LECTURE III.

In my last lecture I brought down the history of the Jews in this country, to the death of Henry the Second. The reign of that monarch seems, upon the whole, especially when compared with subsequent reigns, not to have been very unfavourable to the prosperity of the Jews. They experienced the usual share of imprisonment, fine, and banishment, which does not seem to have much depressed their general state. From the nature of some of the fines, which I described to you on Friday evening last, we may infer the wealth and power of individuals amongst them. One Josce, it seems, was fined by the king for supplying the rebels in Ireland with large sums of money; another Jew was fined for taking in pawn the abbey plate of St. Edmundsbury. When the king intended to proceed to the Holy Land, after having made an agreement to the same effect with Philip Augustus, King of France, at the parliament held at Northampton in the year 1188, the Jews were commanded to supply nearly half the subsidy requisite for the undertaking—the Christians being taxed at £70,000, and the Jews at £60,000; and though this money was never levied, in consequence of a disagreement between the two kings, and Henry’s subsequent death, as I have already stated,1 yet these are facts which clearly prove the flourishing state of the Jewish finances in England during this reign; and although the Jews had been frequently subjected to heavy pecuniary exactions under the reign of Henry the Second, still the vigorous administration of that prince had shielded them from popular violence. They were still able to carry on their trades and their professions. In spite of the reports circulated by the monks, that the Jews were sorcerers (in consequence of their superior medical skill), Christian patients would frequent the houses of the Jewish physicians in preference to the monasteries, where cures were pretended to have been effected by some extraordinary relics, such as the nails of St. Augustine, the extremity of St. Peter’s second toe, the breath of our Lord, which Nicodemus secured in a glove, the feathers of the wings of the archangel Michael, and more such-like relics. I need hardly add that the cures effected by the Jewish physicians were more numerous than those by the monkish impostors.

Andrews—who was evidently no friend to the Jews—in his continuation of Henry’s Britain, observes—“The partiality in favour of Jewish physicians was unaccountable, and probably ill-founded; yet Elizabeth chose to trust her health in the hands of the Hebrew, Rodrigo Lopez, rather than have recourse to many English students in medicine, of considerable abilities, who attended her court.” And in a note he adds—“The same fantastic preference had made Francis I., when indisposed with a tedious complaint, apply to Charles V. for an Israelite, who was the imperial physician. Accordingly, the person whom he sought for visited Paris; but the king, finding that he had been converted to Christianity, lost all confidence in his advice, and applied to his good ally, Soliman II., who sending him a true, hardened Jew, the monarch took his counsel, drank asses’ milk, and recovered.”1

When King Henry died, the Jews began to hope for better days. They were encouraged in their hopes by Richard’s conduct, who, after his return from Normandy—where he had been as prince—proclaimed liberty to all prisoners and captives, even to the greatest criminals. The coronation day, which was to take place in the beginning of the month of September, A.D. 1189, was proclaimed by the intended king to be an universal day of joy; and to crown all, that year was believed by all Jews to have been one of their jubilees.

All these circumstances conspired to flatter the oppressed Jews, and to raise their expectation that they also would experience mercy from the lion-hearted monarch, and led them to hope that together with this reign an era of better days would be introduced into the annals of their history in this country. But, alas! hope told them a flattering tale.

From the accession of this sovereign to the throne, the Jews had to date in characters of blood the commencement of a new and most severe series of sufferings and outrages; their footsteps in this country from the days of Richard to the days of Edward the First—when they were finally banished—may be tracked by their blood; against them sympathy has been steeled, and for their rights justice has had no balances. So far has the bitterness of their affliction been from exciting commiseration, or their hopeless prostration from disarming cruelty, that however Norman, Saxon, Dane, and Briton may have differed in other respects, and however adverse they were to each other, they concurred in treading down the Jews, and contended which should look with greatest detestation upon a people whom it was accounted a point of religion to hate, to revile, to despise, to plunder, and to persecute.

How truly was it said, that “except, perhaps, the flying fish, there was no race existing on the earth, in the air, or in the waters, who were the objects of such an unintermitting, general, and relentless persecution as the Jews of this period. Upon the slightest and most unreasonable pretences, as well as upon accusations the most absurd and groundless, their persons and property were exposed to popular fury.”1

It may not be uninstructive, however, to dwell on the history of the Jews in this realm during that period—though a dreary tale of woe—as it throws a great measure of light upon the national character of the people of this country, and the nature of its government during the dark ages of its annals; and if it be painful to you to hear of massacres, extortions, and persecutions perpetrated by your ancestors, upon a defenceless people, it is still a subject of congratulation that you are permitted to turn your eyes upon the improved state both of the persecuted and the persecutors—an idea which is naturally reflected from the opaque surface of these barbarous times with a luminous brightness, upon your own more happy epoch.

Richard Cœur de Lion, whose whole thoughts were engaged in the contemplated relief of the Holy Land, and the recovery of Jerusalem, seems to have regarded the Jews with feelings of especial antipathy, as being the determined and sworn enemies of a religion of which he professed himself so zealous a champion. The courtiers and the clergy, especially Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, endeavoured to make the king believe that the Jews were in general sorcerers, and might possibly bewitch him if allowed to be present at his coronation. Actuated by these sentiments, and desirous, perhaps, to give proof of the sovereign contempt he entertained towards the opponents of Christianity in general, Richard, as one of the first acts of his reign, caused a proclamation to be issued, the day before his inauguration, forbidding any woman or Jew to approach the palace during the ceremony of his coronation. Both women and Jews were considered by the ministers of the Church to practice sorcery and witchcraft.1

