Volume 8 — [60] CHAPTER IV. (continued 2)

Thereupon the Arendarhonons24 became eager to embark us; we found place for six, and so we resolved to [117] set out, and leave until some other time the two little boys we were to take. We began to distribute our baggage, and made presents to each one, to encourage them; and on the morrow, the seventh of the month, Monsieur du Plessis Bochard gave them still others, on the single consideration that they would embark us, and feasted all of them at a great feast of three large kettles. But the contagion which spread among all these Tribes last year, with great destruction, having suddenly seized several of our Savages, and filled the rest with fear, again threw us into confusion, and put us to great trouble, seeing that we had to set out immediately. Our six canoes being reduced to three, and our two Fathers and I being disembarked, [118] I had to find new men, to unload our slender baggage, to decide who should embark and who should remain, to choose among our packages those we were to carry, and to give orders as to the rest,—and all this in less than half an hour, when we would have needed entire days. Nevertheless, recognizing clearly that our embarkment was a decisive stroke for Heaven, we thought it necessary to put forth our utmost energies to resist the efforts of the common enemy of man's salvation, who, we doubted not, was mixed up in this matter. I therefore did everything I could; we doubled the presents, we reduced the amount of our baggage, and took only what belonged to the holy Sacrifice of the Mass, and what was absolutely necessary for life. Monsieur [119] du Plessis interposed his authority, Monsieur Oliver and Monsieur Coullart their ingenuity, and all the Frenchmen their affection. Yet several times I was completely baffled and desperate, until I had special recourse to our Lord Jesus, for whose glory alone we were undertaking this painful journey, and until I had made a vow to glorious saint Joseph, the new Patriarch of the Hurons. Immediately I saw everything become quiet, and our Savages so satisfied that those who embarked Father Daniel had already placed him in their canoe, and it seemed as if they were going to take him without even receiving the ordinary pay. But the Father, seeing that they had not cloaks like the others, stepped out of the canoe, told me about it, and I had some given to them.

En fin donc apres auoir briéuement [120] remercié M^r du Plessis, luy auoir recommandé l'embarquement du reste de nos gens, si l'occasion se presentoit, & luy auoir dit adieu, & à tous nos François: Ie m'embarquay auec le Pere Antoine Daniel, & vn de nos hommes; les deux autres venoient auec les Algonquains. Monsieur du Plessis honora nostre depart de plusieurs canonnades, afin de nous rendre encore plus recommandables à nos Sauuages. Ce fut le septiesme Iuillet. Le P. Ambroise Dauost s'embarqua huict iours apres auec deux autres de nos gens. Le reste suiuit huict iours apres, pour prendre sa part des fatigues d'vn voyage tres fascheux, non seulement à raison de sa longueur, & de la mauuaise chere qu'on y fait, mais encore pour les circuits qu'il faut faire de Kebec iusques icy par les Bissiriniens & la petite Nation; ie [121] croy qu'il y en a pour plus de trois cens lieuës. Il est vray que le chemin est plus court par le Saut de S. Louys, & par le Lac des Hiroquois, mais la crainte des ennemis, & le peu de commodité qui s'y rencontre, en rẽd le passage desert. De deux difficultez ordinaires, la premiere est celle des sauts & portages. Vostre Reuerence a desia assez veu de sauts d'eau vers Kebec, pour sçauoir ce qui en est: toutes les riuieres de ces Pays en sont pleines, & notamment la riuiere de S. Laurens, depuis qu'on a passé celle des Prairies. Car de là en auant elle n'a plus son lit égal, mais se brise en plusieurs endroits, roulant & sautant effroyablement, à guise d'vn torrent impetueux, & mesmes en quelques endroits elle tombe tout à coup de haut en bas, de la hauteur de plusieurs brasses. Ie me souuenois [122] en passant des Catadoupes du Nil, à ce qu'en disent nos Historiens. Or quand on approche de ces cheutes ou torrens, il faut mettre pied à terre, & porter au col à trauers les bois, ou sur de hautes & facheuses roches, tous les pacquets & les canots mesmes. Cela ne se fait pas sans beaucoup de trauail, car il y a des portages d'vne, de deux & de trois lieuës, ioint qu'il faut en chacun faire plusieurs voyages, si on a tãt soit peu de pacquets. En quelques endroits, qui ne sont pas moins rapides que ces portages; mais neantmoins plus aisez à l'abord, les Sauuages entrans dans l'eau, trainent & conduisent à la main leurs canots, auec d'extremes peines & dangers; car ils en ont par fois iusques au col, si bien qu'ils sont contraints de quitter prise, & se sauuer comme ils peuuent de la rapidité de l'eau, qui emporte & [123] leur arrache le canot. Cela est arriué à vn de nos François, qui demeura seul dans le canot, tous les Sauuages l'ayans laissé aller au gré du torrent mais son adresse & sa force luy sauuerent la vie, & le canot aussi, auec tout ce qui estoit dedans. I'ay supputé le nombre des portages, & ie trouue que nous auons porté trente cinq fois, & traisné pour le moins cinquante. Ie me suis quelquefois meslé d'aider à mes Sa[u]uages: mais le fond de la riuiere est de pierres si tranchantes, que ie ne pouuois marcher long-temps estant nuds pieds.

At last, then, after having briefly [120] thanked Monsieur du Plessis, having entrusted to him the embarkation of the rest of our people, if opportunity presented itself, and having bid him and all our Frenchmen adieu, I embarked with Father Antoine Daniel and one of our men; the two others were coming with the Algonquains. Monsieur du Plessis honored our departure with several volleys, to recommend us still more to our Savages. It was the seventh of July. Father Ambroise Davost embarked eight days later, with two others of our people. The rest followed eight days after, to take their part in the fatigues of a journey extremely wearisome, not only on account of its length and of the wretched fare to be had, but also on account of the circuits that have to be made in coming from Kebec to this place by way of the Bissiriniens and the petite Nation; I [121] believe that they amount to more than three hundred leagues. It is true the way is shorter by the Saut de St. Louys and the Lake of the Hiroquois; but the fear of enemies, and the few conveniences to be met with, cause that route to be unfrequented. Of two ordinary difficulties, the chief is that of the rapids and portages. Your Reverence has already seen enough of the rapids near Kebec to know what they are. All the rivers of this Country are full of them, and notably the St. Lawrence after that of the Prairies25 is passed. For from there onward it has no longer a smooth bed, but is broken up in several places, rolling and leaping in a frightful way, like an impetuous torrent; and even, in some places, it falls down suddenly from a height of several brasses. I remembered, [122] in passing, the Cataracts of the Nile, as they are described by our Historians. Now when these rapids or torrents are reached, it is necessary to land, and carry on the shoulder, through woods or over high and troublesome rocks, all the baggage and the canoes themselves. This is not done without much work; for there are portages of one, two, and three leagues, and for each several trips must be made, no matter how few packages one has. In some places, where the current is not less strong than in these rapids, although easier at first, the Savages get into the water, and haul and guide by hand their canoes with extreme difficulty and danger; for they sometimes get in up to the neck and are compelled to let go their hold, saving themselves as best they can from the rapidity of the water, which snatches [123] from them and bears off their canoe. This happened to one of our Frenchmen who remained alone in the canoe, all the Savages having left it to the mercy of the torrent; but his skill and strength saved his life, and the canoe also, with all that was in it. I kept count of the number of portages, and found that we carried our canoes thirty-five times, and dragged them at least fifty. I sometimes took a hand in helping my Savages; but the bottom of the river is full of stones, so sharp that I could not walk long, being barefooted.

La deuxiesme difficulté ordinaire est pour le viure; souuent il faut ieusner, si l'on vient à perdre les caches qu'on a faites en descendant, & quand on les retrouue, on ne laisse pas d'auoir bon appetit apres s'y estre traicté. Car le manger ordinaire n'est que d'vn peu de bled d'Inde [124] cassé assez grossierement entre deux pierres, & quelquefois tout entier dans de l'eau pure. Cela n'est pas de grand goust. Quelquesfois on a du poisson, mais c'est hazard, excepté quand on passe quelque Nation où l'on en peut acheter. Adioustez à ces difficultez, qu'il faut coucher sur la terre nuẽ, ou sur quelque dure roche, faute de trouuer dix ou douze pieds de terre en quarré pour placer vne chetiue cabane; qu'il faut sentir incessammẽt la puanteur des Sauuages recreus, marcher dãs les eaux, dãs les fanges, dans l'obscurité & l'embaras des forests, où les piqueures d'vne multitude infinie de mousquilles & cousins vous importunent fort.

The second ordinary difficulty, is in regard to provisions. Frequently one has to fast, if he misses the caches that were made when descending; and, even if they are found, one does not fail to have a good appetite after indulging in them; for the ordinary food is only a little Indian corn [124] coarsely broken between two stones, and sometimes taken whole in pure water; it is no great treat. Occasionally one has fish, but it is only a chance, unless one is passing some Tribe where they can be bought. Add to these difficulties that one must sleep on the bare earth, or on a hard rock, for lack of a space ten or twelve feet square on which to place a wretched hut; that one must endure continually the stench of tired-out Savages; and must walk in water, in mud, in the obscurity and entanglement of the forest, where the stings of an infinite number of mosquitoes and gnats are a serious annoyance.

Ie laisse à part vn long & ennuyeux silence où l'on est reduit. I'entends pour les nouueaux qui n'ont par fois en leur compagnie personne de leur langue, & ne sçauent [125] celle des Sauuages. Or ces difficultez comme elles sont ordinaires, aussi nous ont elles esté communes auec tous ceux qui viennent en ces Pays. Mais en nostre voyage nous en auons eu tous d'extraordinaires. La premiere a esté qu'il nous a fallu continuellement ramer, ny plus ny moins que les Sauuages: de sorte que ie n'auois le loisir de reciter mon Breuiaire sinon à la couchée, lors que i'eusse eu plus de besoin de repos que de trauail. L'autre a esté qu'il nous falloit porter nos pacquets, és portages, ce qui nous estoit aussi dur que nouueau, & encore plus aux autres qu'à moy, qui sçait desia vn peu ce que c'est que de fatigue. A chaque portage il me falloit faire au moins quatre voyages, les autres n'en faisoiẽt gueres moins. I'estois desia venu aux Hurõs vne autre fois, mais ie n'auois point manié [126] l'auiron, ny porté de fardeaux non plus que les autres Religieux, qui auoient aussi fait le mesme chemin. Mais en ce voyage il nous a fallu tous commencer par ces experiences à porter la Croix que Nostre Seigneur nous presente pour son honneur, & pour le salut de ces pauures Barbares. Certes ie me suis trouué quelquesfois si las, que le corps n'en pouuoit plus. Mais d'ailleurs mon ame ressentoit de tres-grands contentemens, considerant que ie souffrois pour Dieu: nul ne le sçait, s'il ne l'experimente. Tous n'en ont pas esté quittes à si bon marché.

