Volume 2 — APPENDIX. (continued 2)

“It results, therefore, that the admission of Sir Charles Dilke, as to the recognition by Europe of the Tunisian Firman of 1871, is actually based on great international engagements; but it merely confirmed a state of things existing ab antiquo. Is there any record of a Bey of Tunis not being invested by the Sultan? Did the Sultan obtain from his Tunisian vassal a contingent of 15,000 men during the war of 1854?

“An examination, however, of historical facts abundantly proves that the advance on Tunis is nothing more nor less than an incident in one long-continued and traditional policy of Chauvinistic aggression. Before the dawn of the present century, Citizen Devoize played very effectively at Tunis the rôle of the Roustan of to-day, and let it be noted that M. Devoize’s proceedings were speedily followed by the invasion of Malta, Syria, and Egypt by the French troops. ‘La mission de civilisation’ is no new phrase; it is as old as the time of the First Napoleon. Let us pursue our inquiry into the traditional politics of France. In 1795, M. Devoize, under the veil of coral-fishing, did his best to enable France to annex the Regency, and even then the pretext was an old one, for a quarter of a century before, her consul had endeavoured to purchase Tabarca and Bizerta for the same purpose. France has always coveted Tunis as the political and strategic key of her vast plans for the foundation of a French Carthage.

“Hence Bonaparte’s expedition; hence the revolt of Mehemet Ali, the emissary of France in Egypt, Syria, and South Arabia. Did not France encourage Abdul Jelil to excite a rising in Tripoli? The most eloquent testimony as to the ultimate aims of France on the whole African littoral is afforded by the reports of the British Political Agents at Tunis and Tripoli for the past twenty years; but they appear to have been written only to be treated as a sealed book. The famous letter of M. Sabattier (then Consul-General for France in Egypt) addressed to the Parisian paper L’Union should just now be consulted. Lord Salisbury should have remembered at Berlin that the day after the Treaty of Paris Lord Palmerston, Mr. Gladstone, Lord Russell, Mr. Disraeli, and Lord Stratford de Redcliffe all said that now the possibility of a further French advance on Tunis was removed for ever. This opinion was also communicated by England to H.E. Nusret Pasha, Ottoman Commissioner to Tunis, then in Paris, and appeared in all the French newspapers of that date.

The memoirs of Captain Carette (vide ‘Bulletin de la Société de la Géographie,” 4^ième série, vol. ii. No. 21, 1852), as quoted by M. de la Roquette, affirm that ‘the possession of Tunis would give France political frontiers, and enable her to annex a great Oriental empire, at the same time guaranteeing to her supremacy both in Europe and in the Mediterranean, and assuring her a monopoly of African trade.’ Strange to say, the letter of the ill-fated Colonel Flatters, of the 29th January 1881 (reproduced in the St. Petersburg papers two months later), contains the same ideas. This document speaks of positive instructions from the Minister, M. Freycinet, ‘to form a French party at Mourzouk (Fezzan) amongst the Touaregs,’ and adding, ‘it is absolutely necessary to go to the Soudan.’

“On the 20th of June 1865, Napoleon III. wrote thus to Marshal MacMahon, Governor of Algeria:—‘When our manner of regenerating a vanquished nation becomes an object of envy to the fifteen millions of Arabs scattered over other parts of Africa and Asia; when our supremacy, established at the foot of Mount Atlas, appears to them an intervention of Providence, that day the glory of France will resound from Tunis to the Euphrates!’

“The Protectorate of France over Tunis will very shortly menace the freedom of trade at the great Saharian Fair of Berbera Zeilah (the Roman Avalites Emporium), which lasts six months, and up to the present time affords the most important means of commerce between England and Africa. By this Protectorate she also assures to herself not only a practical monopoly of commerce, but the possession of the Soudan as a recruiting ground, from which no less than four hundred thousand fighting men are obtainable (vide Report of M. Selve, afterwards Solyman Pasha, organiser of Mehemet Ali’s army, and Lieutenant of France under Louis Philippe Egalité).

“It is known that the Soudan furnished 300,000 men towards Louis Philippe’s levée de boucliers, but he was ultimately vanquished by the energetic policy of Lord Palmerston and the diplomacy of the Berlin Foreign Office.