The issuing of such a proclamation at the commencement of the reign, was an ill omen of the treatment which the Jews were to expect under the government of the new monarch. They were desirous, if possible, to reconcile the mind of the king, and with a view to this purpose, deputed some of the chief men from amongst them to carry rich presents to him.1 These persons, hoping that they would be protected by reason of the gifts of which they were the bearers—which, as Dr. Tovey says, “were full worthy of his acceptance”—ventured to approach the courtyard of the palace at the time of the coronation, in order to crave leave of admittance, but the confluence pressing forward, they were, before they could obtain permission to enter, forced within the gates. The attendants who were stationed at the entrance, charged them with disobedience to the king’s command, and with blows forced them back into the street. The mob who were assembled at the outside, when they saw what took place, raised a cry that the king desired the proclamation he had issued to be enforced, and forthwith fell upon such of the Jews as were mingled with the crowd, and beating them, many were severely wounded, some killed, and many were left half dead. A report was now quickly spread through the city that the king had ordered all the Jews to be put to death, for the disregard they had shown to his proclamation. The people lost no time in putting this supposed order into execution. The Jews were sought out by the populace in every quarter of the city, and wherever they were found, were slain without mercy. Many took refuge in their houses, and defended themselves with determined courage, till the rabble, whose fury was increased by the opposition they experienced, set fire to their houses and burned them to the ground, the Jews and their families perishing in the flames. The cruelties that were inflicted were so atrocious, that the more sober-minded citizens, who had in vain endeavoured to restrain the mob, sent information at length to the king of what was taking place. He was at the time seated at the banquet, but immediately gave directions to Randulph de Grandville, the Lord High Steward, to quell the tumult. This officer, taking with him some of the chief nobility, used his endeavours to put a stop to the outrage; but the populace would pay no regard to his authority, threatened him with violence, and compelled him to retire. No interference of the chief justice and his officers, whom the king had despatched to quell the tumult, availed, until the multitude were gorged with spoil, and tired with the labour of slaughter. The tumult continued during the whole night; the houses of all the Jews were plundered, and most of them burned, and it was not till the next day that an end was put to the proceedings, by a large force sent into the city by the king. A few of the most active of the rioters were apprehended, and three of them were afterwards executed; not, however, for the pillage and murder of the unfortunate Jews. One of them was hanged because he did not confine his villany to the Jews, but took advantage of the uproar to plunder the house of a Christian; and the other two—who also met with the same fate—because by setting fire to the house of a Jew they had exposed the dwellings of the neighbouring Christians to destruction. And we are further informed by another historian, “that the inquiry soon stopped, as many considerable citizens were involved in the guilt, and as the priests applauded the pious zeal which destroyed so many enemies to the Christian faith.”2

The celebrated Rabbi, Jacob of Orleans, was among the great number of Jews who were slain on this night; as appears from the following short notice of that awful event, by Rabbi ♦Gedaliah ben Joseph Jachija, in his Shalsheleth Hakabbalah, fol. cxi., col. i.:—“In the year 4930 [A.M. 1190, A.D.] when Richard became new king in the city of London, which is in England, our Rabbi, Jacob of Orleans, was put to death in glorification of God’s name, and many other Jews with him.”1

The following circumstance, which occurred during that dreadful uproar, will give us some idea of the means which the Christian Church of that period employed in order to bring the Jews to a knowledge of salvation. Whilst animated by the above-mentioned mad frenzy and murderous rage, a Jew who was called Baruch (being interpreted, Benedict or Blessed), of York, was seized, and commanded to choose either to profess Christianity or to die immediately. This man, to save his life, called out that he would embrace the Christian faith, whereupon he was carried by the mob to the Prior of St. Mary of York, and was by him baptized. The king, hearing of the conversion, or rather of the baptism, commanded the Jew to be brought into his presence, and catechised him whether he had sincerely renounced his former faith. He answered that he had not, but only through fear of death submitted to whatever the Christians required of him. Richard, who was at the time attended by the chief dignitaries of the Church, asked the Archbishop of Canterbury what punishment should be inflicted on the apostate? The archbishop replied—“Not any; for if he will not be a man of God, let him be a man of the devil.”

“With which answer,” says the author of the Anglia Judaica, “the king being something surprised, suffered the man to slip away, and there was no further notice taken of him.” He continues—“This archbishop, delighting more in carnal than spiritual warfare, had his brains knocked out, within a few months after, at the siege of Acre.” Poor Benedict, however, did not survive more than a few days after that.

The Jews, in order to secure the king’s favour, came forward with large supplies of money towards the holy expedition—profanely so called—which the king undertook that year, and were therefore declared by proclamation to be under the king’s especial protection.

But the spirit which had broken out in London against them, was speedily communicated to other parts of the country. To put an end to these disorders, the king caused writs to be issued through all the counties, forbidding any molestation to be offered to the Jews. But notwithstanding these writs, the Jews were, in many places, subjected to severe persecutions; they were attacked in so many places at once, that their utter ruin seemed determined and inevitable. Brompton tells us that the citizens of Norwich were the first who followed the bad example of the Londoners, and were soon followed by those of other places. In Dunstable and some other towns they saved themselves by professing to renounce the Jewish faith, and by being baptized into the so-called Church of Christ. In the town of Lynn they were treated with great severity and cruelty. And here must be remarked—for it is the part of an impartial historian to state the whole truth, pro and con—that the Jews were themselves the authors of their sufferings at Lynn.

The circumstances under which the tumult there took place, were the following:—a Jew had been converted to Christianity; his brethren were enraged at his conduct, and sought to be revenged. They waylaid him, and one day as he passed through the streets, endeavoured to get him into their power; he, however, fled, and took refuge in a neighbouring church; some of the Jews pursued him thither; whereupon the sailors belonging to a ship then lying in the harbour, raised a cry that it was intended to put the convert to death, and being joined by the townspeople, under the plea of saving the man’s life, fell upon the Jews, drove them to their dwellings, and entering with them, slew many, carried off whatever valuables they could find, and then set fire to their houses. The mariners, enriched by the spoil, embarked immediately on board their vessel, and putting to sea, got clear off. The townspeople were called to account for the outrage which had been committed, in disobedience to the proclamation issued by the king, but escaped punishment by laying the whole blame to the charge of the sailors. Dr. Jost betrays here—as well as in many other places—no small measure of partiality, when he takes upon himself, without any reason whatever, to assert that “it was doubtless his [i.e. the convert’s] fault that he was persecuted in the open street, by his former co-religionists.1”

The same spirit of animosity still pervades the feelings of the Jews towards their converted brethren. A circumstance to the same effect happened in this town (Liverpool) about three years ago. A Jew who had been groundlessly suspected of inquiring into the doctrines of Christianity, entered a Jewish shop on the eve of the Passover, and was accosted by another Jew who was in the shop, by the salutation, you are an accursed M’shoomad,1 which the accused repudiated with disdain. The accuser, thinking, I suppose, that he had an opportunity to do God service, gave his brother a tremendous blow on his face; by which he almost broke his nose. As I said before, the charge was made without any ground; the insulted Jew therefore, who was ignorant of the precept, “pray for them which despitefully use you, and persecute you,” took out the offender, on the first day of Passover, from the synagogue, and brought him before the mayor of this town, and had him duly punished.