I say nothing of the long and wearisome silence to which one is reduced, I mean in the case of newcomers, who have, for the time, no person in their company who speaks their own tongue, and who do not understand [125] that of the Savages. Now these difficulties, since they are the usual ones, were common to us as to all those who come into this Country. But on our journey we all had to encounter difficulties which were unusual. The first was that we were compelled to paddle continually, just as much as the Savages; so that I had not the leisure to recite my Breviary except when I lay down to sleep, when I had more need of rest than of work. The other was that we had to carry our packages at the portages, which was as laborious for us as it was new, and still more for others than it was for me, who already knew a little what it is to be fatigued. At every portage I had to make at least four trips, the others had scarcely fewer. I had once before made the journey to the Hurons, but I did not then ply [126] the paddles, nor carry burdens; nor did the other Religious who made the same journey. But, in this journey, we all had to begin by these experiences to bear the Cross that Our Lord presents to us for his honor, and for the salvation of these poor Barbarians. In truth, I was sometimes so weary that the body could do no more, but at the same time my soul experienced very deep peace, considering that I was suffering for God; no one knows it if he has not experienced it. All did not get off so cheaply.

Le Pere Dauost, entre autres, a esté tres-mal mené; on luy a dérobé beaucoup de son petit equipage; on l'a contraint de ietter vn petit moulin d'acier, & quasi tous nos liures, quelques linges, & vne bonne partie [127] du papier que nous portions, dont nous auons grand besoin. On l'abandonna à l'Isle parmy les Algonquains, où il a eu dequoy souffrir à bonnes enseignes. Quand il arriua aux Hurons, il estoit si défait & abbatu, que de long-temps il ne pût se remettre.

Father Davost, among others, was very badly treated. They stole from him much of his little outfit. They compelled him to throw away a little steel mill, and almost all our books, some linen, and a good part [127] of the paper that we were taking, and of which we have great need. They deserted him at the Island, among the Algonquains, where he suffered in good earnest. When he reached the Hurons, he was so worn-out and dejected that for a long time he could not get over it.

Le Pere Daniel fut delaissé & contraint de changer de canot, comme aussi pareillemẽt Pierre l'vn de nos hommes; le petit Martin fut bien rudement traitté, & en fin abandonné aux Bissiriniens, où il demeura si long-temps, qu'il fut quelques deux mois en chemin, & n'arriua aux Hurons que le dix-neufiéme de Septembre. Baron fut volé par les siens la mesme iournée qu'il arriua en ces contrées, & eust encore bien plus perdu, s'il ne les eust contraints par la peur de ses armes luy en rendre quelque partie. Bref [128] tous les François y ont souffert de grandes peines, fait de grosses dépenses, eu égard à leurs petites commoditez, & couru de notables dangers. Et quiconque montera icy haut, se doit resoudre à tout cela, & à quelque chose de plus; mesme à la mort, dont on voit à chaque moment l'Image deuant les yeux. Pour moy qui ne sçais point nager ie m'en suis veu vne fois fort proche: car au partir des Bissiriniens en descendant vn saut, nous-nous en allions tomber dedans vn precipice, si mes Sauuages n'eussent promptement & habilement sauté en l'eau, pour destourner le canot que le courant emportoit. Il est croyable que les autres en pourroient bien dire autant & plus, veu le nombre qu'il y a de semblables rencontres. Trois autres difficultez m'ont donné de la peine en mon particulier. La premiere, [129] l'importunité que mes gens me firent du commencement, pour cacher en quelque part vne quaisse qu'vn de nos François auoit mise dãs nostre canot. La seconde, le soing de ceux de nos gens, que nous auions laissé derriere. La troisiesme, que les Algonquains par où nous passions taschoient de nous intimider, disans que les Hurons nous tueroiẽt, comme ils auoient fait en la personne de Brulé, desirans de nous retenir chez eux, auec beaucoup de demonstration de bienueillance. Depuis nostre arriuée, i'ay appris que le Maistre de mon canot auoit ietté en auant de me degrader en quelque part, auec mon petit bagage; mais que sa proposition auoit esté aussi-tost rebuttée; aussi ne m'en fit-on iamais aucun semblant. Tout cela, Dieu mercy, ne me tourmenta pas beaucoup. Car leur ayant declaré [130] que ie porterois moy-mesme la quaisse dont il estoit question, quoy qu'ils en eussent receu le port; ie me resigné, quant au reste, à la volonté de Dieu, prest à mourir pour l'honneur de son Fils nostre bon Seigneur, & pour le salut de ces pauures Peuples.

Father Daniel was abandoned, and compelled to seek another canoe, as also was Pierre, one of our men. Little Martin was very roughly treated, and at last was left behind with the Bissiriniens, where he remained so long that he was about two months on the road, and only arrived among the Hurons on the nineteenth of September. Baron26 was robbed by his savages on the very day he arrived in these regions; and he would have lost much more if he had not compelled them, through fear of his arms, to give him back a part of what they had taken. In short, [128] all the Frenchmen suffered great hardships, incurred great expense, considering the few goods they had, and ran remarkable risks. And whosoever will come up here must make up his mind to all this, and to something more, even to death itself, whose Image we see every moment before our eyes. For myself, not knowing how to swim, I once had a very narrow escape from drowning. As we were leaving the Bissiriniens, while descending a rapid we would have gone over a precipice, had not my Savages promptly and skillfully leaped into the water, to turn aside the canoe which the current was sweeping on. It is probable that the others might say as much, and more, considering the number of such incidents there are. Three other difficulties gave trouble to me in particular. The first [129] was the importunity of my men, at the start, to hide somewhere a box that one of our Frenchmen had put into our canoe. The second was anxiety for those of our men we had left behind. The third, that the Algonquains, through whose territory we were passing, tried to intimidate us, saying that the Hurons would kill us as they had Brulé, and desiring to keep us among them, with abundant demonstrations of good will. Since our arrival, I have learned that the Master of my canoe had proposed to land me somewhere with my little baggage, but that his proposal had been at once repelled, and so I saw no sign of anything of the kind. All that, thank God, did not trouble me much; for having declared to them [130] that I would myself carry the box about which the trouble arose, although they had received pay to carry it, I resigned myself as far, as everything else was concerned, to the will of God, ready to die for the honor of his Son, our good Lord, and for the salvation of these poor Peoples.

Ie ne sçay pas quand on parla de me quitter; mais mes Saunages me témoignoient tãt d'affection, & disoiẽt tãt de bien de nous aux autres, qu'ils faisoiẽt enuie à tous les Hurõs que nous rencõtrions, d'embarquer quelqu'vn des nostres. Cela me fait douter, si ce qu'on m'a dit du Maistre de mon canot est vray. Car ceux qui auoiẽt embarqué le Pere Daniel & Baron, voulurent les quitter à l'Isle; mais le Maistre du canot où estoit le Pere Daniel, le voyant mescontent de cela, le fit aussi-tost embarquer, & le porta iusques à ce qu'ils eussent rencontré [131] le Capitaine de la Rochelle, lequel estant de la cognoissance du Pere, pour l'auoir voulu conduire l'an passé, le mit volontiers dans son canot, auec ses deux pacquets. Il luy fit plaisir, & aux Sauuages aussi; car le Pere eust eu encore bien de la peine dans vn canot fort chetif, qui n'auoit que trois hommes languissans, & dont la demeure estoit à douze lieuës loing de la nostre: là où ce Capitaine demeuroit au village, où nous auiõs quelque dessein de nous habituer, & assez proche du lieu où nous sommes; & d'ailleurs son canot estoit fort, & equippé de six puissans Sauuages tous sains & gaillards. Ce bon eschange luy arriua la veille de sainct Ignace au matin, ayant fait le iour precedent naufrage par deux fois. Pour Baron, n'eust esté le Capitaine de l'Isle qui fit remettre ses pacquets dans les canots, [132] il y fust demeuré. Encore ses gens ne luy furent pas si barbares, comme furent autresfois à vn de nos François, ceux qui le ramenoient des Hurons à Kebec. Ce ieune homme surnommé la Marche fust mort dans les bois, si nous n'eussions eu le soin & le credit de le renuoyer chercher plus d'vne lieuë loing du lieu où nous-nous en apperceusmes.

I do not know when they spoke of leaving me; but my Savages exhibited so much affection for me, and said so much that is kind about us to others, that they excited the desire in all the Hurons we met to embark some one of our people. This makes me doubt the truth of what has been said about the Master of my canoe. For those who had embarked Father Daniel and Baron wished to leave them at the Island; but the Master of the canoe in which Father Daniel was, seeing him dissatisfied at that, caused him to embark at once, and carried him until they met [131] the Captain of la Rochelle,27 who, knowing the Father from having wished to take him last year, willingly received him with his two packages into his canoe. It pleased him, and the Savages also; for the Father would have still had much trouble in a wretched canoe which had only three sick men in it, whose home was twelve leagues distant from ours; this Captain lived at a village where we had some intention of settling, and quite near the place where we are. Besides, his canoe was strong, and manned by six powerful Savages, quite healthy and good-natured. This happy exchange happened to him the morning of the day before the festival of saint Ignace, he having been shipwrecked twice the previous day. As to Baron, had it not been for the Captain of the Island, who caused his baggage to be put back into the canoes, [132] he would have remained there. Still, his people were not so barbarous as formerly were those who brought back one of our Frenchmen from the Hurons to Kebec. This young man, surnamed la Marche, would have died in the woods, if we had not had the care and the interest to send back in search of him more than a league from the place where we missed him.

