South Africa, 431-34; opposes the Boer War, 438-457; discusses Socialism with Hyndman at Northampton, 459-90; his chief characteristics, 496-499, 512-15; his retirement and home at Florence, 517-36; his appointment as Privy Councillor, 523, 526, 530-31; on the seating of the House of Commons, 527-30; his death and burial, 536-40

Labouchere, Henry, son of Pierre-César, his political career, 13-15. See Taunton, Baron

Labouchere, John Peter, father of Henry, 14, 16; his death, 130 n.; visits his son at Cambridge, 27

Labouchere, Rev. John, 21 n.

Labouchere, Matthieu, 2

Labouchere, Mrs., mother of Henry, letters from Paris to, 128 n., 130, 138

Labouchere, Mrs., wife of Henry, at the New Queen's Theatre, 99; death of, 535

Labouchère, Pierre-César, grandfather of Henry, his partnership in the house of Hope, 2-5; his portrait, 2 n.; his two sons, 13, 16; negotiates for peace between England and France, 4-12; restores French credit, 12, 13

Labour party, rise of the, 518, 531

Labour v. Capital, discussed by Hyndman and Labouchere at Northampton, 460-90

La Bruyère, on married life, 93

Ladies' Land League, work of the, 173, 186

Ladysmith, relief of, 440-41

Lambri Pasha, 150

Lancashire opposes Home Rule, 280

Land Bill, the, 159, 421-22; amendments of, 187; Chamberlain on, 329; Labouchere on, 292, 318, 320, 332; Healy on, 309; rejection of, 357

Land League, the, establishes Boycotting, 165; its "no Rent" manifesto, 172; its suppression, 172-75; its useful functions, 171, 358 n.; prosecution of, 166; the Times on, 360, 382; two sections of, 182, 186

Land system, English, Labouchere on the, 231, 234, 235, 241

Landlordism in Ireland, Labouchere on, 276, 292, 295, 318

Laon, Prussian army at, 127

Lascelles, Sir Frank, announces the deposition of Ismail, 194

Last, Parliamentary agent at Windsor, 76, 81

Last Days of Pompeii, produced at the New Queen's Theatre, 100

Latham, examiner at Cambridge, 24

Lausanne, Pigott at, 385

Lawley, Frank, correspondent in Paris during the siege, 120, 138 n., 140

Lawson, Lionel, at Evans', 29

Lawson, Mr. Justice, 277

Lawson, Sir Wilfrid, his amendment seconded by Labouchere, 205, 213; his letter to Labouchere, re retirement, 524-25; seconds Labouchere's resolution against the House of Lords, 241

Laycock, contests Nottingham, 93

Leech, John, at Evans', 29

Leeds, Balfour at, 524; Herbert Gladstone at, 263

Leeds Mercury on Home Rule, 256; publishes Gladstone's Home Rule scheme, 277 n.

Lefevre, Shaw, 266; Labouchere on, 200-1

Legislation, the technique of, Labouchere on, 229

Leicester, Chamberlain at, 270

Lennox, Lord Henry, his opposition to Bradlaugh, 146, 150, 156

Levi, Leone, quoted by Labouchere, 470, 484

Lewis, Sir George, as solicitor to Labouchere, 108, 501, 510; as solicitor to Parnell, 375-79, 386-89, 393-98; his death, 536

Liberal, party, its breach with the Irish, 172, 179, 187, 252-53; its policy in Egypt, 190, 194-224; its treatment of Gladstone, 284

—— Unionist party, the, 422; Chamberlain joins, 228

Licences, Brewers', Labouchere on, 83

Life of Parnell, O'Brien's, 174

Limited Liability Companies, Labouchere on, 465-67

Lincoln, Mass., Egan at, 381

Linton, Mrs. Lynn, on the staff of the World, 107

Lobengula, raid on King, 433

Local Government, Chamberlain on, 264, 265, 311; Labouchere on, 167, 265

Lockwood, Mark, 455

London, death-rate of, 463, 482-83; Ismail Bey Jowdat in, 216; Labouchere's homes in: Albany, 78; Bolton Street, 110, 116; Hamilton Place, 13-14; Old Palace Yard, 39, 224; Portland Place, 16; Queen Anne's Gate, 71, 158, 177; Labouchere's knowledge of, 104, 105; P.-C. Labouchère's mission in, 4