The Rev. Mr. Pauli, missionary to the Jews at Amsterdam, writes thus on the eighth of June last:1—“This moment I hear of the following extraordinary occurrence. Last night a Jewish gentleman, no doubt from the country, was passing the Jewish quarter. Some Jews took him for me, and in a second a tremendous crowd, chiefly Portuguese Jews, was assembled, and in spite of all remonstrances of the poor man that he was not ‘Domine’ Pauli, they rushed upon him and beat him unmercifully, and left him half dead. When the mistake was found out, they did all they could to prevent the ill-used gentleman from giving notice of the affair to the police. He complied with their request, only wishing heartily that his bruises and broken head could be transferred to me.”

The Rev. H. S. Joseph, formerly a Jewish Rabbi of Bedford, now a clergyman of the Church of England, was called upon after his conversion to Christianity, by a Mr. Moses T. Ansell, a connexion of his, who professed to be friendly disposed towards him, and wishing to discuss in a quiet manner the doctrines of Christianity, with which Mr. Joseph readily complied. The discussion lasted for some time, during which Mr. Joseph endeavoured to prove to his friend that his reasons for embracing Christianity were cogent ones.1 Mr. Ansell, finding that he could not disprove the convert’s arguments from Scripture, said to him—“Now we are by ourselves; you need not be afraid of me, I will divulge your mind to nobody. Tell me, then, do you really believe that Jesus of Nazareth, the crucified one, was the Messiah?” (The unbelieving Jews fancy that it is impossible for a Jew to be really a believer in Christ, however powerful the arguments are in favour of Christianity.) Mr. Joseph replied—“I believe from my heart that Jesus of Nazareth was the true Messiah, and in him alone do I hope for salvation.” No sooner did he utter that confession, than his guest laid violent hands on him, and knocked him down to the ground. What carnal weapons! It was well for Mr. Ansell that Mr. Joseph was a Christian. To return, however, to the twelfth century.

By this time King Richard had passed over to the Continent, to join the king of France in the crusade to Palestine. Those who had taken the cross were assembled in most of the principal towns, preparing to follow him. Of these, the greater number were ill provided with funds to defray the expenses of their journey to the Holy Land, and their zeal in the sacred cause readily justified any conduct, whereby the pious object to which they were pledged might be advanced. They observed with envy that the Jews were possessed of wealth; they regarded them as infidels, and worked themselves into a belief that they should render good service to God, if, by wresting the riches from the hands of unbelievers, they obtained the means for aiding in the overthrow of the enemies of Christianity in the East.

On the seventh day of March 1190, a public fair being held at Stamford, had drawn together to that place great multitudes of people, and amongst them whole troops of those roaming saints, as they were called. These zealous men, indignant that the enemies of Christ should abound in wealth, while they, who were His great friends, were obliged to strip their wives and children of common necessaries, in order to be equipped with travelling expenses, argued that God would be highly honoured if they should first destroy all the Jews, and then possess themselves of their property. “So ready are men to believe what makes for their worldly advantage”—observes Tovey—“accordingly they flew upon them with great vigour and resolution, and finding very little resistance from an oppressed and spiritless enemy, quickly made themselves masters both of their persons and fortunes; the former of which they treated with all kinds of barbarity. Some few of them, indeed, were so fortunate as to get shelter in the castle, whither, as they fled without their riches, the source of all their misery, they were not earnestly pursued. And as these devout pilgrims pretended to do all this for the advancement of God’s glory, to show they were in earnest, they took shipping as fast as they could, and fled away for Jerusalem; not so much as one of them being detained by the magistrates, or any further inquiry made by the king into such a sanctified piece of villany.”1

The same outrages were committed in several other parts of the kingdom. The same spirit prevailed also at Lincoln. An attack was on the point of being made on the helpless Jews there; but as by that time the melancholy intelligence was noised abroad, and the Jews were every where made acquainted that the faithful (?) aimed at their destruction, they retired, therefore, as soon as possible into the king’s fortress, which liberty they purchased, with a large sum, of the governor; so that the majority of them escaped with little damage. At York, the popular feeling communicated itself to all classes of the inhabitants, and many of the nobles and principal gentry of the neighbourhood associated themselves with the soldiers of the cross, and with the knights of the temple, whose characters were stained with the vilest of human passions.

The origin of their persecution at York was the following. It appears that Benedict and Jocenus, two of the richest Jews of York, were deputed by their brethren of that city to carry presents to the king on his coronation day. The fate of the former you have already heard; the latter was so far fortunate as to be able to return to York, where he related the sad catastrophe which had befallen his brethren in London; but instead of exciting commiseration in the breasts of his Gentile neighbours, his narrative had the effect of stimulating them to a like outrage. The houses of the richest of the Jews were accordingly spoiled and burned, and many, together with their families, were murdered. The common people, urged by the example of their superiors, fell upon such as escaped the first assaults, and with savage fury slew them, without regard to age or sex. Fifteen hundred, with their wives and children, escaped to the castle, and, by permission of the sheriff and keeper, took refuge there. Afterwards, thinking—for which they had good reason—that these officers also had taken part with their assailants, they refused to allow them to enter, whereupon the sheriff assembled an armed force, and laid siege to the castle. The mob joined in the attack, and though they were before sufficiently bent upon destruction and plunder, they were—to the shame of the ecclesiastics of that day be it recorded—further stimulated by the exhortations of the clergy. One in particular, a canon of the order of Præmonstratenses, displayed uncommon zeal on the occasion. For several days he appeared amongst the people, dressed in his surplice, after having eaten a consecrated host, and greatly increased their fury by continually calling out in a loud voice—“Destroy the enemies of Christ!—Destroy the enemies of Jesus!” At length the priest received the punishment his conduct justly merited; for having approached too near the walls, he was crushed to death by a stone which was rolled down from the battlements.