Il ne faut quelquefois qu'vn mot, quelquefois qu'vn songe, quelque fantaisie, ou la moindre pensée d'incommodité, pour faire dégrader ou mettre à terre, i'ose dire, pour faire massacrer vn hõme, ainsi qu'il arriua l'an passé à vn pauure Algõquain, qui fut abandonné en vn saut par son propre neueu: & il n'y a pas vn mois qu'vn pauure ieune homme aussi Algonquain, estant tombé dans le feu, fut tué auprés de nostre village par ceux de sa Nation, de peur qu'ils auoient [133] d'en estre incommodez dans le canot. Ce qui me persuade qu'ils l'assommerent, c'est la coustume qu'ils en ont; que les Hurons le disoient; & que le soir auparauant il mangeoit bien, & en bonne quantité de ce que nous luy donnions; outre que deux Algonquains nous asseurerent, qu'on estoit dans la pensée de le trépaner d'vn coup ou deux de hache. Vostre Reuerence a veu ou sceu de semblables cas en son hyuernement auec les Sauuages. En vn mot, il faut se resoudre à beaucoup de dangers euidens, & de grandes fatigues, qui veut venir icy. I'attribue neantmoins toutes ces difficultez extraordinaires à la maladie de nos Sauuages. Car nous sçauons assez combien les maladies alterent les humeurs, & les complexions mesmes des plus sociables. Ie ne sçay pas à quel prix nos François, & les Montagnais [134] en aurõt esté quittes. Biẽ sçay je que la pluspart des Mõtagnais qui estoient aux trois Riuieres quand nous-nous embarquasmes, estoient malades, & que plusieurs en mouroient; comme aussi, qu'il n'est quasi point reuenu de canot de la traitte, qui n'aye esté affligé de ceste contagiõ. Elle a esté si vniuerselle parmy les Sauuages de nostre cognoissance, que ie ne sçay si aucun en a euité les atteintes. Tous ces pauures gents en ont esté fort incommodez, notamment pendant l'Automne, tant en leurs pesches qu'en leurs moissons. Plusieurs bleds sont demeurez sous les neiges, grand nombre de personnes sont mortes; il y en a encore à present qui ne sont pas gueris. Cette maladie commençoit par des ardeurs violentes, qui estoient suiuies d'vne espece de rougeolle, ou petite verolle, differente [135] toutesfois de celle de Frãce, accompagnée en plusieurs d'aueuglement pour quelques iours, ou obscurcissement de veuë, & en fin se terminoit en vn flux de ventre, qui en a conduit plusieurs, & en conduit encore quelques-vns au tombeau.

Sometimes a word, or a dream, or a fancy, or even the smallest sense of inconvenience, is enough to cause them to illtreat, or set ashore, and I dare say to murder one,—as happened last year to a poor Algonquain, who was abandoned in a rapid by his own nephew; and, not a month ago, a poor young man, also an Algonquain, having fallen into the fire, was killed near our village by his own Tribesmen, for fear he might [133] be an inconvenience in the canoe. What makes me believe they killed him is that it is the custom among them; that the Hurons said so; and that, the evening before, he ate heartily a good quantity of what we gave him; besides, two Algonquains assured us that they had a mind to brain him with one or two blows of an axe. Your Reverence has seen or known of similar cases in your winter's stay among the Savages. In a word, he who thinks of coming here must make up his mind to many obvious dangers and to great fatigues. I attribute, nevertheless, all these extraordinary difficulties to the sickness among our Savages. For we know very well how sickness alters the disposition and the inclinations even of the most sociable. I know not at what price our French and the Montagnais [134] will have become rid of it. I know, indeed, that the greater part of the Montagnais who were at the three Rivers when we embarked were sick, and that many of them died; and also that almost no one who returned by canoe from trading, was not afflicted with this contagion. It has been so universal among the Savages of our acquaintance that I do not know if one has escaped its attacks. All these poor people have been much inconvenienced by it, particularly during the Autumn, as much in their fishing as in their harvesting. Many crops are lying beneath the snow; a large number of persons are dead; there are still some who have not recovered. This sickness began with violent fever, which was followed by a sort of measles or smallpox, different, [135] however, from that common in France, accompanied in several cases by blindness for some days, or by dimness of sight, and terminated at length by diarrhœa which has carried off many and is still bringing some to the grave.

Parmy ces peines & dangers, nous auons de grandes obligations à la prouidence & bonté paternelle de nostre Seigneur: car ny par les chemins, ny dedans le Pays, pas vn de nous n'a esté pris de ce mal, ny cedé à la faim, ou perdu l'appétit. Quelques-vns ont eu du depuis quelque legere atteinte de maladie, mais cela s'est passé en peu de iours. Nostre Seigneur soit loüé à iamais, & la tres-immaculée Vierge, auec son tres-chaste Espoux, de cette singuliere faueur, qui nous a beaucoup aidé pour authoriser nostre Foy parmy ces Peuples.

Among these troubles and dangers, we owe much to the care and fatherly goodness of our Lord; for neither on the journey hither, nor while in this Country, has one of us been taken with this sickness, nor yielded to hunger, nor lost appetite. Some have had since then light attacks of sickness, but they have passed away in a few days. Our Lord be forever praised, and the most immaculate Virgin with her most chaste Spouse, for this singular favor, which has aided us much in giving authority to our Faith among these Peoples.

[136] I'arriué aux Hurons le cinquiesme d'Aoust, iour de nostre Dame des Neiges; ayant demeuré trente iours par les chemins, en continuel trauail, excepté vn iour de repos que nous prismes au pays des Bissiriniens. Tous les autres, excepté Robert le Coq & Dominique, demeurerent bien dauantage, quoy que d'ordinaire le voyage ne soit que de 20. iours ou enuiron. Ie pris terre au port du village de Toanché ou de Teandeouïata, où autresfois nous estions habituez; mais ce fut auec vne petite disgrace, nostre Seigneur nous voulant faire cognoistre dés l'entrée, qu'il nous appelle icy afin d'y endurer. Mes Sauuages s'oublians des caresses que ie leur avois fait, & de l'assistance que ie leur auois rendu, pendant leurs maladies, & outre cela des belles paroles & promesses qu'ils m'auoient faites, apres m'auoir [137] debarqué, auec quelques ornemens d'Eglise, & quelque autre petit equipage, m'abandonnerent là tout seul, sans viures, ny sans cabane, & reprindrent leur route vers leurs villages, distans de quelques sept lieuës; le mal estoit, que le village de Toanché auoit changé depuis mon depart, & que ie ne sçauois pas bonnement en quel endroit il estoit situé, & que ce riuage n'estant plus hanté, ie ne pouuois pas bien m'asseurer du chemin, & que quand ie l'eusse sceu, ny ma foiblesse ne m'eust pas permis de porter tout mon petit bagage à la fois, ny le hazard du lieu d'en faire à deux. C'est pourquoy ie priois mes Sauuages de m'accompagner iusques au village, ou au moins de coucher en ce bord pour cette nuiét, & garder mes hardes tandis que i'irois prendre langue. Mais leurs oreilles estoient sourdes [138] à mes prieres, & à mes remonstrances. Pour toute consolation ils me dirent que quelqu'vn me viendroit trouuer là. Il fallut auoir patience: ils partent, & ie me prosterne aussitost à genoux, pour remercier Dieu, nostre Dame, & sainct Ioseph, des faueurs & des graces que i'auois receu durant le voyage. Ie saluay l'Ange tutelaire du Pays, & m'offris à nostre Seigneur, auec tous nos petits trauaux, pour le salut de ces pauures Peuples, prenant esperãce que Dieu ne m'abandonneroit point là, puis qu'il m'auoit conserué & conduit auec tant de faueurs. Apres ayant consideré que cet abbord estoit desert, & que i'y pourrois bien demeurer longtemps, auant qu'aucun du village m'y vinst trouuer; ie caché mes pacquets dedans les bois, & prenant auec moy ce que i'auois de plus precieux, ie m'en allé chercher le [139] village, que ie rencontré heureusemẽt enuiron à trois quarts de lieuës, ayant en passant veu auec attendrissement & ressentiment le lieu où nous auions habité, & celebré le S. sacrifice de la Messe trois ans durant, cõuerty en vn beau champ; comme aussi la place du vieux village, où excepté vne cabane rien ne restoit que les ruines des autres. Ie vis pareillement l'endroit où le pauure Estienne Brulé auoit esté barbarement & traistreusement assommé; ce qui me fit pẽser que quelque iour on nous pourroit bien traitter de la sorte, & desirer au moins que ce fust en pourchassant la gloire de N. Seig. Dés aussi-tost que ie fus apperceu au village, & qu'on eust crié, voyla Echom reuenu, c'est ainsi qu'ils me nommẽt, tout le monde sortit pour me salüer & bienueigner, chacun m'appellant par mon nom, & me [140] disant: Quoy Echom, mon nepueu, mon frere, mon cousin, es tu donc reuenu? Mais sans m'arrester, parce que la nuict s'approchoit, ie prends logis, & m'y estant bien peu de temps rafraischy, ie sors aussi-tost auec vne bande de ieunes gens volontaires, pour aller reprendre mon petit bagage. Il estoit vne heure de nuict quand nous fusmes de retour au village. Ie me logeay chez vn nommé Aouandoïé, lequel est, ou au moins a esté vn des plus riches des Hurons. Ce que ie fis à dessein, par ce qu'vn autre moins fort eust pû estre incommodé du grand nombre de François que i'attendois, & qu'il falloit nourrir iusques à ce que nous fussions tous assemblez, & que nostre cabane fust faite. Vous pouuez vous loger où vous voulez, car ceste Nation entre toutes les autres, est fort hospitaliere enuers toute sorte [141] de personnes, mesmes enuers les Estrangers: & vous y demeurez tant qu'il vous plaist, tousiours bien traité à la façon du pays, & au partir de là vous en voyla quitte pour vn, ho, ho, ho, outoécti, ou vn grand mercy, au moins par entre-eux. Car des François ils attendent quelque recompense, à discretion toutesfois. Il est bien vray que tous ne sont pas également hospitaliers, il y a du plus & du moins. Mon hoste est des premiers en ceste vertu, & peut-estre est-ce pour ce sujet que Dieu l'a cõblé iusques à present de benedictiõs temporelles, & l'a preserué entre tous ses Concitoyens. Car leur village nommé Teandeouïhata, ayant esté bruslé par deux fois, il n'y a eu en toutes les deux fois, que sa seule maison exempte de l'embrasement. Quelques vns attribuent cela au fort; pour moy ie le rapporte à vne [142] cause plus noble; & si ie me souuiens d'vn bon trait, soit de prudence, soit d'humanité, dont il se seruit au premier embrasement; car l'enuie s'estant allumée contre luy, & quelques-vns voulant perdre sa cabane, que le feu auoit espargnée, aussi tost il fait mettre chaudiere haute, appreste vn bon festin, conuie tout le village, & les ayant assemblez, leur fait ceste harangue. Mes freres, i'ay vn tres-sensible déplaisir de l'accident qui est arriué; mais qu'y ferions nous, c'en est fait. Pour moy ie ne sçay pas ce que i'ay fait au Ciel, pour auoir esté espargné entre tous les autres. Or pour vous tesmoigner mon déplaisir, & le desir que i'ay de participer à la calamité commune, voyla deux quaisses de bled (elles tenoient pour le moins cent ou six vingts boisseaux) i'en donne vne de bon cœur à tout le [143] village. Cette action appaisa l'enuie, & esteignit les mauuais desseins que l'on couuoit desia contre luy. C'est faire sagement, que de perdre vne partie pour sauuer le reste.