“The political manifesto of France in Africa (from which Napoleon’s letter has been quoted) is now very studiously ignored by British opportunist statesmen. Article IV., which is particularly instructive, and is entitled ‘Les Turcos,’ says, ‘the most useful products which Africa can give to France are her soldiers.’ The same article speaks of bounties of 300 francs for each enlistment, &c.

“Messrs. Gladstone and Dilke should read carefully a once popular pamphlet in France, entitled ‘La Regénération Militaire Française.’ It was written by General Yusef, and is dedicated to Marshal Bugeaud (the Arab roaster). At page 1 he says: ‘Africa belongs to-day to France,’ and, later on, ‘by the aid of her camels and dromedaries, France is to go into the Soudan, and from Tunis up to the Euphrates.’ General Yusef extols the expedition of General Carbuccia, and his plan of alliances with the tribes and with the Kabyles, which is also glorified by the apostle of chauvinisme par excellence, M. Thiers, in the second volume of his ‘History of the French Revolution.’

“The fatal error of England is, that she never understood this self-evident fact—that the political aim of France, both before and since her usurpation of Algeria, has been to found the Empire Carthage Gauloise, and so dictate the law to England in the East.

“This undoubted truth is shown in bold relief by M. Louis Blanc in his ‘Histoire de dix ans.’ Having described the annexation of Algeria, he speaks of the interviews at Paris between M. de Polignac and the English Ambassador, Lord Stuart. The quotation of one or two astounding passages is sufficient. Irritated by Lord Stuart’s tone, the French diplomatist allowed the following words to escape him: ‘If you require a diplomatic answer, the Resident or the Council will give it to you. As for me, I can only tell you in unofficial language, we can do without you.’ In volume ii., chapter iii., p. 82, we read:—‘In consequence of the embarrassments and complications of Europe, the prudent course to be adopted in Paris is to risk all, and the most daring diplomacy in appearance is in reality the wisest. Peace may be secured by either system, only in shaking the Treaties of Europe as exemplified in the Algerian expedition, France would be in a position to impose peace to Europe, whereas by adhering to those treaties she would have been forced to beg for peace. If she imposed it, she could dictate the conditions. If she had to beg for it, she would have had to submit to them.’

“In these words we have an explanation of the secret of the motive for France’s Protectorate over Tunis.

“The foregoing unpalatable truths are what Sir Charles Dilke must learn before he can attempt to baffle the strategy of the Quai d’Orsay. As it is, his more than equivocal answers in Parliament to the pertinent questions of Mr. Montague Guest, Lord Bective, Lord Randolph Churchill, Sir H. D. Wolff, and Mr. Otway, would to all appearances reveal a very decided predilection for a Franco-Arabian Republic.

“The language of the French Press, and the articles in the official Arabic journals published in Paris, remind one strangely of an almost forgotten pamphlet, entitled ‘Les temps sont venus.’ At page 7 we find these words:—

“‘If France had only followed one line and one policy since 1789, she would be now at the head, not only of Europe, but of the whole world, which would follow her footsteps in the glorious path of Peace and Universal ‘Fraternity!’

“George Canning, in a memorable speech delivered in December 1802, fearlessly denounced the French policy in Europe and the East from the time of Louis XIV. He pointed out its characteristic feature—duplicity. Duplicity as regards other nations, duplicity towards the House of Savoy, and above all, duplicity against England. He exhorted his countrymen to mistrust the deceitful assurances of France, no matter from what Government they might emanate, and he implored them to save the legitimate prestige of England and of modern civilisation by that energetic resistance which alone could muzzle the supremacy-seeking vagaries of France and her rulers. ‘Providence,’ he said, ‘will do nothing for those who neglect their own interest, nor will Heaven itself help a country (England) which does nothing in its own defence.’”

· · · · · · · · · ·

X.

The last Episode in the History of Carthage.