For a time the Jews defended themselves with desperate bravery; but the assault being warmly pressed, they found that they had no hopes of escape, and they offered a large sum of money that their lives might be spared. This was refused, and they proceeded again to take vigorous measures for their defence, determining to hold out to the last moment; calling at the same time—which was right—a council, to take into consideration what was to be done in case of their being driven to extremities, which consultation altered their purpose completely. For when they gathered themselves ♦together into one place, one of their rabbies, a man of great authority amongst them, and who also made the convocation, stood up and addressed them in the following words:—“Ye men of Israel, the God of our fathers, to whom none can say, what doest thou? commands us at this time to die for his law; and behold! death is even before our eyes, and there is nothing left us to consider but how to undergo it in the most reputable and easy manner. If we fall into the hands of our enemies (which I think there is no possibility of escaping), our deaths will not only be cruel but ignominious. They will not only torment us, but despitefully use us. My advice therefore is, that we voluntarily surrender those lives to our Creator, which He seems to call for, and not wait for any other executioners than ourselves. The fact is both rational and lawful; nor do we want examples from amongst our illustrious ancestors, to prove it so: they have frequently proceeded in the like manner upon the same occasions.”1 Thus spoke the old Rabbi, after which he sat down and wept.

The auditors looked first wistfully at each other, and then gave utterance to their thoughts—some loudly approving the advice of the Rabbi, whilst others, with tears in their eyes, avowed their dissent from the Rabbi’s opinion.

To which the rabbi, standing up a second time, replied—“Seeing, brethren, that we are not all of one mind, let those who do not approve of this advice depart from this assembly.” The less courageous departed. But by far the greater number adhered steadfastly to the leader’s proposal. And as soon as they perceived themselves alone, which increased their despair, they first burned every thing belonging to them that was consumable by fire, and buried the remainder in the earth (to prevent its falling into the possession of their enemies); they then set fire to several places of the castle at once, after which each man took a sharp knife, and first cut the throats of their own wives and children, and then their own. The persons who remained last alive were this rash counsellor, and the aforementioned Jocenus, who were possessed of a strong desire to see everything performed according to their directions; for they did not survive much longer; as soon as that atrocious work was over, the Rabbi, out of respect to Jocenus (who was a person of importance), first slew him, and then himself.1 When this dreadful act was completed, those who remained alive took up the dead bodies, and threw them over the walls, on the heads of the besiegers; and determined at last upon the expedient of their brethren. They also burned their clothes, and such of their valuables as would consume, and threw the rest of their treasures into the sinks and drains of the castle; and the greater part of those who survived, collecting themselves together in one of the buildings, set fire to it, and resigned themselves to the flames. A few only, of less courage than their brethren, still remained. These, coming forward upon the ramparts, called out to the assailants, and showed the manner in which their companions had fallen, and offered to receive baptism, if their lives might be spared. This was granted to them; but they no sooner passed the gate than the people fell upon them and slew them, with the exception of one or two who escaped; which proved that the Rabbi was not far wrong in his calculation. The populace afterwards betook themselves to the destroying and burning of all the houses of the Jews in the city which had not been previously demolished. Thus perished fifteen hundred Jews at York on this occasion, besides those who fell in the other parts of England.

Jossen erwürgte seine Frau Hanna mit fünf Kindern, und liess sich dann von dem Rabbi ♦niederschlachten. Seinem Beispiel folgten alle Uebrigen.

Now comes the secret. No sooner did the English make an end of butchering that unhappy people, than many gentlemen of the province—who having been their debtors, and took, therefore, the most active part in the carnage—repaired to the cathedral, where their bonds were deposited, compelled the officer to deliver those obligations, and burned them in the church with great solemnity before the altar.

When the account of these outrages reached the king’s ears, he was exceedingly enraged at this insult upon his authority, which at the same time affected his revenue; he sent over immediate directions to the Bishop of Ely, his chancellor, to apprehend and punish the offenders. The chancellor accordingly proceeded to York with a strong force, to execute the king’s commands: but the principal actors in the massacres there, being warned of his approach, made their escape; some of them taking refuge into Scotland, but the greater number proceeding on their journey to the Holy Land. The governor of the castle and the sheriff were, however, apprehended, and not being able to clear their conduct, were deprived of their respective offices. A heavy fine was also imposed upon the inhabitants of the city, for which the chancellor took one hundred hostages with him. Richard, mala bestia (wicked beast), or as he is called Mallebisse, was obliged to pay twenty marks for the use of his land, as also for protection to himself and his two esquires,1 till the king’s return; but, with these exceptions, it does not appear that any individual was brought to punishment for the part he had taken in the late disturbances.

When Richard returned home, after his captivity, the affairs of the Jews were again brought under his consideration; and he appointed justices itinerant to proceed through the different parts of England for the purpose of making further inquiries concerning the slaughter of the Jews—who were the murderers?—what lands and chattels belonged to them at the time they were slain?—who took possession of the same? &c. He established very curious regulations, professedly for the protection of the Jews, but really—as it was well observed—“that he might fleece them at his pleasure.” He established the famous EXCHEQUER of the Jews. The revenues arising from them were placed under the care of an office for the purpose, in which the justiciaries of the Jews presided. To these places Jews and Christians were indifferently appointed. They had not only the Jewish revenues under their care, but were also judges of all civil matters, where a Jew was one of the parties. Lord Coke takes notice of this court, and calls it the “Court of the Justices of the Jews.”

“In order to know”—observes Dr. Tovey—“what were the particular monies, goods, debts, real and personal estates belonging to every Jew in the nation, he commanded (something after the manner of the Conqueror’s Domesday) that all effects belonging to Jews should be registered.

“That the concealment of any particular should be forfeiture of body and whole estate.

“That six or seven public places should be appointed, wherein all their contracts were to be made.

“That all such contracts should be made in the presence of two assigned lawyers, who were Jews, and two that were Christians, and two public notaries.

“That the Clerks of William de Sancta Maria, and William de Chimelli, should likewise be present at all such contracts.

“That such contracts should likewise be made by indenture: one part of which was to remain with the Jew, sealed with the seal of him to whom the money was lent; and the other in a common chest, to which there was to be three locks and three keys.

“One key whereof was to be kept by the said Jewish lawyers, the other by the Christian lawyers, and the third by the aforesaid Clerks.

“The chest also was to be sealed with three seals.

“The aforesaid Clerks were also commanded to keep a transcript roll of all such contracts; which roll was to be altered as often as the original charters of contract were altered.