[136] I arrived among the Hurons on the fifth of August, the day of our Lady of the Snows, after being thirty days on the road in continual work, except one day of rest, which we took in the country of the Bissiriniens. All the others, except Robert le Coq and Dominique, took much longer; although usually the journey is only 20 days, or thereabout. I landed at the port of the village of Toanché or of Teandeouïata, where we had formerly lived; but it was with a little misfortune, our Lord wishing us to recognize from the beginning that he is calling us here to suffer. My Savages,—forgetting the kindness I had lavished upon them and the help I had afforded them in their sickness, and notwithstanding all the fair words and promises they had given me,—after having [137] landed me with some Church ornaments and some other little outfit, left me there quite alone, without any provisions and without shelter, and resumed their route toward their villages, some seven leagues distant. My trouble was that the village of Toanché28 had changed since my departure, and that I did not know precisely in what place it was situated. The shore being no longer frequented, I could not easily ascertain my way; and, if I had known it, I could not from weakness have carried all my little baggage at once; nor could I risk, in that place, doing this in two trips. That is why I entreated my Savages to accompany me as far as the village, or at least to sleep on the shore for the night, to watch my clothes while I went to make inquiries. But their ears were deaf [138] to my prayers and my remonstrances. The only consolation they gave me was to tell me that some one would find me there. I was obliged to be patient; they went away, and I prostrated myself at once upon my knees to thank God, our Lady, and saint Joseph, for the favors and mercies I had received during the voyage. I saluted the tutelary Angel of the Country, and offered myself to our Lord, with all our little labors, for the salvation of these poor Peoples, taking hope that God would not abandon me there, since he had preserved and led me with so many favors. Then, having considered that this shore was deserted, and that I might indeed remain there a long time before any one in the village would come to find me, I hid my packages in the woods; and, taking with me what was most precious, I set out to find the [139] village, which fortunately I came upon at about three-quarters of a league,—having seen with tenderness and emotion, as I passed along, the place where we had lived, and had celebrated the Holy sacrifice of the Mass during three years, now turned into a fine field; and also the site of the old village, where, except one cabin, nothing remained but the ruins of the others. I saw likewise the spot where poor Estienne Brulé was barbarously and traitorously murdered, which made me think that perhaps some day they might treat us in the same manner, and to desire at least that it might be while we were earnestly seeking the glory of Our Lord. As soon as I was perceived in the village, some one cried out, "Why, there is Echom come again" (that is the name they give me); and at once every one came out to salute and welcome me, each calling me by name and [140] saying: "What, Echom, my nephew, my brother, my cousin, hast thou then come again?" But without stopping, for night was approaching, I found a place to lodge; and, having rested a short time, I quickly set out with a volunteer band of young people to bring my slender baggage. It was an hour after sunset when we returned to the village. I lodged with a man named Aouandoïé, who is, or at least was, one of the richest of the Hurons. I did this on purpose, because another with smaller means might have been inconvenienced with the large number of Frenchmen whom I was expecting, and who had to be provided with food and shelter until we had all gathered together, and our cabin was ready. You can lodge where you please; for this Nation above all others is exceedingly hospitable towards all sorts [141] of persons, even toward Strangers; and you may remain as long as you please, being always well treated according to the fashion of the country. On going away, one acknowledges their hospitality by a ho, ho, ho, outoécti, or "many thanks!" at least among themselves; but from Frenchmen they expect some recompense, always at one's discretion. It is quite true that not all are equally hospitable, there are some more and some less so. My host is one of the first in this virtue; and perhaps it is on this account that God has crowned him until now with temporal blessings, and has preserved him among all his Fellow Countrymen; for their village, named Teandeouïhata, having been burned twice, each time his house alone escaped the conflagration. Some attribute this to chance; for myself, I ascribe it to a [142] nobler cause, and so I recall a fine trait, call it prudence or call it humanity, which he displayed on the occasion of the first conflagration. For jealousy having been enkindled against him, and some wishing to destroy his cabin that the fire had spared, at once he caused a large cauldron to be hung, prepared a good feast, invited the whole village, and, having assembled them, delivered this harangue: "My brethren, I am very deeply grieved at the misfortune that has happened; but what can we do about it? It is over. For myself, I know not what I have done for Heaven, to be spared before all others. Now, in order to testify to you my deep grief and my desire to share in the common misfortune, I have two bins of corn" (they held at least one hundred to one hundred and twenty bushels); "I give one of them freely to the whole [143] village." This action calmed their jealousy, and put an end to their wicked designs which they were already forming against him. It was a wise action, this losing a part to save the rest.

Ie me logeay donc chez cét homme, où ie demeuray auec nos deux Peres, & vn de nos gens, l'espace de plus d'vn mois & demy, iusques à ce que nous-nous transportasmes en nostre nouuelle cabane. Cependant ces pauures Sauuages nous faisoient toutes les caresses possibles, les vns portez par leur bon naturel, les autres par la consideration de quelques petits presens que ie leur auois fait, & l'esperance de quelques autres.

I lodged therefore with this man, and lived there with our two Fathers and one of our people, for the space of more than a month and a half, until we took possession of our new cabin. Yet these poor Savages lavished upon us all possible kindnesses,—some influenced by their good natural disposition; others, by a few trifling gifts I made them, and the hope of some others.

Ie departis le reste de nos gens en vne autre cabane, pour éuiter l'importunité & l'incommodité, si nous eussions esté tous en vn seul logis.

I distributed the rest of our people in another cabin, to avoid the annoyance and inconvenience of being all in one lodging.

[144] Le soir & le lendemain se passa en caresses, visites, salutations & applaudissemens de tous ceux du village. Les iours suiuans plusieurs des autres villages, qui estoient de ma cognoissance, me vindrent veoir, & remporterent tous en eschange de leur visite quelques petits presens; c'est peu de chose en détail, mais tout mis en gros fait beaucoup, & monte assez haut pour les lieux. Les vns me disoient; Quoy Echom? és tu donc reuenu? A la bonne heure, nous te souhaittions & demandions grandement, adioustans les raisons telles qu'ils iugeoient, & nous fusmes fort resioüis, quand on nous dist que tu estois à Kebec à dessein de remonter icy. D'autres disoient. Nous voyla bien aises. Les bleds ne mourront plus, pendant ton absence nous n'auions eu que famine. Et en effet, ie croy qu'à nostre arriuée, [145] il n'y auoit que deux familles en tout le village, qui eussent prouision de bled. Tout le reste en alloit acheter ailleurs, ce qui estoit commun à plusieurs autres villages. Depuis nostre arriuée il y en a eu tres-grande abondance par tout le Pays, quoy qu'au Printemps il aye fallu semer par trois fois, à l'occasion des gelées blanches, & des vers.

[144] That evening and the next day passed in the exchanges of affection, visits, salutations, and encouraging words from the whole village. On the following days, several from other villages, who were of my acquaintance, came to see me; and all took away with them, in exchange for their visit, some trifling presents. This is a small thing in detail, but on the whole it exerts a great influence and is of great importance in these regions. Some said to me: "What, Echom, and so thou hast come back! That's right; we were wishing and asking earnestly for thee" (adding their reasons), "and we were heartily glad when they told us that thou wert at Kebec, with the purpose of coming up here." Others said: "We are indeed very glad; the crops will no longer fail; during thy absence we have had nothing but famine." And, in truth, at our arrival there were, I believe, [145] only two families in the whole village who had a store of corn; all the others were going to buy elsewhere, and this was the case in several other villages. Since our arrival, there has been a very great abundance throughout the whole Country, although in the Spring it was necessary to sow three times by reason of white frosts and worms.

Bref ceux de nostre village me disoient, Si tu ne fusses reuenu, la traite des François estoit perduë pour nous: car les Algonquains, & mesmes les Hurons des autres villages, ne nous menaçoiẽt que de mort, si nous y allions, à cause du massacre de Brulé; mais maintenant nous irõs traiter sãs crainte. I'ay esté quelques quinze iours à visiter les villages, & à ramasser auec beaucoup de frais & de peine tout nostre monde, qui abordoit ça & là, & qui ne sçachant [146] pas la langue, n'eust pu venir nous trouuer qu'apres beaucoup d'ennuy. Il est vray qu'vn de nos hommes n'a pas laissé de venir sãs autre adresse, que de ces deux mots, Echom Ihonatiria, qui sont mon nom, & celuy de nostre village. Entre tous les François, ie n'en trouue point qui aye eu plus de peine que le P. Dauost & Baron. Le Pere pour le mauuais traitement de ses Sauuages, Baron pour la longueur du voyage. Il a demeuré quarante iours par les chemins, souuent il estoit luy seul auec vn Sauuage, à nager dans vn canot fort grand & fort chargé. Il luy falloit porter luy-mesme tous ses pacquets. Il a couru risque trois ou quatre fois dans les torrens, & pour comble de ses peines, on luy a dérobé beaucoup de ses marchandises. Certes il faut icy auoir bien de la force & de la patience, & qui croira y venir [147] chercher autre que Dieu, n'y trouuera pas son conte.

In short, those of our village told me, "If thou hadst not returned, the trade with the French was lost for us; for the Algonquains and even the Hurons of the other villages, threatened us with death if we went there on account of the murder of Brulé; but now we shall go to trade without fear." I was occupied some two weeks in visiting the villages, and bringing together, at much expense and trouble, all our party, who landed here and there, and who, not knowing [146] the language, could only have found us out after much toil. It is true that one of our men was able to come without any other address than these two words, Echom, Ihonatiria, which are my name and that of our village. Among all the French I do not find any who had more trouble than Father Davost and Baron; the Father from the wicked treatment of his Savages, Baron from the length of the journey. He occupied forty days on the road; often he was alone with a Savage, paddling in a canoe very large and very heavily laden. He had to carry all his packages himself; he had narrow escapes three or four times in the torrents; and, to crown his difficulties, much of his property was stolen. Truly, to come here much strength and patience are needed; and he who thinks of coming here [147] for any other than God, will have made a sad mistake.

