Volume 1 — CHAPTER VII (continued 2)

As to the important part of your letter, respecting public affairs and the late hubbub, I, first of all, agree with you that, although things have not gone quite right, they are not so bad as some thought (they don’t think so now, and will think better of them every day, after the first week of the session).

It seems to me evident, whatever may be said by those whose ambition or greediness warps the judgment, that the Whigs ought not to have taken office if they could help it. It is better that the world should see that it is they, out of office and on principle, who help a government to carry their (I mean the opposition’s) measures, than that they, the Whigs, should be at the mercy of their opponents for going on at all.

Peel would have brought them about 25 members, and 251with those, and great exertions and excitement, the Corn Laws might have been repealed; but then would they not have been in their enemies’ hands on all other questions, and on the most trifling measure unpalatable to the Tories? Would not Peel then have left them? And do you think that he would not have made his peace with the Tories, and be brought back by them and by those who would attribute, though Tories, the carrying of the good measure repealing the Corn Laws, to his support out of office, of his opponents? For you must not forget there are many friends of Peel who are against the Corn Laws; whereas there is not one Corn Law friend who is a friend of the Whigs, and who would, soon at all events, forgive them for repealing that Corn Law. The Whigs who join the Tories on this question would, unquestionably, have joined them in opposing Lord John’s Government, now and for some time to come; then, had you Whigs failed even in carrying the repeal of the Corn Laws, and being obliged to resign reinfecta, you would have been the object of universal hatred and contempt from both friends and enemies. From the former for having done too little, from the latter for having done too much, and shown you are not either powerful friends or terrible enemies.

But out of office you are 250. You can set your enemies by the ears; the public will see that it is you who command the measures, though your opponents carry them through by your patronage of them; and when once this, the greatest of all changes, is completed by the leader of those who oppose it most, the two great divisions or parties of Whigs and Tories will be left in their natural position, without any extraneous element to alter their essence; but the Whigs will be united, with the Reform Bill fairly working in town and country, and the Tories would be at sixes and sevens amongst themselves, and with a leader who has insulted, deceived, and crushed them.

But if it were to be wished that the Whigs had not undertaken to form a Government, it were also desirable that they 252should not have been obliged to give up on account of a crotchety nobleman, who

“Mal del corpo intero

E della mente peggio,”

quarrels so easily with every one, and does not probably agree with himself. It gives a despicable opinion of the power of a party that cannot do or will not do without such a man, and personal objections of not a grand and important public principle that prevent two great men from agreeing together at all conscientiously, are but sorry reasons to give for such a failure. The discreet letter of our friend Tom is certainly to be regretted; the discreet friend to whom he wrote it deserves to be kicked for his breach of confidence. The less said the sooner mended on that. Grey will be up, say his say, Macaulay, I hope, will not answer him, and the matter will so far end and be forgotten.

But other explanations will be necessary. I am surprised you don’t know more of what really passed, as I should have thought Lord John, being at Edinburgh, would have told you all. But, perhaps, he does not like to say the whole; and so recollect that I write in full confidence. You may rely on the correctness of what I say, and, of course, use the knowledge as a prudent man to shape your questions and answers. Don’t compromise me, or say what you know, because, even without my name being mentioned, your authority would certainly be guessed. It so happens that I have had occasion to hear much about all this, and it is known that I have heard so much. Macaulay did not wait for Lord Grey’s consent or conniving or declaration, but joined the other at once.

Lord Grey told Ellice at Norwich that he objected to Palmerston as Foreign Secretary, but Ellice was far from being requested to inform Lord John of it. Yet, like a prudent man, he wrote up: “Here at Norwich I find all smooth, except as to the Foreign Department.” When they came to town, Ellice was told the objection of Grey had been got 253over; but on the Thursday night he learned that it was a mistake, and I know how and from whom; you shall hear it all when here. Yet he thought it might be arranged. Lord Grey goes about reading in his defence a letter he wrote to Lord John, to show that, in due time, he gave notice of his objection; but two persons who have read the letter say it is so full of generalities, that no one guessed to whom it pointed. No one dreamed of Lord Palmerston being the object; but, as he spoke as not having regard to person in the arrangements, it was guessed that the hints were intended against replacing Minto at the Admiralty. You will perceive that the Bear is above all accusation; some may say that Lord John himself may be found fault with, but then no one thought that Grey would carry the matter so far, and it was expected that he would yield, and that led to keeping his objection, or so it was understood, in the back ground, not to give it more importance that it might have. The only one to blame is Grey, he ought either to have spoken out at once clearly himself, or yielded as others have done, who were against asking the Government at all, and yet yielded to the opinion of the majority of their friends, and cheerfully joined them in leading what they considered the most forlorn hope.

All the others I can safely assure you are perfectly friendly. Lord John declares he will never have anything to do politically with Grey, so say the others. Lord Palmerston is entirely satisfied with the Bear’s conduct. If the foolish paragraphs in the newspapers had caused him to feel any distrust or jealousy of Lord Clarendon (which I doubt and hope not), that has been totally and wholly removed, I am happy to say by the writer of this enormous letter. (It is as long as a sermon.) Lord Clarendon behaved above all praise, and Lord Palmerston feels and avows it.

Thiers wrote to me a capital and most friendly letter, of course not for me only, although most private. I took care to communicate it to the proper quarters, and it has had a good effect, and cemented the good understanding that I was 254so happy in bringing about when Thiers was here (Lady Holland who knew all about it took all the credit herself!!!), and Palmerston’s explanations (do you think it will be a trifle for him to get over?) and his colleagues—why did he resign? Why does he come in with the same crew? Did they rebel? Why do they submit? Sixteen members of the Cabinet bespeak confusion. Are they to know what he is to do, or to obey blindly? Some of the underlings turn restive. Lord Mahon, for instance, I am told, will resign; if Peel were completely free-trader even in corn. Come up, &c., &c.,

Yours affectionately,

A. Panizzi.”

The correspondence between Panizzi and Thiers extended no further than the letters set forth above.

Later on a feeling of coolness seems to have arisen between the two, the real origin of which it is difficult to determine; but if a conjecture may be hazarded, it was possibly caused by the fact that Thiers declined to extend his love for Panizzi—or, at least, any beneficial effects of it—to Panizzi’s countrymen in general, and thereby offended the ever ardent patriotism of his friend. Be that as it may, the intimate relation, which had so long subsisted between these once firm allies gradually cooled; and during the last years of their lives little or no communication passed between them. Nevertheless, the letters given will be valuable in the eyes of all admirers of the distinguished statesman whose pen has so short a time since been stayed for ever by the cold hand of death, and will serve as invaluable evidence of his ideas on various subjects of interest and importance.

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