“And the fee for drawing every such charter was to be three pence; one moiety whereof was to be paid by the Jew, and the other moiety by him to whom the money was lent. Whereof the two writers were to have two pence, and the keeper of the rolls the third.

“It was ordained likewise, that as no contracts for money, so no payment of it, or acquittance, or any other alteration in the charters, or transcript rolls were to be made, but in the presence of the aforesaid persons, or the greater part of them.

“The aforesaid two Jews were to have a copy of the said transcript roll, and the two Christians another.

“Every Jew was to take an oath upon his roll,1 that he would truly and faithfully register all his estates, both real and personal, as above directed; and discover every Jew whom he should know guilty of any concealment; as likewise all forgers, or falsifiers of charters, and clippers of money.”

Under those regulations the Jews lived peaceably; for they very seldom, on their part, violate any regulations established between themselves and others; and as it was the king’s interest to adhere to the above regulations on his part, the Jews therefore enjoyed comparative tranquillity. But at no small expense.

The justices of the Jews at that time were a certain Benedict, and Joseph Aaron. Their contracts, or, as they were then called, Shtaroth, from the Hebrew, or rather Chaldee, word שטר Shtar, were written either in indifferent Hebrew, or bad Latin, or the same sort of French.1 That court where all those documents were deposited, obtained the name of “The Star Chamber.”2 It was well remarked that Richard made the Jews most unfortunate. He used them as a press, with which to squeeze his subjects. By which they incurred no small degree of animosity from their Christian neighbours.3

APPENDIX TO LECTURE III.

A.

בשנת דתתק״נ בהיות ריקרדו מלך חדש בעיר לונדריש שבאינגלטירה נהדג בקידוש ה׳ רבינו יעקב מאורליינש ויהודים רבים אחרים עמו׃

The same Rabbi Gedaliah, author of the Shalsheleth Hakabalah, makes mention of Rabbi Jacob of Orleans, in another part of the same book, viz., when speaking of the age of the celebrated Maimonides, Jarchi, &c., he names our Rabbi Jacob, as “a distinguished sage,” and also tells us that he was one and the same with Rabbi Tam, grandson of the famous Rabbi Solomon Jarchi, who was one of the authors of the Tosephoth. The following are Rabbi ♦Gedaliah’s own words:—

רבינו יעקב מאורליאינש שבגליל אינגלטירה היה בדור הזה חכם מופלג ינהרג שנת דתתק״נ והוא נקרא בתוספות ר׳ת כאשר קוראים רבינו יעקב בן בתו דרשי׃

Shalsheleth Hakabalah, fol. 50, col. 2:—

B.

משומד M’shoomad literally signifies destroyed one; but it is used by the Jews to denote a brother Jew who embraced the religion of Jesus. It is rather curious that the first time the word is made use of, according to the Jews’ own showing, appears to have been by Jesus, against those Jews who disbelieved him. The following passage—reproaching the Jews for their infidelity and blasphemy—occurs in the הולדות ישו Toledoth Jeshu—a most blasphemous production, purporting to give a narrative of Jesus Christ:—

מי הם אותם המשומדים שאומרים עלי שאני ממזר ופסול הם ממזרים ופסולים

Indeed, whenever a converted Jew gets an opportunity of comparing notes with an unconverted one, it always appears most palpably that the epithet משומד M’shoomad is more applicable to the latter than to the former; for the former generally can prove to demonstration, that he is a faithful follower of Moses and the Prophets, whilst the latter can do no such thing.

C.

Henry de Knyghton, in his “De Eventibus Angliæ,” gives us the following piece of information:—“One John, a most bold Christian, flying from Stanford with many spoyls of the Jews, to Northampton, was there secretly slain by his host, to get his money, and thrown without the city in the night, the murderer flying thereupon. After which, through the dreams of old women, and fallacious signs, the simple people, attributing to him the merits of a martyr, honoured his sepulchre with solemn vigils and gifts. This was derided by the wise men, yet it was acceptable to the Clerks there living, by reason of the gains.”1 Strange, however, Englishmen will attribute avarice and love of money to the poor Jews, rather than to their own ancestors, who possessed by far the greater share of both.

D.

The address of the York Rabbi is evidently a digest of Eleazar’s speeches in the fort of Masada. After the destruction of Jerusalem (A.D. 72), a great number of the Jews entrenched themselves in that fort, and for some time defended themselves so bravely, that it cost the Romans one bloody battle more. However, when the besieged beheld that in consequence of the fire which the Roman engines sent into their fortress, its further defence was impossible, the whole garrison, at the instigation of Eleazar, their commander, surrendered themselves to a voluntary death, slaying first their wives and children, and then each other, to the number of 960, that they might not fall into the hands of the hated besiegers. As the awful tragedies are so strikingly alike, it may not be uninteresting to the reader to take a view of both leaders’ addresses at the same time; I therefore give here the speeches of Eleazar, long though they are:—

“Since we long ago, my generous friends, resolved never to be servants to the Romans, nor to any other than to God himself, who alone is the true and just Lord of mankind, the time is now come that obliges us to make that resolution true in practice. And let us not at this time bring a reproach upon ourselves for self-contradiction; while we formerly would not undergo slavery, though it were then without danger, but must now, together with slavery, choose such punishments also as are intolerable; I mean this, upon the supposition that the Romans once reduce us under their power while we are alive. We were the very first that revolted from them, and we are the last that fight against them; and I cannot but esteem it as a favour that God hath granted us, that it is still in our power to die bravely, and in a state of freedom, which hath not been the case of others who were conquered unexpectedly. It is very plain that we shall be taken within a day’s time; but it is still an eligible thing to die after a glorious manner, together with our dearest friends. This is what our enemies themselves cannot by any means hinder, although they be very desirous to take us alive. Nor can we propose to ourselves any more to fight them, and beat them. It had been proper, indeed, for us to have conjectured at the purpose of God much sooner, and at the very first, when we were so desirous of defending our liberty, and when we received such sore treatment from one another, and worse treatment from our enemies; and to have been sensible that the same God who had of old taken the Jewish nation into his favour, had now condemned them to destruction; for had he either continued favourable, or been but in a lesser degree displeased with us, he had not overlooked the destruction of so many men, or delivered his most holy city to be burned and demolished by our enemies. To be sure we weakly hoped to have preserved ourselves, and ourselves alone, still in a state of freedom, as if we had been guilty of no sins ourselves against God, nor been partners with those of others: we also taught other men to preserve their liberty. Wherefore, consider how God hath convinced us that our hopes were in vain, by bringing such distress upon us in the desperate state we are now in, and which is beyond all our expectations; for the nature of this fortress, which was in itself unconquerable, hath not proved a means of our deliverance; and even while we have still abundance of food, and a great quantity of arms and other necessaries more than we want, we are openly deprived by God himself of all hope of deliverance; for that fire which was driven upon our enemies did not, of its own accord, turn back upon the wall which we had built: this was the effect of God’s anger against us for our manifold sins, which we have been guilty of in a most insolent and extravagant manner with regard to our own countrymen; the punishment of which let us not receive from the Romans, but from God himself, as executed by our own hands, for these will be more moderate than the other. Let our wives die before they are abused, and our children before they have tasted of slavery; and after we have slain them, let us bestow that glorious benefit upon one another mutually, and preserve ourselves in freedom, as an excellent funeral monument for us. But first let us destroy our money and the fortress by fire; for I am well assured that this will be a great grief to the Romans, that they shall not be able to seize upon our bodies, and shall fail of our wealth also: and let us spare nothing but our provisions; for they will be a testimonial when we are dead, that we were not subdued for want of necessaries; but that, according to our original resolution, we have preferred death before slavery.”