Iean Nicolet, en son voyage qu'il fit auec nous iusques à l'Isle, souffrit aussi tous les trauaux d'vn des plus robustes Sauuages. Estans en fin tous ralliez, nous prismes resolution de nous habituer icy à Ihonatiria, & y bastir nostre cabane, pour les raisons suiuantes. La premiere est, qu'apres auoir serieusement recommandé cét affaire à Dieu, nous iugeasmes que telle estoit sa volonté, parce que la moisson des ames y est plus meure qu'en aucun-autre endroit, tant à cause de la cognoissance que i'ay auec les habitans du lieu, & de l'affection qu'ils m'ont tesmoignée autresfois, que pource qu'ils sont desia à demy instruits en la Foy. En effet nous y en auons baptizé huict, dont les sept sont allez au Ciel, auec la grace du Baptesme, [148] & tout le village est en telle disposition, qu'il ne tient qu'à nous de le baptiser. Mais nous attendons qu'ils soient mieux instruits, & qu'ils ayent quitté par effect leurs principales superstitions.

Jean Nicolet,29 in the voyage that he made with us as far as the Island, suffered also all the hardships of one of the most robust Savages. Being at last all gathered together, we decided to dwell here at Ihonatiria, and to build here our cabin, for the following reasons: First, after having earnestly recommended the matter to God, we judged that such was his will, because the harvest of souls is more ripe here than in any other place,—as much because of the acquaintance I have with the inhabitants of the place, and of the affection they showed for me formerly, as because they are already partly instructed in the Faith. In truth, we have baptized eight of them, of whom seven have gone to Heaven with the grace of Baptism, [148] and the whole village is of such a disposition that it is only a question of our readiness to baptize it. But we are waiting until they are better instructed, and until they have forsaken for good their principal superstitions.

La seconde raison est, que horsmis ce village, il n'y auoit que la Rochelle où nous deussions auoir inclination de nous arrester; & ç'auoit esté nostre pensée dés l'an passé. Tous les habitans qui le desiroiẽt fort, nous y inuitoient, disans que nous serions comme au centre de la Nation, & adioutans d'autres motifs & raisons qui nous aggreoient assez. Mesme sur le chemin ie m'entretenois en ceste pensée, que ie ne quittay que long-temps apres estre icy arriué; si bien que nous laissasmes assez bon espace de temps à ce village de la Rochelle, les pacquets du Pere Daniel chez le Capitaine, qui [149] l'auoit accueilly dans son canot, en intention d'y faire porter les autres, & nous y loger. Mais ayant consideré, qu'ils deuoient à ce Printemps changer de place, comme ils ont déja fait, nous ne voulusmes point bastir vne cabane pour vn hyuer. D'ailleurs, quoy qu'il nous soit fort à desirer, pour cueillir plus de fruit, d'auoir beaucoup d'auditeurs en nos assemblées, ce qui nous peut faire choisir les grand[s] villages, plustost que les petits; neantmoins pour le commencement, nous auons trouué plus à propos de nous tenir comme à l'ombre, prés d'vne petite bourgade, où les habitans sont déja faits à hanter les François, que de nous mettre tout à coup en vne grãde, où l'on ne fust point accoustumé à nos façous de faire. Autrement c'eust esté exposer des hommes nouueaux & ignorans en la langue, à vne [150] ieunesse nombreuse, qui par ses importunitez & mocqueries eust peû apporter quelque desordre. De plus si nous fussions allez ailleurs, ceux de ce village eussent creû estre encore en la disgrace des François, & eussent peut-estre abandonné le commerce auec eux, veu mesmement que cét Hyuer dernier le Borgne de l'Isle a fait icy courir le bruit, que Monsieur de Champlain n'en vouloit pas demeurer là, pour la mort de Brulé, & qu'il demandoit quatre testes; & il est croyable que si nous n'eussions esté icy, & si nous n'y demeurions comme pour gages, plusieurs craignans d'estre arrestez, soit pour leurs fautes, soit pour celles d'autruy, ne retourneroient plus à la traicte. En outre ces bonnes gents ont pretendu que nous deuiõs demeurer chez eux, s'il estoit vray que nous les aimassions: car, disoiẽt-ils, [151] si vous allez ailleurs, nõ seulemẽt nous aurions sujet de craindre pour nostre particulier, mais encore pour tout le Pays, nos interests estans vnis ensemble; mais maintenãt que vous nous prenez pour vos hostes, nous n'auons plus que craindre comme nous eussions fait: car si vous eussiez choisi vn autre lieu, & que quelque meschant vous eust fait du mal, non seulement les François, mais encore les Hurons s'en fussent pris à nous. Ie pourrois encore icy alleguer quelques autres raisons & considerations qui ne sont pas à mépriser, comme seroit vne plus grãde commodité, tant pour le poisson & pour le gibier, comme pour l'embarquement. Mais la principale est la premiere que i'ay apportée, entre les villages qui nous ont voulu auoir, ceux d'Oënrio en ont fait plus d'instance. Ce petit village assez proche [152] du nostre, faisoit autresfois vne partie de celuy où nous estions iadis: mais nous n'auons pas iugé à propos de nous y arrester ceste fois, seulement ayant reconneu qu'il estoit expedient, que de ce village & du nostre il s'en fist vn en quelque autre part, tant pour leurs affaires communes, que pour nos fonctions & ministeres particuliers. Nous auons fait depuis peu quelques presens à tous les deux ensemble à cette fin. Nos presents sont de grande consideration parmy eux: neantmoins ils ne sont pas encore resolus. Ayant donc arresté de nous tenir où nous sommes, il fut question de bastir vne cabane. Les cabanes de ce pays, ne sont ny des Louures ny des Palais, ny rien de semblable aux riches bastimens de nostre France, nõ pas mesmes aux plus petites chaumines; c'est neantmoins quelque [153] chose de meilleur & plus commode, que les tandis des Montagnais. Ie ne vous sçaurois mieux exprimer la façon des demeures Huronnes, que de les comparer à des berceaux ou tonnelles de iardin; dont au lieu de branches & de verdure, quelques-vnes sont couuertes d'escorce de cedres, quelques autres de grosses escorces de fresnes, d'orme & de sapin, ou perusse: & quoy que celles de cedres soient les meilleures, suiuant l'aduis & l'vsage le plus commun, il y a neantmoins ceste incommodité, qu'elles sont quasi aussi susceptibles du feu que des allumettes, d'où procede quantité d'embrasemens des bourgades entieres, & sans aller plus loing que ceste année, nous en auons veu en moins de dix iours deux grandes entierement consommées; & vne autre, qui est celle de Louys, bruslée [154] en partie. Nous auons veu aussi vne fois nostre propre cabane en feu; mais Dieu mercy nous l'esteignismes aussi tost. Il y a de ces cabanes ou berceaux de diuerse grandeur, les vnes de deux brasses en longueur, d'autres de dix, d'autres de vingt, de trente, & de quarante: la largeur ordinaire est d'enuiron quatre brasses, la hauteur est presque pareille. Il n'y a point de diuers estages; il ne se voit icy ny caue, ny chambre, ny grenier. On n'y veoit autre fenestre ny cheminée qu'vn meschant trou au haut de la cabane, qu'on y laisse à dessein pour chasser la fumée. C'est ainsi qu'on nous a basty la nostre.

Secondly, except this village there was only la Rochelle at which we might have had any inclination to stop, and that had been our intention from last year. All the inhabitants desired it very much, and invited us there, saying that we would be, as it were, in the center of the Nation, and adding other motives and reasons which pleased us well. Even on the road I entertained this thought, and only laid it aside a long time after my arrival here,—so long, indeed, that we left for a considerable space of time the baggage of Father Daniel at this village of la Rochelle, with the Captain who [149] had received him into his canoe,—intending to carry the rest thither, and to abide there. But, having taken into account that they were intending this Spring to change the location of the place, as they have already done, we did not wish to build a cabin for one winter. Besides, although it is a desirable thing to gather more fruit, and to have more listeners in our assemblies, which would make us choose the large villages rather than the small, nevertheless, for a beginning we have thought it more suitable to keep in the shadow, as it were, near a little village where the inhabitants are already disposed to associate with the French, than to put ourselves suddenly in a great one, where the people are not accustomed to our mode of doing things. To do otherwise would have been to expose new men, ignorant of the language, to a [150] numerous youth, who by their annoyances and mockery would have brought about some disturbance. Besides, if we had gone elsewhere the people of this village would have thought themselves still in disgrace with the French, and perhaps would have abandoned trade with them,—especially as during this last Winter Le Borgne,30 of the Island, spread the report that Monsieur de Champlain did not wish us to remain there, on account of the death of Brulé, and that he was demanding four heads; and it is probable that, if we had not been here, and if we had not remained as pledges, several, fearing to be arrested for their own faults or for those of others, would not have returned again to the trade. Besides, these good people have claimed that we ought to remain among them if it were true that we loved them; "for," said they, [151] "if you go elsewhere, not only shall we have cause to fear on our own account, but for the whole Country besides, our interests being bound together. But, now that you take us for your hosts, we have no longer to fear as we would; for if you had chosen another place, and if some wicked person had done you harm, not only the French but the Hurons also would have blamed us for it." I might bring forward some other reasons and considerations which are not to be despised,—as, for example, it would be a more convenient place, as well for fish and game as for embarking. But the principal reason is the first I mentioned. Among the villages that wished to have us, the people of Oënrio31 have entreated us most. This little village, quite near [152] ours, used to be a part of the one in which we were formerly; but we have not judged it expedient for us to stop there this time, simply having recognized it to be best that from this village and from ours one should be formed at some other place, both for their common interests and for our own special functions and ministrations. We made, not long ago, some presents to both of them at the same time, for this purpose. Our presents have great influence among them, nevertheless they have not yet decided the question. Having, therefore, determined to stay where we are, the question of building a cabin arose. The cabins of this country are neither Louvres nor Palaces, nor anything like the buildings of our France, not even like the smallest cottages. They are, nevertheless, somewhat [153] better and more commodious than the hovels of the Montagnais. I cannot better express the fashion of the Huron dwellings than to compare them to bowers or garden arbors,—some of which, in place of branches and vegetation, are covered with cedar bark, some others with large pieces of ash, elm, fir, or spruce bark; and although the cedar bark is best, according to common opinion and usage, there is, nevertheless, this inconvenience, that they are almost as susceptible to fire as matches. Hence arise many of the conflagrations of entire villages; and, without going farther than this year, we have seen in less than ten days two large ones entirely consumed, and another, that of Louys, partially burned. [154] We have also once seen our own cabin on fire; but, thank God, we extinguished it immediately. There are cabins or arbors of various sizes, some two brasses in length, others of ten, others of twenty, of thirty, of forty; the usual width is about four brasses, their height is about the same. There are no different stories; there is no cellar, no chamber, no garret. It has neither window nor chimney, only a miserable hole in the top of the cabin, left to permit the smoke to escape. This is the way they built ours for us.