Londonderry, Lord, as Viceroy of Ireland, 357

Long, quoted by Hyndman, 481

Louis XIV., religious persecutions of, 1

Louis XVIII., his ministers, 12

Louis of Bavaria, King, in Munich, 49

Lowe, Mr., his clause in the Public Schools Bill, 84

Lowther, James, his Irish policy, 176, 178

Lucy, Sir Henry, More Passages by the Way, 3 n.; on Labouchere's political influence, 250; on Labouchere's retirement, 526, 527; on the staff of the World, 107, 527; The Balfourian Parliament, 440

Lugard, Captain, in Uganda, 421

Lumley, Augustus, cotillon leader in St. Petersburg, 57

Lush, Lord Justice, his judgment against Bradlaugh, 157

Lydon, John and Margaret, 168, 169

Lying Clubs, Labouchere on, 117-18

Lynch, Quested, in Paris, during the siege, 138 n.

Lyons, Lord, in Paris and Tours, 121

Lyons, M.P., Dr., on the membership for Northampton, 149

Lyre, The, proposed title for Truth, 493

Lytton, Lord, his information re the Berlin Congress, 192 n.

Maamtrasna, affair of, 263

M'Carthy, Justin, Churchill on, 279, 286; Daily News Jubilee, 128 n.; Healy on, 276; his defence of Arabi, 196; on the staff of the Daily News, 279

M'Carthy, Rev. Mr., at Michelstown 366

McCulloch, Mr., quoted, 408

McCurdy, C. A., on Labouchere and Bradlaugh, 162-63

Macdonald, Diary of the Parnell Commission, quoted, 383 n., 384 n., 393 n., 402

McKinley, President, 439

Macmahon, Marshal, at Metz, 123-24

Madelin, Louis, Fouché, 10 n.

Madras, 221

Madrid, British Embassy in, 83; Pigott's suicide in, 401, 405

Magersfontein, 445

Maguire, Mr., 428

Mahdi, the, rebellion of, 208-20

Malet, Sir Alexander, British representative at the Diet of Frankfort, 55,69

Malet, Sir Edward, 69; as Consul-General in Egypt, 209

Mallet, T. L.; his journal, 13 n.

Malta, negotiations for the possession of; 8; reinforcement of its garrison, 197

Malthusianism, Bradlaugh's views on, 144; Hyndman on, 460

Manchester, 97; Chamberlain at, 323; death-rate of, 463

Manchester Guardian on Home Rule, 256

Manning, Cardinal, supports Bradlaugh, 156

M.A.P., 117; on Labouchere's retirement, 521 n.

Marburg, Labouchere in, 59, 60

Marcy, Mr., American Secretary of State, his love of whist, 49

Marie Louise, Empress, her marriage, 4, 5

Marienbad, Campbell Bannerman at, 455; Labouchere at, 526

Marseillaise, the, 127 n.

Marshall, Alfred, Principles of Economics, quoted, 482

Marvin, translator of the Cyprus Convention, 192

Marx, Carl, quoted by Hyndman, 481

Maryborough prison, 384

Mashonaland, occupation of, 433

Massey, W. H., M.P., 146, 150

Matabele War, the, 433, 434

Matthew, Mr. Justice, his judgment against Bradlaugh, 157

Matthews, Mr., counsel, 76 n.

Maxau, 122 n.

Maxwell, Sir Benson, superintends Egyptian tribunals, 209

Maxwell, Sir William of Monteith, 16

May, Sir Thomas Erskine, Clerk of the House, 145

Mayo, Lord his English agent, 165

Meagher, Irish patriot, Labouchere mistaken for, 48

Medicine, Labouchere's interest in the science of, 60, 507

Melbourne, Lord, his laissez-faire policy, 229; ministry of, 13; on the Garter, 241

Meredith, George, Richard Feverel, 522

Merewether, lawyer, contests Northampton, 144

Merivale, Herman, his anecdote of Labouchere and his uncle, 82; his Time and the Hour produced at the New Queen's Theatre, 98, 99

Mersey, Lord, 428