The above address was not at first approved of by all, and consequently a second impetuous speech was elicited, which is the following:—

“Truly, I was greatly mistaken when I thought to be assisting to brave men who struggled hard for their liberty, and to such as were resolved either to live with honour, or else to die; but I find that you are such people as are no better than others, either in virtue or in courage, and are afraid of dying, though you be delivered thereby from the greatest miseries, while you ought to make no delay in this matter, nor to await any one to give you good advice; for the laws of our country, and of God himself, have, from ancient times, and as soon as ever we could use our reason, continually taught us—and our forefathers have corroborated the same doctrine by their actions, and by their bravery of mind—that it is life that is a calamity to men, and not death; for this last affords our souls their liberty, and sends them, by a removal, into their own place of purity, where they are to be insensible of all sorts of misery; for while souls are tied down to a mortal body, they are partakers of its miseries; and really, to speak the truth, they are themselves dead; for the union of what is divine to what is mortal is disagreeable. It is true the power of the soul is great, even when it is imprisoned in a mortal body; for by moving it after a way that is invisible, it makes the body a sensible instrument, and causes it to advance farther in its actions than mortal nature could otherwise do. However, when it is freed from that weight which draws it down to the earth, and is connected with it, it obtains its own proper place, and does then become a partaker of that blessed power and those abilities, which are then every way incapable of being hindered in their operation. It continues invisible, indeed, to the eyes of men, as does God himself; for certainly it is not itself seen while it is in the body, for it is there after an invisible manner, and when it is freed from it it is still not seen. It is this soul which hath one nature, and that an incorruptible one also; but yet it is the cause of the change that is made in the body; for whatsoever it be which the soul touches, that lives and flourishes; and from whatsoever it is removed, that withers away and dies: such a degree is there in it of immortality. Let me produce the state of sleep as a most evident demonstration of the truth of what I say, wherein souls, when the body does not distract them, have the sweetest rest depending on themselves, and conversing with God, by their alliance to him; they then go everywhere, and foretell many futurities beforehand. And why are we afraid of death, while we are pleased with the rest that we have in sleep?—and how absurd a thing it is to pursue after liberty while we are alive, and yet to envy it to ourselves where it will be eternal! We, therefore, who have been brought up in a discipline of our own, ought to become an example to others of our readiness to die; yet if we do not stand in need of foreigners to support us in this matter, let us regard those Indians who profess the exercise of philosophy; for these good men do but unwillingly undergo the time of life, and look upon it as a necessary servitude, and make haste to let their souls loose from their bodies; nay, when no misfortune presses them to it, nor drives them upon it, these have such a desire of a life of immortality, that they tell other men beforehand that they are about to depart; and nobody hinders them, but every one thinks them happy men, and gives them letters to be carried to their familiar friends (that are dead); so firmly and certainly do they believe that souls converse with one another (in the other world). So when these men have heard all such commands that are to be given them, they deliver their body to the fire; and in order to their getting their soul a separation from the body, in the greatest purity, they die in the midst of hymns of commendation made to them; for their dearest friends conduct them to their death more readily than do any of the rest of mankind conduct their fellow-citizens when they are going a very long journey, who, at the same time, weep on their own account, but look upon the others as happy persons, as so soon to be made partakers of the immortal order of beings. Are not we, therefore, ashamed to have lower notions than the Indians; and by our own cowardice to lay a base reproach upon the laws of our country, which are so much desired and imitated by all mankind? But put the case that we had been brought up under another persuasion, and taught that life is the greatest good which men are capable of, and that death is a calamity; however, the circumstances we are now in ought to be an inducement to us to bear such calamity courageously, since it is by the will of God and by necessity that we are to die; for it now appears that God hath made such a decree against the whole Jewish nation, that we are to be deprived of this life, which (he knew) we would not make a due use of; for do not you ascribe the occasion of your present condition to yourselves, nor think the Romans are the true occasion that this war we have had with them is become so destructive to us all: these things have not come to pass by their power, but a more powerful cause hath intervened, and made us afford them an occasion of their appearing to be conquerors over us. What Roman weapons, I pray you, were those by which the Jews of Cesarea were slain? On the contrary, when they were no way disposed to rebel, but were all the while keeping their seventh day festival, and did not so much as lift up their hands against the citizens of Cesarea; yet did those citizens run upon them in great crowds, and cut their throats, and the throats of their wives and children, and this without any regard to the Romans themselves, who never took us for their enemies till we revolted from them. But some may be ready to say, that truly the people of Cesarea had always a quarrel against those that lived among them, and that when an opportunity offered itself, they only satisfied the old rancour they had against them. What, then, shall we say to those of Scythopolis, who ventured to wage war with us on account of the Greeks? Nor did they do it by way of revenge upon the Romans, when they acted in concert with our countrymen. Wherefore you see how little our good will and fidelity to them profited us; while they were slain, they and their whole families, after the most inhuman manner, which was all the requital that was made to them for the assistance they had afforded the others; for that very same destruction which they had prevented from falling upon the others, did they suffer themselves from them, as if they had been ready to be the actors against them. It would be too long for me to speak, at this time, of every destruction brought upon us; for you cannot but know that there was not any one Syrian city which did not slay their Jewish inhabitants, and were not more bitter enemies to us than were the Romans themselves; nay, even those of Damascus, when they were able to allege no tolerable pretence against us, filled their city with the most barbarous slaughter of our people; and cut the throats of eighteen thousand Jews, with their wives and children. And as to the multitude that was slain in Egypt, and that with torments also, we have been informed they were more than sixty thousand; those, indeed, being in a foreign country, and so naturally meeting with nothing to oppose against their enemies, were killed in the manner forementioned.

