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The Jesus Problem

THE MYTH OF SIMON MAGUS

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I

Two questions are raised under this heading—the question whether, as was argued by F. C. Baur, the “Simon Magus” of the “Clementine Recognitions” and “Homilies” is a mask-name for a polemic directed primarily at the Apostle Paul; and the more fundamental question whether the Simon Magus of the Acts is or is not a historical character.

II

III

The application of a great mass of the polemic against Simon Magus in the Clementines is so obvious that the evasion of the problem by Harnack and Salmon and others on futile pleas of “false appearances” and “common-sense” is simply a confession of defeat. Baur’s case, after being dismissed on pretexts of “common-sense” by those who could not meet it, is irresistibly restated by Schmiedel, on a full survey of its development by Lipsius and others. The only solution is, that the Clementines adapt for new purposes a mass of old anti-Pauline matter. At the time at which they were redacted, Paul had been established as a “catholic” figure; and there could be no such hatred to him as breathes through the fierce impeachments of the teaching of the Paulines in the Recognitions and Homilies. For it is at the Epistles that the bulk of the attacks are directed. What has been done is to use up, for a new polemic with heretics, a quantity of old anti-Pauline literature in which the disguising of Paul under the name of Simon Magus probably blinded the redactors to its purpose. For them Simon was simply the arch-heretic, and it was against his detested memory and persisting influence that they operated.

The theory is no doubt a complicated one; but when taken in its full extent, as recognising the addition of the heresy of the Gnostic Paulinist Marcion to that of Paul, it is perfectly consistent with the documents; and there is really no other view worth discussing, as regards the connection of Simon Magus with Peter. The orthodox belief that Simon was an actual Samaritan who suddenly persuaded the people of Samaria to regard him as a divine incarnation, as told in the Acts, will not explain the mass of identities in the Clementines between the teaching ascribed to him and the actual Pauline Epistles. In explaining the choice of the name Simon for Paul by his Judaic antagonists, the myth-theory is far more helpful than the view of Simon’s historicity. A “false God” Simon, the God of the typically misbelieving Samaritans, would be by Jews reduced to human status as a matter of course, unless he were simply classed as a “daimon.” A “Simon the Mage” was for them just the type they wanted wherewith to identify Paul, the new False Teacher. To identify, on the other hand, a contemporary or lately deceased Paul with a contemporary or lately deceased Simon would be an idle device, missing the end in view. The name of such a Simon would for purposes of aspersion be worth little or nothing. The name had to be a widely and long notorious one, and the myth supplied it.