On the 16th April Monseigneur Charles Martial Allemand Lavigérie received, in one of the halls of the college he has erected over the site of the temple of Esculapius on the Byrsa hill at Carthage, the first insignia of the Cardinalate from the hands of Count Cechini of the Papal guards. This imposing ceremony was performed in the presence of the French Minister Resident M. Cambon, the chiefs of the French naval and military services, and several of the foreign representatives. For some time past Monseigneur Lavigérie’s influence has been undoubtedly exercised with a view to promote a conciliation of conflicting interests in the Regency. After the investiture the Cardinal delivered the following short allocution:—“I am almost overwhelmed at receiving these honours in this place. The ruins of Carthage which surround us are at once emblems of human greatness and the vanity of earthly magnificence. It was from the spot on which we are now standing came the conquerors of Africa—the islands of the Mediterranean, and the shores of the distant oceans—the great captains, who for a moment caused the fate of Rome itself to tremble in the balance. What names are those of Mago, Hanno, Hamilcar, Hannibal, and Hasdrubal, who upon this very hill saw his father-land in flames and his children slaughtered in the temple, the remains of which at this moment surround us! What names are those of Regulus, Scipio, Marius, Cæsar, Justinian and Belisarius, and in more modern times those of Louis IX. and Charles V.! Each of them left upon this spot the memorials of his deeds and his glory. But what a lesson as to the vanity of man presents itself! Not a trace of these memorials remains, and one must excavate even to know that it was here that Carthage existed!

“The name of Carthage is as famous in the history of the Church as it is in that of the world at large. The very earth we now tread on has been trodden by the feet of such eloquent divines as Tertullian, Augustine, and Fulgencius, by such admirable saints as Eugenia, Monica, Felicita, and Perpetua, and by such bishops as Cyprian, who in his person represented all the glories of Christian Carthage. Once more, after the lapse of centuries the cross crowns the summit of this famous hill, and I see before me European colonists of all the great nations of the South, who have come to exercise their art and industries in this country. To them I have a mission, and it is to preach to every one of them charity, union, and peace. I trust the day is not far distant when all contention will cease, and when every Christian inhabitant of this country, no matter to what nation he may belong, will work cheerfully and earnestly for the good and progress of the country of his adoption.”

Y.

An Intercepted Letter about Frontier Raids.

In August 1865 the Bey of Tunis managed, by some means or other, to obtain possession of a letter addressed by his then Consul at Bone to the French Chargé d’Affaires at Tunis on leave in Paris, through the medium of the French War Office. I am unable to ascertain how he contrived to intercept it, but it must be remembered that for two generations at least the Tunisian Government has been officially and unofficially represented in the French capital. The document in question shows sufficiently the utility of border raids in diplomacy, and runs as follows:—

“Monsieur le Consul Général,—

“Permit me to congratulate you on your nomination to the rank of Commander in the Legion of Honour. . . I regret I did not see you before your departure, as I had many things to communicate to you. . . I must admit that your mission is a most difficult one in presence of the eternal non possumus of the Khaznadar. Nevertheless, your exquisite courtesy and the great benefits you have conferred on the Hassanite dynasty, by asserting the independence of Tunis as far as the Porte is concerned, should have compelled him (if he was really loyal to his sovereigns), to express his gratitude, and brought him into a proper line of thinking. Alas! the great achievement with which all European journals have rung, has been misrepresented to the Tunisian population by the Khaznadar; no paper in the country has ever mentioned it (!); and it is not difficult to detect the influence which has prompted this extraordinary behaviour.

“As a retired French officer I cannot but deplore the fatal conduct of the Khaznadar; I am persuaded that the Bey, who is a very worthy and honest Prince, would be displeased by it if he could only understand it, because his sheet anchor is clearly France and not England.

“The fall of the Khaznadar would save the Tunisian government; I am convinced that every one at the Tunisian Court desires it for the good of the country. But unfortunately an interested influence sustains this man: the influence in question is the more to be dreaded, because it commands pounds sterling, the chief moving force of the present century. France should arouse herself and cease to be the victim of her good faith. It must henceforth be with her a case of diamond cut diamond. The following project illustrates this maxim:—

“In the first place, be persuaded that this idea of mine is not suggested by personal interest (as appearances might wrongly indicate); it is prompted by a desire to see French influence consolidated at Tunis, and to thus have friends for neighbours instead of enemies.