“As for all those of us who have waged war against the Romans in our own country, had we not sufficient reason to have sure hopes of victory? For we had arms, and walls, and fortresses so prepared, as not to be easily taken, and courage not to be moved by any dangers in the cause of liberty, which encouraged us all to revolt from the Romans. But, then, these advantages sufficed us but for a short time, and only raised our hopes, while they really appeared to be the origin of our miseries; for all we had, hath been taken from us, and all hath fallen under our enemies, as if these advantages were only to render their victory over us the more glorious, and were not disposed for the preservation of those by whom these preparations were made. And as for those that are already dead in the war, it is reasonable we should esteem them blessed, for they are dead in defending, and not in betraying their liberty; but as to the multitude of those that are now under the Romans, who would not pity their condition? And who would not make haste to die, before he would suffer the same miseries with them? Some of them have been put upon the rack, and tortured with fire and whippings, and so died. Some have been half devoured by wild beasts, and yet have been reserved alive to be devoured by them a second time, in order to afford laughter and sport to our enemies; and such of those as are alive still, are to be looked on as the most miserable, who, being so desirous of death, could not come at it. And where is now that great city, the metropolis of the Jewish nation, which was fortified by so many walls round about, which had so many fortresses and large towers to defend it, which could hardly contain the instruments prepared for the war, and which had so many ten thousands of men to fight for it? Where is this city that was believed to have God himself inhabiting therein? It is now demolished to the very foundations, and hath nothing but that monument of it preserved, I mean the camp of those that have destroyed it, which still dwells upon its ruins. Some unfortunate old men also lie upon the ashes of the temple, and a few women are there preserved alive by the enemy for our bitter shame and reproach. Now, who is there that revolves these things in his mind, and yet is able to bear the sight of the sun, though he might live out of danger? Who is there so much his country’s enemy, or so unmanly, and so desirous of living, as not to repent that he is still alive? And I cannot but wish that we had all died before we had seen that holy city demolished by the hands of our enemies, or the foundations of our holy temple dug up after so profane a manner. But since we had a generous hope that deluded us, as if we might, perhaps, have been able to avenge ourselves on our enemies on that account, though it be now become vanity, and hath left us alone in this distress, let us make haste to die bravely. Let us pity ourselves, our children, and our wives, while it is in our power to show pity to them, for we are born to die, as well as those were whom we have begotten; nor is it in the power of the most happy of our race to avoid it. But for abuses and slavery, and the sight of our wives led away after an ignominious manner, with their children, these are not such evils as are natural and necessary among men; although such as do not prefer death before those miseries, when it is in their power so to do, must undergo even then on account of their own cowardice. We revolted from the Romans with great pretensions to courage; and when, at the very last, they invited us to preserve ourselves, we would not comply with them. Who will not, therefore, believe that they will certainly be in a great rage at us, in case they can take us alive? Miserable will, then, be the young men who will be strong enough in their bodies to sustain many torments; miserable also will be those of elder years, who will not be able to bear those calamities which young men might sustain! One man will be obliged to hear the voice of his son imploring help of his father, when his hands are bound! But certainly our hands are still at liberty, and have a sword in them. Let them, then, be subservient to us in our glorious design; let us die before we become slaves under our enemies; and let us go out of the world, together with our children and our wives, in a state of freedom. This it is that our laws command us to do; this it is that our wives and children crave at our hands; nay, God himself hath brought this necessity upon us; while the Romans desire the contrary, and are afraid any of us should die before we are taken. Let us, therefore, make haste, and instead of affording them so much pleasure as they hope for in getting us under their power, let us leave them an example which shall at once cause their astonishment at our death, and their admiration of our hardiness therein.”

This second harangue had the desired effect. The Romans having scaled the walls, apprehended some treachery, by reason of the death-like silence that prevailed around the fortress; but soon discovered the slaughtered bodies and learned the dreadful occurrence from the mouths of two women and five children, who, by concealing themselves, had escaped the fulfilment of the fatal compact.—Josephus’ Wars, Book vii., Chaps. 8, 9.

E.

“Ricardus Malebisse, r. c. de XX. Marcis, pro rehabendâ Terrâ suâ usque ad adventum Domini Regis; quæ saisita fuit in manu Regis, propter occisionem Judæorum Eborac. Et ut Walterus de Carton and Ricardus de Kukeneia Armigeri ejus habeant Pacem Regis usque ad adventum ejus.” Mag. Rot. 4 R. I. Rot. 4. b. Everwich.

F.

The following Hebrew Shtar was adduced by the learned John Selden, of the sixteenth century, in order to prove that the title “Sir” was considered part of the possessor’s name, so that the Jews of England retained it in their contracts without translating it.