IV

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Apol. i, 26. ↑Note 2 · If we could but trust the assertion of Origen in the next century (Against Celsus, vi, 11) that there were then no Simonians left, the presuNote 3 · Ovid, Fasti, vi, 213; Livy, viii, 20. ↑Note 4 · Cory’s Ancient Fragments, ed. 1876, p. 92; Lenormant’s Chaldean Magic, Eng. tr., p. 131. ↑Note 5 · Sanchoniathon, in Cory, as cited, p. 5. ↑Note 6 · Eratosthenes’ Canon of Theban Kings, in Cory as cited, pp. 139–141. ↑Note 7 · Diodorus Siculus, ii, 4. ↑Note 8 · Bible Folk Lore, 1884, p. 45; cp. Steinthal on Samson, Eng. tr., with Goldziher, p. 408. ↑Note 9 · Movers, Die Phönizier, i, 558. ↑Note 10 · Goldziher, Hebrew Mythology, Eng. tr., p. 132; cp. Buttmann, Mythologus, 1828, i, 221, and Sanchoniathon, as above. ↑Note 11 · Volkmar, Die Religion Jesu, 1857, p. 281. ↑Note 12 · Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, 1884, i, 214 n. ↑Note 13 · McClintock and Strong’s Bib. Cycl. s. v. ↑Note 14 · Chaldean Magic, Eng. tr., p. 44. ↑Note 15 · Against Celsus, v, 45. ↑Note 16 · See it in McClintock and Strong’s Cycl. s. v.; cp. Schürer, Jewish Nation in Time of Christ, Eng. tr., Div. ii, Vol. ii, p. 83, where the prNote 17 · Schürer, p. 88. ↑Note 18 · McClintock and Strong’s Bib. Cycl. s. v. ↑Note 19 · 1 Samuel xxviii, 13. ↑Note 20 · 1 Kings xvi, 24. ↑Note 21 · Die Religion Jesu, as cited. ↑Note 22 · 12 Antiq. v, 5. ↑Note 23 · G. L. Bauer, Theol. of the Old Test., Eng. tr., 1837, p. 5; Etheridge, The Targums on the Pentateuch, i (1862), introd., pp. 5, 14, 17. ↑Note 24 · Bauer and Etheridge, as cited. ↑Note 25 · Gieseler, Comp. of Ec. Hist., Eng. tr., i, 48. ↑Note 26 · De Dea Syria, c. 33. ↑Note 27 · Die Phönizier, i, 417, 634. ↑Note 28 · Lenormant, as cited, p. 129. ↑Note 29 · Justin, Apol. i, 26; Irenæus, i, 23, § 2; Tertullian, De Anima, 34. ↑Note 30 · Die christliche Gnosis, 1835, p. 309. ↑Note 31 · De Dea Syria, 40. ↑Note 32 · Id. 32. ↑Note 33 · Lenormant, as cited, p. 117. ↑Note 34 · Irenæus, as cited. ↑Note 35 · Lucian, as cited. ↑Note 36 · Reland, Dissertat. Miscellan., Pars i, 1706, p. 147; cp. Enc. Bib. art. Samaritans, 4a. The dove was everywhere regarded in Syria as sacred,Note 37 · John viii, 48. ↑Note 38 · Mem. the aged Simeon of Luke ii, who blessed the child Jesus. “The Holy Spirit was upon him” (v. 25). With him is associated Anna the PropheNote 39 · Professor Smith, who accepts the historicity of Simon (Ecce Deus, pp. 11, 103) does so without noting that it has been challenged. It would Note 40 · McClintock and Strong’s Bib. Cyc. ↑Note 41 · Kuenen, Religion of Israel, Eng. tr., iii, 314. ↑Note 42 · 1 Cor. xv, 10; 2 Cor. xi, 13, 23; Gal. i, 7; ii, 11. ↑Note 43 · 1 Cor. xv, 9; 2 Cor. xii, 4; Gal. i, 12. ↑Note 44 · Even a late copyist or reader of one of the Clementine MSS. confusedly recognised a hostility to Paul as underlying his text. See Anti-NicenNote 45 · Acts iii, 1–12, etc.; xiv, 8–15, etc. ↑Note 46 · Gal. ii, 11–14. ↑Note 47 · See the whole data discussed in Baur, Ch. Hist. of the First Three Cent., Eng. tr., i, 91–98, etc.; Paul, Eng. tr., i, 88, 95, etc.; Zeller,Note 48 · Cp. 2 Cor. xi, 4. ↑Note 49 · John iv, 21. ↑Note 50 · The reasons for holding Simon to be a mythical personage (as apart from the reasons for supposing the Clementine Simon to be meant for Paul,Note 51 · For there is abundant evidence, to begin with, that a name of which the basis is Sem is one of the oldest of Semitic God-names. We have the Note 52 · But all this connects decisively with Samaria. It is not improbable that the name Samaria itself was derived from the name of the Sun-God, iNote 53 · We know from their version of the Pentateuch that the later Samaritans, being strong “monotheists” in one of the senses of that elastic and Note 54 · But still the proof abounds. In Lucian’s account of the Syrian Goddess we are told26 that in the temple at Byblos there was a statue, appareNote 55 · Everything in the Christian legend falls in with this identification. The Fathers29 tell us of one Helen, a prostitute from Tyre, with whom Note 56 · The chain is complete. We are dealing not with a historic person or persons, but with an ancient cult, which Christian ignorance and Judaic Note 57 · What hinders ordinary students from accepting Baur’s view of the “Clementine” Simon, which we have here sought to support, is the existence Note 58 · There remains to be considered the theory of the Tübingen school that the Christian legend of Simon Magus is to be found in its earliest forNote 59 · That the Judaists should give Paul a symbolical name, again, was quite in keeping with the usual dialectic of the time, in which Rome, for iNote 60 · In conclusion, let it be noted that the bearing of the myth of Simon Magus on Christianity is not limited to the explanation of the Samarita
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