Ceux d'Oënrio & de nostre village s'y sont employez, au moyen de quelque present que nous leur fismes. Nous n'auons pas manqué d'exercice pour la faire acheuer, tant [155] à cause de la maladie vniuerselle de quasi tous les Sauuages, qu'à cause de la cooperation de ces deux villages. Car encore que l'ouurage ne fust pas grand; toutesfois ceux de nostre village, regardans ceux d'Oënrio, qui sous esperance de nous attirer à eux à la longue, ne faisoiẽt que s'amuser sans rien auãcer. Nous estions quasi au mois d'Octobre auant que nous fussions à couuert. Pour le dedans nous l'auons accõmodé nous mesmes; en sorte que bien que ce ne soit pas grand' chose, les Sauuages ne laissent de la venir veoir, & la voyant de l'admirer. Nous l'auons separée en trois. La premiere partie du costé de la porte, sert d'antichambre, de briseuent, & de magazin pour nos prouisions de bled, à la façon des Sauuages. La seconde est, celle que nous habitons, & où est nostre cuisine, nostre [156] menuiserie, nostre moulin, ou lieu à battre le bled, nostre Refectoire, nostre salle, & nostre chambre. Aux deux costez à la façon des Hurons sont deux establies, qu'ils nomment Endicha, sur lesquelles sont des quaisses pour mettre nos habits & autres petites commoditez; mais au dessous, au lieu que les Hurons y logent leur bois, nous y auons pratiqué de petites cabanes pour nous coucher, & retirer quelque chose de nos hardes, hors de la main larronnesse des Hurons. Pour eux ils couchent auprés du feu: mais cependant eux & nous n'auons que la terre pour chalit; pour paillasse & pour matelats quelque escorce, ou quelque branchage couuert d'vne nate de ionc; car pour les linceuls & couuertes, nos habits & quelques peaux en font l'office. La troisiesme partie de nostre cabane est encore [157] diuisée en deux, par le moyen d'vn ouurage de menuiserie, qui luy donne assez bonne grace, & qui se fait admirer icy pour sa nouueauté. En l'vne est nostre petite Chapelle, où nous celebrons tous les iours la saincte Messe, & nous y retirons de iour pour prier Dieu. Il est vray que le bruit qu'on fait quasi continuellement nous en empesche d'ordinaire, horsmis le matin & le soir, que tout le monde est retiré, & nous contraint de gaigner le dehors pour faire nos prieres. En l'autre partie nous y mettons nos vtensiles. Toute la cabane n'a que six brasses de longueur, & enuiron trois & demie de large. Voyla comme nous sommes logez, non sans doute si bien que nous n'ayons dedans ce logis assez bonne part à la pluye, à la neige, & au froid. Cependant, comme i'ay dict, on ne laisse pas de nous venir [158] visiter par admiration; principalement depuis que nous auons eu deux portes de menuiserie, & que nostre moulin & nostre horloge ont commencé à ioüer. On ne sçauroit dire les estonnemens de ces bonnes gens, & combien ils admirent l'esprit des François. Mais ils ont tout dit, quand ils ont dit qu'ils sont ondaki, c'est à dire des Demons: & nous releuions bien ce mot à leur profit, quand nous leur disons. Or ça mes freres, vous auez veu cela; & l'auez admiré, & vous pensez auoir raison, voyant quelque chose d'extraordinaire, de dire ondaki; qu'il faut que ceux qui font tant de merueilles soient des Demons. Et qu'y a t'il d'admirable, comme la beauté du Ciel & du Soleil? qu'y a-t'il d'admirable, comme de voir tous les ans les arbres quasi morts durant l'Hyuer, tous nuds & défigurez, reprendre [159] sans mãquer à chaque Printemps vne nouuelle vie & vn nouuel habit? Le bled que vous semez pourrit, & de sa pourriture va poussant de si beaux tuyaux, & de meilleurs espics? Et ce pendant vous ne dites point, Il faut que celuy qui a fait tãt de beautez, & qui nous estalle tous les ans deuant les yeux tant de merueilles, soit quelque excellent oki; & quelque intelligẽce sureminẽte, &c. Il n'est venu persõne qui n'aye voulu tourner le moulin; neantmoins nous ne nous en seruons point, d'autãt que nous auõs par veu experiẽce que nos Sagamités sont meilleures estant pilées dedans des mortiers de bois, à la façon des Sauuages, que broyées dedans le moulin. Ie croy que c'est à cause que le moulin fait la farine trop fine. Pour ce qui est de l'horloge, il y auroit mille choses à dire. Ils croyent tous [160] que c'est quelque chose viuante; car ils ne se peuuent imaginer comment elle sonne d'elle mesme, & quand elle vient à sonner, ils regardent si nous sommes tous là, & s'il n'y a pas quelqu'vn de caché, pour luy donner le branle.

The people of Oënrio and of our village were employed at this, by means of presents given them. It has cost us much exertion to secure its completion, not only [155] on account of the epidemic, which affected almost all the Savages, but on account of the coöperation of these two villages; for although the work was not great, yet those of our village followed the example of those of Oënrio, who, in hopes of finally attracting us to their village, simply amused themselves without advancing the work; we were almost into October before we were under cover. As to the interior, we have suited ourselves; so that, even if it does not amount to much, the Savages never weary of coming to see it, and, seeing it, to admire it. We have divided it into three parts. The first compartment, nearest the door, serves as an antechamber, as a storm door, and as a storeroom for our provisions, in the fashion of the Savages. The second is that in which we live, and is our kitchen, our [156] carpenter shop, our mill, or place for grinding the wheat, our Refectory, our parlor and our bedroom. On both sides, in the fashion of the Hurons, are two benches which they call Endicha, on which are boxes to hold our clothes and other little conveniences; but below, in the place where the Hurons keep their wood, we have contrived some little bunks to sleep in, and to store away some of our clothing from the thievish hands of the Hurons. They sleep beside the fire, but still they and we have only the earth for bedstead; for mattress and pillows, some bark or boughs covered with a rush mat; for sheets and coverings, our clothes and some skins do duty. The third part of our cabin is also [157] divided into two parts by means of a bit of carpentry which gives it a fairly good appearance, and which is admired here for its novelty. In the one is our little Chapel, in which we celebrate every day holy Mass, and we retire there daily to pray to God. It is true that the almost continual noise they make usually hinders us,—except in the morning and evening, when everybody has gone away,—and compels us to go outside to say our prayers. In the other part we put our utensils. The whole cabin is only six brasses long, and about three and a half wide. That is how we are lodged, doubtless not so well that we may not have in this abode a good share of rain, snow, and cold. However, as I have said, they never cease coming [158] to visit us from admiration, especially since we have put on two doors, made by a carpenter, and since our mill and our clock have been set to work. It would be impossible to describe the astonishment of these good people, and how much they admire the intelligence of the French. But they have said all when they have said they are ondaki, that is, Demons; and indeed we make profitable use of this word when we talk to them: "Now, my brothers, you have seen that and admired it, and you think you are right, when you see something extraordinary, in saying ondaki, to declare that those who make so many marvels must be Demons. And what is there so wonderful as the beauty of the Sky and the Sun? What is there so wonderful as to see every year the trees almost dead during the Winter, all bare and disfigured, resume [159] without fail, every Spring, a new life and a new dress? The corn that you plant rots, and from its decay spring up such beautiful stalks and better ears. And yet you do not say, 'He who made so many beauties, and who every year displays before our eyes so many marvels, must be some beneficent oki, and some supereminent intelligence,'" etc. No one has come who has not wished to turn the mill; nevertheless we have not used it, inasmuch as we have learned by experience that our Sagamités32 are better pounded in a wooden mortar, in the fashion of the Savages, than ground within the mill. I believe it is because the mill makes the flour too fine. As to the clock, a thousand things are said of it. They all think [160] it is some living thing, for they cannot imagine how it sounds of itself; and, when it is going to strike, they look to see if we are all there and if some one has not hidden, in order to shake it.

Ils ont pensé qu'il entendoit, principalement quand pour rire quelqu'vn de nos François s'escrioit au dernier coup de marteau, c'est assez sonné, & que tout aussi tost elle se taisoit. Ils l'appellent le Capitaine du iour. Quand elle sonne ils disent, qu'elle parle, & demandent quand ils nous viennent veoir, combien de fois le Capitaine a desia parlé. Ils nous interrogent de son manger. Ils demeurent les heures entieres, & quelquesfois plusieurs, afin de la pouuoir ouyr parler. Ils demandoient au commencement ce qu'elle disoit; on leur respondit deux [161] choses, qu'ils ont fort bien retenuës; l'vne que quand elle sonnoit à quatre heures du soir pendant l'hyuer, elle disoit, Sortez, allez vous en, afin que nous fermions la porte; car aussi tost ils leuent le siege, & s'en vont: l'autre qu'à midy elle disoit yo eiouahaoua, c'est à dire, sus dressõs la chaudiere, & ils ont encore mieux retenu ce langage. Car il y a de ces écornifleurs, qui ne manquent point de venir à cette heure là, pour participer à nostre Sagamité. Ils mangent à toutes heures, quand ils ont dequoy. Cependant d'ordinaire ils ne font que manger deux chaudieres par iour, sçauoir est, au matin & au soir. Partant ils sont bien aises pendant le iour de prendre part à la nostre.