אני החתום מטה מודה הודאה גמורה שפטרתי ומחלתי לשי׳ אדאם משטרטונא וליורשיו ולבאים מחמרו כל מן תביעה ועיעור שיש לי ושיכול להיות ליער המלון כשטנמירא הקטנה בפלך מידלשצע שהאדם הנקו׳ מחזיק זאת לדעת בקרקע ובאהו ובמרעה ובאגם עם כל האפורטניציע שמקדם היה לשי׳ אשטייבוא מקינדוט בכן שלא אני ולא יורשי ולא שום אחר בעבורי יכולין לתבוע או לערער על שי׳ אדאם הנקו׳ או על יורשיו או על הבאים מכחו על המלון הנקו׳ עם כל האפורטניצע הנקו׳ בעלילת שום חוב שהיה אשטייבנא הנקו׳ חייב לי או לשום יהודי אחר מבריאת עולם עד סופו ואם שום יהודי בעולם יבא לתבוע או לערער על שי׳ אדאם הנקו׳ או על יורשיו או על הבאים מחמרו על המלון משטנמירא הנקו׳ עם האפורטנצע הנקו׳ בעלילת שום חוב שהיה אשטייבנא מקינדוט הנקו׳ חייב לי או לשום יהודי אחר בעולם מבריאת עולם עד סופו עלי ועל יורשי בתראי להגינם ולהצילם ולפוטרם נגד כל המעיערים וזאת התמתי היים דניקול

The above shtar, or starr, was very indifferently copied by Selden, and so badly transcribed by Dr. Tovey, that a reference to the original became absolutely necessary, and which was after a little trouble obtained. The original has also a Latin note as follows:—

“Istud starrum fecit Hagm. fil. Magistri de London, Domino Adæ de Stratona, de acquietantia de Stanmere de omnibus debitis in quibus S. de Cheynduit ei tenebatur. Ita quod idem Judæus nec hæredes sui nihil exigere possint de prædicto Ada nec hæredibus suis ratione terræ de Stanmere de prædictis debitis.”

The following specimen of the second kind is a charter of release, made by one Aaron, a Jew of Lincoln, to William Fossard, so early as 1176, A.D., or 22 H. 2, long before the exchequer of the Jews was established.

“Sciant omnes legentes et audientes Litteras has, quod ego Aaron Judæus de Lincolnia, attestatione hujus meæ Cartæ quietum clamavi Willielmum Fossard de toto debito quod ipse vel pater ejus mihi debuerunt; et testificor, quod ipse est quietus de debito quod debuit vel mihi vel Josceo de Eboraco, vel cæteris Judæis subscriptis, viz., Kersun Elyae, Samsoni, Isaac, Judæo Pulcelle, vel ipsi Pulcelle vel Deuecresse de Danemarchia, usque ad festum S. Michaëlis anni Incarnationis Domini millesimi centesimi LXXVI. Hanc quietam clamantiam feci ei pro mille et CC. et LX. marcis unde Monachi de Mealse adquietaverunt eum versus me. Et sciendum quod quasdam Cartas hujus debiti jam reddidi, et eas si quas adhuc penes me habeo quamcitius potero reddam.—Mag. Rot. 9. R. I., Rot. 4. b. Everwichseira.”

Maddox, in his “Formula Anglicana,” gives the following as a specimen of a Jewish shtar, or starr, in the French language. It is a general release from a certain Jew, Fitz-Hagyn by name, who acted as attorney for his father, to a certain John de Say.

“Jeo ke suy ensele de suz, reconnuse verreye reconusaunce et testimoine pur mon pere Hagyn le fiz mestre Moss, ke Sire Johan de Say et ses auncestres et ses Heyres quites sunt de mun Pere avaunt dit, et de ses heyrs, et de tuz ses enfaunz, et de moy, et de mes heirs, et de mes assignes, de totes dettes, demaundes, chalendes, et plegages, ke eus a nus esteint tenuz, par Chartre u par nule Cirographe, u autre estrument; fetes avaunt ke cest Estar, del commencement du Secle dek a la fyn. Et si seit trove Chartre, u taille, u autre estrument, sur le nun le avaunt dit Sire Johan, u akeun de ces auncestres, u akeun de ses heires, e en le nun mun pere avaunt dit, u akeun de ses heires, u akeun de sez enfaunz, u en mun nun, u akeun di mes auncestres, u de mes heires, en la Huche nostre Seynur le Rey, u de hors, fetes avaunt ke cest Estar fu feyt; Je reconus et tesmoyne pur mun pere avaunt dit, et pur tuz ses heirs, et pur ses enfaunz, et pur moy, et pur mes heires, et pur mes enfaunz et assignes, ke quites seent a tuz jurz, et ren ne vaylet. E Jo et mes heires warrantirum aquiterum et defenderum le avaunt dit Sire Johan de Say, et ses heires, enver mun pere avaunt dit, et envers tuz ses heires, et ses assignes de tuttes dettes ke la avaunt dit Sire Johan a eus esteynt tenuz avaunt cest Estar fu fet, du comencement du secle dek a la fin. Act le Venderdi prochein apres la Seinte Lucy, lan du Regne le Re Edeward le fiz le Rey Henry, secund. E ceo ke jeo ay reconu, ai ensele cum aturne mun pere avaunt dit en ceste chose.

“Jacob le fiz Hagin.”

G.

“Court of Star-Chamber (camera stellata), a famous, or rather infamous English tribunal, said to have been so called, either from a Saxon word, signifying to steer or govern; or for its punishing the crimen stellionatus, or cosenage; or because the room wherein it sat—the old council-chamber of the palace of Westminster (Lamb. 148), which is now converted into the lottery-office, and forms the eastern side of the new palace-yard—was full of windows; or (to which Sir Edward Coke, 4 Inst. 66, accedes), because haply the roof thereof was at the first garnished with gilded stars. As all these are merely conjectures (for no stars are now in the roof, nor are any said to have remained there so late as the reign of Queen Elizabeth), it may be allowable to propose another conjectural etymology, as plausible, perhaps, as any of them. It is well known that, before the banishment of the Jews under Edward I., their contracts and obligations were denominated in our ancient records starra, or starrs, from a corruption of the Hebrew word shetar, a covenant. These starrs, by an ordinance of Richard the First, preserved by Hoveden, were commanded to be enrolled and deposited in chests, under three keys, in certain places; one, and the most considerable, of which was in the king’s exchequer at Westminster; and no starr was allowed to be valid, unless it were found in some of the said repositories. The room at the exchequer, where the chests containing these starrs were kept, was probably called the star-chamber, and when the Jews were expelled the kingdom, was applied to the use of the king’s council, sitting in their judicial capacity. To confirm this, the first time the star-chamber is mentioned in any record, it is said to have been situated near the receipt of the exchequer at Westminster (the king’s council, his chancellor, treasurer, justices, and other sages, were assembled en la chaumber des esteilles presta resceipt at Westminster, Clause 41, Edw. III. m. 13). For in process of time, when the meaning of the Jewish starrs were forgotten, the word star-chamber was naturally rendered in law French, la chaumbre des esteilles, and in law Latin, camera stellata, which continued to be the style in Latin till the dissolution of that court.”—Encyclopædia Britannica.