“As you are aware, I am Consul of the Bey of Tunis at Bone, but I have not been accepted by the French government, because France has not yet officially recognised the independence of the Tunisian government. As, however, she has notified it to the Porte, she must, to be consistent, recognise the agents of the government. It is besides the interest of France, especially on the Algerian frontier, that these agents should be devoted to her, or in plain language that they should be Tunisians in name and Frenchmen in heart. With such materials as this, let us suppose that the frontier Arabs (who are generally very turbulent), declare in a moment of revolt that ‘they respect the Bey, but will no longer endure the Khaznadar,’ and that these simple words, said or not said, be embodied in the official reports of the Tunisian Consular agents, and that by some indiscretion the French government becomes aware of the circumstances. France will then certainly have a right to say, that to secure the tranquillity of Algeria, she urgently demands the dismissal of the Khaznadar, who is the sole cause of agitation in the Regency. It would be pointed out that these troubles are all the more dangerous for Algeria, because they occur near the frontier, and one might add that this cannot be denied, because the Tunisian Consular agents themselves had said so in their telegrams announcing their detailed reports on the events.

“Yes, sir, by this means France will be fully justified, and will be only acting in self-defence, in causing her columns to enter the country, from which they will retire on the dismissal of the Khaznadar.

“In my humble opinion, I believe that in accordance with existing relations between France and the other powers, the means which I propose to-day are the only ones applicable, and the results will be satisfactory without causing unnecessary fiction. If you think the project feasible, count upon me. I repeat, I am a Frenchman above all: on my breast shines the emblem of honour and devotion to France. I speak openly to you, because I have detected in you that intelligence which enabled you to distinguish an able man in the crowd. You fascinated me in our first interview, and I think we understood each other: do you need an assistant, a man of activity to accomplish your political projects? I am your man. The influence which I exercise on the frontier ensures a successful result.

“It may be that the Khaznadar, who has in his pay a trusty secret police, may have learned with suspicion of our good relations, and that I have consequently offended him, but this can be easily diverted when once I am officially recognised as Consul. The French Consulate will simulate a certain coolness towards me, and might even prefer some complaint as to my partiality for the Tunisians. Then the Khaznadar, whose confidence I shall take care to gain, will assuredly accord me that influence which is useful to all of us in the present state of things.

“If by chance you are called elsewhere by promotion, and in case your successor possesses your qualities, I beg you to recommend me to him, and to answer for me, as far as regards the plans which I have now unfolded.”

Z.

The Tunisian Esparto Trade.

Throughout the work I have often incidentally alluded to the trade in esparto fibre, which has of late years been almost exclusively carried on between Great Britain and Tunis. The wild mountainous districts in the south of the Regency produce vast quantities of this useful plant, only a small proportion of which has, however, as yet been brought to the European market. Esparto grass enters more and more into the manufacture of paper, and in the near future there is every probability of its being extensively used in many other materials. Three weeks after the signing of the treaty of Kasr-es-Said, M. Roustan induced the Bey to grant to M. Réné Duplessis, a retired cavalry officer, exclusive rights over five of the richest of these esparto-producing mountain ranges for a term of ninety-nine years. This all-important concession under ordinary circumstances would have done incalculable injury to English trade. Fortunately enough for all parties the strong good sense and straightforward conduct of M. Duplessis has prevented a disagreeable international conflict. He has now ceded the larger share in his rights to a well-known English firm, and under the joint auspices of Messrs. Hough, Surtees, Lawes & Co. and M. Duplessis, an Anglo-French Company will shortly commence operations amongst the grass covered hills of Southern Tunis. Esparto fibre is growing there in luxuriant abundance, and its quality, I am told, leaves little to be desired, but workmen and labourers are still wanting. The Arabs of Bühedma, Ben Aicha and Majura are away on the Tripolitan frontier with Ali Ben Hlifa. On leaving this Mr. Hough, with characteristic British energy, at once went to Tripoli and sought out the rebel chiefs. He offered them every inducement to return to their native mountains and pick esparto. “We are starving,” they answered; “we have no harvest, and many of us have died while waiting to march with our Caliph and Sultan’s troops against the French. How can we come back?” He proposed to exchange stores of corn and oil for gathered halfa. Here was at once a remedy for their troubles, and they gratefully agreed to his terms. If once Southern Tunis is thus re-peopled (and some of the tribes have already crossed the frontier), the success of the enterprise is assured. Unless the Sultan speedily does something more than promise, it seems probable that English merchants may give once more to Southern Tunis that pacification which French columns and French bayonets have wholly failed to achieve. French diplomatists are apparently contented with this solution.

THE END.

PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND CO. EDINBURGH AND LONDON.