They think it hears, especially when, for a joke, some one of our Frenchmen calls out at the last stroke of the hammer, "That's enough," and then it immediately becomes silent. They call it the Captain of the day. When it strikes, they say it is speaking; and they ask when they come to see us how many times the Captain has already spoken. They ask us about its food; they remain a whole hour, and sometimes several, in order to be able to hear it speak. They used to ask at first what it said. We told them two [161] things that they have remembered very well; one, that when it sounded four o'clock of the afternoon, during winter, it was saying, "Go out, go away that we may close the door," for immediately they arose, and went out. The other, that at midday it said, yo eiouahaoua, that is, "Come, put on the kettle;" and this speech is better remembered than the other, for some of these spongers never fail to come at that hour, to get a share of our Sagamité. They eat at all hours, when they have the wherewithal, but usually they have only two meals a day, in the morning and in the evening; consequently they are very glad during the day to take a share with us.

A propos de leurs admirations, i'en pourrois icy coucher plusieurs faites au sujet de la pierre d'aymant; en laquelle ils regardoient s'il y auoit [162] de la colle, & d'vne lunette à onze facettes, qui leur representoit autant de fois vn mesme obiet, d'vne petite phiole dans laquelle vne pulce paroist comme vn hanneton, du verre triangulaire, des outils de menuiserie. Mais sur tout de l'escriture; car ils ne pouuoient conceuoir comme ce qu'vn de nous, estãt au village leur auoit dit & couché en mesme temps par escrit; vn autre qui cependant estoit dans la maison bien esloignée, le disoit incontinent en voyant l'escriture. Ie crois qu'ils en ont fait cent experiences. Tout cela sert pour gaigner leurs affections, & les rendre plus dociles, quand il est question des admirables & incomprehensibles mysteres de nostre Foy. Car la croyance qu'ils ont de nostre esprit & de nostre capacité, fait que sans replique ils croyent ce qu'on leur annonce.

Speaking of their expressions of admiration, I might here set down several on the subject of the lodestone, into which they looked to see if there was [162] some paste; and of a glass with eleven facets, which represented a single object as many times; of a little phial in which a flea appears as large as a beetle; of the prism, of the joiner's tools; but above all of the writing, for they could not conceive how, what one of us, being in the village, had said to them, and put down at the same time in writing, another, who meanwhile was in a house far away, could say readily on seeing the writing. I believe they have made a hundred trials of it. All this serves to gain their affections, and to render them more docile when we introduce the admirable and incomprehensible mysteries of our Faith; for the belief they have in our intelligence and capacity causes them to accept without reply what we say to them.

[163] Reste maintenant à dire quelque chose du pays, des meurs & coustumes des Hurons, de la disposition qu'ils ont à la Foy, & de nos petits trauaux.

[163] It remains now to say something of the country, of the manners and customs of the Hurons, of the inclination they have to the Faith, and of our insignificant labors.

Quant au premier, le peu de papier & de loisir que nous auons, m'oblige à vous dire en peu de mots ce qui pourroit faire vn iuste volume. Le pays des Hurons n'est pas grand, sa plus longue estenduë se peut trauerser en trois ou quatre iours, l'assiette en est belle, la plus part toute en plaines. Il est environné & entrecoupé d'vne quantité de tres-beaux lacs, ou plustost mers, d'où vient que celuy qui leur est au Nord, & au Nord-nordouest, est appellé mer douce. Nous passõs par là en venāt des Bissiriniens. Le sol de ce pays est tout sablonneux, quoy que non esgalement. Cependant il produit quantité de tres-bon bled d'Inde, & peut-on [164] dire, que c'est le grenier de la plus part des Algonquains. Il y a vingt Bourgades, qui disent enuiron trente milles ames, sous vne mesme langue, & encore assez facile à qui a quelque maistre. Elle a distinction de genres, de nombre, de temps, de personnes, de mœuds, & en vn mot tres-parfaite & tres accomplie, contre la pensée de plusieurs. Ce qui me resioüit, c'est que i'ay appris que cette langue est commune à quelques douze autres Nations toutes sedentaires & nombreuses. Sçauoir est aux Conkhandeenrhonons, khionontaterrhonons, Atiouandaronks, Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons, Onoiochrhonons, Agnierrhonons, Andastoerrhonons, Scahentoarrhonõs, Rhiierrhonons, & Ahouenrochrhonons. Les Hurons sont amis de tous ces peuples, excepté des Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons, Onoiochrhonons [165] & Agnierrhonons, que nous comprenons tous sous le nom d'Hiroquois. Encore ont ils desia la paix auec les Sonontoerrhonons, depuis qu'ils furent par eux défaits l'année passée an Printemps.

As to the first, the little paper and leisure we have compels me to say in a few words what might justly fill a volume. The Huron country is not large, its greatest extent can be traversed in three or four days. Its situation is fine, the greater part of it consisting of plains. It is surrounded and intersected by a number of very beautiful lakes or rather seas, whence it comes that the one to the North and to the North-northwest is called "fresh-water sea" [mer douce].33 We pass through it in coming from the Bissiriniens. The soil of this country is quite sandy, although not equally so. However, it produces a quantity of very good Indian corn, and one may [164] say that it is the granary of most of the Algonquains. There are twenty Towns, which indicate about 30,000 souls speaking the same tongue, which is not difficult to one who has a master. It has distinction of genders, number, tense, person, moods; and, in short, it is very complete and very regular, contrary to the opinion of many. I am rejoiced to find that this language is common to some twelve other Nations, all settled and numerous; these are, the Conkhandeenrhonons, khionontaterrhonons, Atiouandaronks, Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons, Onoiochrhonons, Agnierrhonons, Andastoerrhonons, Scahentoarrhonons, Rhiierrhonons, and Ahouenrochrhonons.34 The Hurons are friends of all these people, except the Sonontoerrhonons, Onontaerrhonons, Oüioenrhonons, Onoiochrhonons [165] and Agnierrhonons, all of whom we comprise under the name Hiroquois. But they have already made peace with the Sonontoerrhonons, since they were defeated by them a year past in the Spring.

Les deputez de tout le Pays sont allez à Sonontoen pour cõfirmer cette paix, & dit on que les Onontaerhonons, Ouioenrhonons, Ouiochrhonons & Agnierrhonons, veulẽt entrer en ce party. Mais ce n'est pas chose asseurée; que si cela est, voila vne belle grande porte ouuerte à l'Euangile. On m'a voulu mener audit Sonontoen, mais ie n'ay pas iugé à propos d'aller encore en aucune part, iusques à ce que nous ayons icy mieux estably les fondemens de la Loy Euangelique, & que nous y ayons tiré vn crayon, sur lequel les autres Nations qui se conuertiront se puissent reigler. Ie voudrois bien n'aller en aucũ lieu qu'on [166] ne nous recogneust aussi tost pour Predicateurs de Iesus-Christ.

The deputies of the whole Country have gone to Sonontoen35 to confirm this peace, and it is said that the Onontaerhonons, Ouioenrhonons, Ouiochrhonons and Agnierrhonons wish to become parties to it. But that is not certain; if it were, a noble door would be open to the Gospel. They wanted me to go to this Sonontoen, but I did not judge it wise to go yet into any other part, until we have better established here the foundation of the Gospel Law, and until we have drawn a line by which the other Nations that shall be converted may guide themselves. Indeed, I would not go to any place where [166] we would not be immediately recognized as Preachers of Jesus Christ.

Il est si clair & si euident, qu'il est vne Diuinité qui a fait le Ciel & la terre, que nos Hurons ne la peuuent entierement mécognoistre. Et quoy qu'ils ayent les yeux de l'esprit fort obscurcis des tenebres d'vne longue ignorance, de leurs vices & pechez, si est-ce qu'ils en voyent quelque chose. Mais ils se méprennent lourdement, & ayant la cognoissance de Dieu, ils ne luy rendent pas l'honneur, ny l'amour, ny le seruice qu'il conuient: car ils n'ont ny Temples, ny Prestres, ny Festes, ny ceremonies aucunes.

It is so clear, so evident that there is a Divinity who has made Heaven and earth, that our Hurons cannot entirely ignore it. And although the eyes of their minds are very much obscured by the darkness of a long ignorance, by their vices and sins, they still see something of it. But they misapprehend him grossly, and, having the knowledge of God, they do not render him the honor, the love, nor the service which is his due. For they have neither Temples, nor Priests, nor Feasts, nor any ceremonies.

Ils disent qu'vne certaine femme nommée Eataentsic, est celle qui a fait la terre & les hommes. Ils luy baillent pour adioint vn certain appellé Iouskeha, qu'ils disent estre son petit fils, auec lequel elle gouuerne [167] le monde; cest Iouskeha a soin des viuans & des choses qui concernent la vie, & par consequent ils disent qu'il est bõ: Eataentsic a soin des ames, & parce qu'ils croyent qu'elle fait mourir les hommes, ils disent qu'elle est meschante. Et ce sont parmy eux des mysteres si cachez, qu'il n'y a que les vieillards qui en puissent parler auec credit & authorité, pour estre creus. D'où vient qu'vn certain ieune homme m'en ayant discouru, me dist en se ventant, Ne suisie pas bien sçauant? Quelques vns me disent que la maison de ces deux Diuinitez est au bout du monde vers l'Orient. Or chez eux le monde ne passe point leur Pays, c'est à dire l'Amerique, d'autres les logent au milieu.

They say that a certain woman named Eataentsic36 is the one who made earth and men. They give her an assistant, one named Jouskeha, whom they declare to be her little son, with whom she governs [167] the world. This Jouskeha has care of the living, and of the things that concern life, and consequently they say that he is good. Eataentsic has care of souls; and, because they believe that she makes men die, they say that she is wicked. And there are among them mysteries so hidden that only the old men, who can speak with credit and authority about them, are believed. Whence it comes that a certain young man, who was talking to me about this, said boastingly, "Am I not very learned?" Some told me that the house of these two Divinities is at the end of the world to the East. Now with them the world does not pass beyond their Country, that is, America. Others place their abode in the middle.

Ce Dieu & cette Deesse viuent comme eux, mais sans disette; font des festins comme eux, sont lascifs aussi bien qu'eux: bref ils se les figurent [168] tous tels qu'ils sont eux mesmes. Et encor qu'il[s] les facent hommes & corporels, ils semblent neantmoins leur attribuer vne certaine immensité en tous lieux. Ils disent que cette Eataentsic est tombée du Ciel, où il y a des habitans comme icy, & que quand elle tomba, elle estoit enceinte. Que si vous leur demandez qui a fait le Ciel & ses habitans, ils n'ont autre repartie, sinon qu'ils n'en sçauent rien. Et quand nous leur preschons vn Dieu, Createur du Ciel & de la terre & de toutes choses: de mesme quand nous leur parlons d'vn Enfer & d'vn Paradis, & du reste de nos mysteres; les opiniastres respondent, que cela est bon pour nostre Pays, non pour le leur; que chaque Pays a ses façons de faire: mais leur ayant monstré par le moyen d'vn petit globe que nous auons apporté, qu'il n'y a [169] qu'vn seul monde, ils demeurẽt sans replique. Ie trouue dans leur mariage deux choses qui me plaisent fort; l'vne qu'ils n'ont qu'vne femme, l'autre qu'ils ne se marient point à leurs parens en ligne directe ou collaterale, pour esloignez qu'ils puissẽt estre. Il y a assez d'ailleurs à y reprendre, quand ce ne seroit que le frequent changement que les hommes font de leurs femmes, & les femmes de leurs maris: ils croyent l'immortalité des ames, qu'ils feignent estre corporelles. Toute la plus grande partie de leur Religion consiste en ce poinct. Ce ne sont d'ailleurs que superstitions, que nous esperons auec la grace de Dieu changer en vraye Religion, & comme despoüilles enleuées sur l'ennemy, les consacrer à l'honneur de nostre Seigneur & en profiter pour leur soulagement particulier. Certes si [170] estãs vn iour Chrestiens, ils viennent à les aider à proportion de ce qu'ils sont à present pour elles en vain; il faudra que nous leur cedions, ou que nous les imitions; car ils n'y espargnent rien, non pas mesmes les plus auaricieux. Nous en auons veu quelques-vns dénuez, ou peu s'en faut, de toutes leurs commoditez, pour ce que plusieurs de leurs amis estoient morts, aux ames desquels ils en auoient fait largesse. Au surplus les chiens, les cerfs, les poissons & autres animaux ont des ames immortelles & raisonnables à leur dire: Pour preuue dequoy les vieillards racontent certaines fables qu'ils font passer pour veritez; ils ne font mention ny de peine ny de recompense au lieu où vont les ames apres la mort; aussi ne mettent-ils point de distinction entre les bons & les mauuais, les vertueux & les vicieux, [171] & ils honorent également la sepulture des vns & des autres: ainsi que nous auons veu en celle d'vn ieune homme qui s'estoit empoisonné du déplaisir qu'il auoit conceu, à raison qu'on luy auoit osté sa femme. Ils ont vne infinité de superstitions, leurs festins, leur[s] medecines, leurs pesches, leurs chasses, leurs guerres; bref quasi toute leur vie ne roule que sur ce piuot; les songes sur tout ont icy grand credit.

This God and Goddess live like themselves, but without famine; make feasts as they do, are lustful as they; in short, they imagine them [168] exactly like themselves. And still, though they make them human and corporeal, they seem nevertheless to attribute to them a certain immensity in all places. They say that this Eataentsic fell from the Sky, where there are inhabitants as on earth; and, when she fell, she was with child. If you ask them who made the Sky and its inhabitants, they have no other reply than that they know nothing about it. And when we preach to them of one God, Creator of Heaven and earth, and of all things, and even when we talk to them of Hell and Paradise and of our other mysteries, the headstrong savages reply that this is good for our Country and not for theirs; that every Country has its own fashions. But having pointed out to them, by means of a little globe that we had brought, that there is [169] only one world, they remain without reply. I find in their marriage customs two things that greatly please me; the first, that they have only one wife; the second, that they do not marry their relatives in a direct or collateral line, however distant they may be. There is, on the other hand, sufficient to censure, were it only the frequent changes the men make of their wives, and the women of their husbands. They believe in the immortality of the soul,37 which they believe to be corporeal. The greatest part of their Religion consists in this point. There are, besides, only superstitions, which we hope by the grace of God to change into true Religion, and, like spoils carried off from the enemy, to consecrate them to the honor of our Lord, and to profit by them for their special advantage. Certainly, if, [170] should they some day be Christians, these superstitions help them in proportion to what they do for them now in vain, it will be necessary that we yield to them, or that we imitate them; for they spare nothing, not even the most avaricious. We have seen several stripped, or almost so, of all their goods, because several of their friends were dead, to whose souls they had made presents. Moreover, dogs, deer, fish, and other animals have, in their opinion, immortal and reasonable souls. In proof of this, the old men relate certain fables, which they represent as true; they make no mention either of punishment or reward, in the place to which souls go after death. And so they do not make any distinction between the good and the bad, the virtuous and the vicious; [171] and they honor equally the interment of both, even as we have seen in the case of a young man who had poisoned himself from the grief he felt because his wife had been taken away from him. Their superstitions are infinite; their feasts, their medicines, their fishing, their hunting, their wars,—in short, almost their whole life turns upon this pivot; dreams, above all, have here great credit.

Tout ce pays, & ie crois qu'il en va de mesme ailleurs, ne manque pas d'hommes meschans, lesquels par enuie ou par vengeance, ou autre motif, empoisonnent ou ensorcellent, & en fin tost ou tard font mourir ceux qu'ils entreprennent. Quand telles gens sont surpris, on les execute sur le champ, sans autre forme de procés, & il n'en est autre bruit. Pour les autres meurtres ils [172] les vengent sur toute la Nation du meurtrier; aussi ne sçay-je que cette sorte de gens qu'ils facent mourir impunément. I'ay bien connu vne fille larronnesse, qui fut aussi tost assommée sans aucune recherche, mais ç'auoit esté par son propre frere: s'il paroist quelque traistre qui machine la ruine du Pays, ils taschent en commun de s'en défaire au plustost; mais ces accidens sont fort rares.

This whole country, and I believe it is the same elsewhere, is not lacking in wicked men, who, from motives of envy or vengeance, or from other cause, poison or bewitch, and, in short, put to death sooner or later those whom they wish to injure. When such people are caught, they are put to death on the spot, without any form of trial, and there is no disturbance about it. As to other murders, they [172] are avenged upon the whole Nation of the murderer; so that is the only class I know about that they put to death with impunity. I knew indeed a girl that stole, who was at once killed without any inquiry, but it was by her own brother. If some traitor appears, who is planning the ruin of the Country, they endeavor in common to get rid of him as soon as possible; but these accidents are very rare.

Ils disent que ces Sorciers les ruinent; car si quelqu'vn a reüssy en quelque entreprise, si la traitte, si la chasse luy a succedé; aussi-tost ces méchans l'ensorcellent, ou quelque autre de sa maison, afin qu'il consomme tout en Medecins & Medecines. Aussi pour remedier à ces sorts, & autres maladies, il y a vne infinité de Medecins qu'ils appellent Arendiouane. Ces gens à [173] mon aduis son[t] vrays Sorciers, qui ont accez au Diable. Les vns ne font que iuger du mal, & ce en diuerses facons, sçauoir est, par Pyromantie, par Hydromantie, Negromantie, par festins, par danses & chansons. Les autres s'efforcent de guerir le mal par souflemens, breuuages & autres singeries ridicules, qui n'ont aucune vertu ny efficacité naturelle. Mais les vns & les autres ne font rien sans grands presens, & sans bonnes recompenses.

They say that the Sorcerers ruin them; for if any one has succeeded in an enterprise, if his trading or hunting is successful, immediately these wicked men bewitch him, or some member of his family, so that they have to spend it all in Doctors and Medicines. Hence, to cure these and other diseases, there are a large number of Doctors whom they call Arendiouane. These persons, in [173] my opinion, are true Sorcerers, who have access to the Devil. Some only judge of the evil, and that in divers ways, namely, by Pyromancy, by Hydromancy, Necromancy, by feasts, dances, and songs; the others endeavor to cure the disease by blowing, by potions, and by other ridiculous tricks, which have neither any virtue nor natural efficacy. But neither class do anything without generous presents and good pay.

On void en ce Pays quelques Deuins, qu'ils appellent encore Arendiouane, & qui se meslent de faire tomber ou cesser la pluye, & predire les choses futures. Le Diable leur reuele quelques secrets, mais auec tant d'obscuritez, qu'on n'a garde de les arguer de mensonge: témoin vn du village de Scanonaenrat [174] lequel vn peu auparauant l'embrasement des bourgades cy dessus mẽtionnées, auoit veu en songe trois flammes qui tomboient du Ciel sur lesdites bourgades. Mais le Diable ne luy auoit declaré le sens de cet enigme: car ayant obtenu du village vn chien blanc pour en faire festin, & en impetrer l'intelligence, il demeura aussi ignorant apres comme auparauant.

There are here some Soothsayers, whom they call also Arendiouane and who undertake to cause the rain to fall or to cease, and to predict future events. The Devil reveals to them some secrets, but with so much obscurity that one is unable to accuse them of falsehood; witness one of the village of Scanonaenrat38 [174] who, a little while before the burning of the villages before mentioned, had seen in a dream three flames falling from the Sky on those villages. But the Devil had not declared to him the meaning of this enigma; for, having obtained from the village a white dog, to make a feast with it and to seek information by it, he remained as ignorant afterward as before.

Dernierement comme i'estois chez Louys de saincte Foy, vne vieille sorciere ou deuineresse dudit village, dist qu'elle auoit veu ceux qui estoient allez à la guerre, qu'ils reuenoient, & amenoient vn prisonnier. Nous verrons si elle a dit vray: son procedé est par pyromantie: elle vous figure en sa cabane le lac des Hiroquois, puis d'vn costé elle fait autant de feux comme il y a de personnes qui ont marché en [175] campagn[e]; & de l'autre costé encore autant de feux, qu'ils ont d'ennemis à combattre. Puis si son sort reüssit, elle donne à entendre que les feux de deça ont trauersé, & cela signifie, que les guerriers ont desia passé le lac. Vn feu qui y esteint l'autre, marque vn ennemy défait, que si il l'attire à soy sans l'esteindre, c'est vn prisonnier pris à mercy. C'est ainsi, pour finir ce discours, qui seroit trop long, si ie voulois tout dire, que le Diable amuse ce pauure peuple, substituant ses impietez & superstitions, en la place de la conformité, qu'ils deuroient auoir à la prouidence de Dieu, & du culte qu'ils luy deuroient rendre.