Volume 2 — Relatio Rerum Gestarum in Nova-Francica Missione, Annis 1613 & 1614

Lyons: CLAUDE CAYNE, 1618

Source: We follow the general style of O'Callaghan's Reprint No. 6. The Title and Tabula Rerum are the work of that Editor. The Text is from the original volume of Annuæ Litteræ Societatis Iesu, Anni CIↃ IↃC XII, pp 562-605, in the Riggs Library, Georgetown, D. C. The bracketed pagination is that of the Annuæ; that in Roman, of O'Callaghan.

RELATIO

Rervm Gestarum

IN

Novo-Francica Missione

Annis 1613 & 1614.

Ex Annvis Litteris Societatis Iesv impressis

LVGDVNI, Apvd Clavdivm Cayne, typographvm.

CIↃ IↃC XIIX

A RELATION

Of Occurrences

IN THE

Mission of New France

DURING THE YEARS 1613 AND 1614.

From the Published Annual Letters of the Society of Jesus

LYONS, Claude Cayne, PRINTER.

1618

[iii] Tabvla Rervm

Pag.

I QUID sit Nova Francia 1

II De climate 2

III De moribus gentivm 4

IV De prima exploratione Novæ Franciæ 4

V De situ, flvviis et incolis 5

VI De promontorijs, de quinqve Francorvm domicilijs 8

De ortu domicilij Sancti Saluatoris ad ostivm amnis Pentegoetij 9

VII Appvlvnt nostri ad Portvm Regalem 16

VIII De laboribus nostrorvm 17

IX De rebvs angvstis 25

X Patres radices legvnt et pisces ad svstentvm domicilij [iv] 36

XI Saussæus ex Francia solvit ad novas missionis sedes collocandas et Sancti Saluatoris domicilivm inchoat 37

XII De impetu Anglorum in missionem Sancti Saluatoris et de ruina Sanctæ Crucis et Regii Portis arcium 41

XIII Patres in Virginiam et inde in Angliam deportati 53

XIV Svmma rervm in Novo-Francica missione gestarvm 59

[iii] Table of Contents.

Page.

I WHAT New France is 1

II Climate 2

III Customs of the people 4

IV First exploration of New France 4

V Location, rivers, and inhabitants 5

VI The capes; the five settlements of the French 8

Origin of the settlement of St. Sauveur at the mouth of the river Pentegoët 9

VII Our fathers land at Port Royal 16

VIII Labors of our fathers 17

IX Their hardships 25

X The Fathers gather roots and fish for the support of the colony [iv] 36

XI La Saussaye leaves France for the purpose of establishing new missionary stations, and begins the settlement of St. Sauveur 37

XII Attack of the English upon the mission of St. Sauveur, and destruction of the forts of Ste. Croix and Port Royal 41

XIII The Fathers are carried to Virginia and thence to England 53

XIV Summary of occurrences, in the mission of New France 59

[562] In Novam Franciam, sev Canadiam Missio.

NOVA FRANCIA, Brasiliæ ac Peruuio continens ad Boream vastissima regio, Aquitanico Galliæ littori ad occasum obuersa, directas ab Occidente in Orientem, & contrà, lineas cum [563] nostra Francia communes habet; ab eaque non ita longo maris traiectu octingentarum, aut is vbi latissimus est, mille leucarum dirimitur interuallo. Ex huiusmodi oppositu & vicinitate nostratis Frãciæ, Nouam Franciam maiores eam appellarunt; cui nomenclationi & illa altera, rei maximè congruens, accessit ex euentu causa, quòd eam terrarum adhuc incognitam oram primi mortalium Franci nostrates deprehenderunt, crebrísque nauigationibus, centum eóque ampliùs abhinc annis, frequentarunt. Canadiæ verò nomen, quod vulgò vniuersam in eam regionem confertur, eius modò plagæ Septemtrionalis proprium est, quæ Canadæ fluminis, & nobilis sinus, cui à Sancto Laurentio nomen est, copiosis aquis alluitur. Enimuerò vniuersæ Nouæ Franciæ amplitudo, nunc, ad Floridæ confinia, multò licet quam nuper contractior, vndequadragesimo tamen gradu, versùs Austrum, determinatur: vltráque nostratis Franciæ latitudinem non paucis leucis porrigitur: exinde autem ignotis adhuc finibus in Aquilonem, sicut & immẽsis tractibus in Sinicum mare ad Occidentem excurrit: quà denique Eurum spectat, nostro Aquitanico Oceano, Britannicóque, ipsi linearum parallelis obiecto, definitur.

[562] The Mission in New France, or Canada.

NEW FRANCE, an immense region adjoining Brazil and Peru on the North, and opposite the coast of Aquitaine in a westerly direction, is situated between the same parallels of latitude as [563] is our France; and is separated from it by the very moderate voyage of 800 leagues, or, where the ocean is broadest, of 1,000 leagues. Because it is thus opposite and near to our France, our ancestors called it New France; and for this nomenclature another especially appropriate reason occurred in the good fortune by which our French fellow-countrymen were the first to take possession of this hitherto unknown region, and visited it in frequent voyages more than a hundred years ago. But the name of Canada, which is commonly given to this entire country, belongs only to that Northern region which is washed by the abundant waters of the river Canada,48 and of the noble gulf which is called St. Lawrence. Indeed, the whole territory of New France, although now much more confined than formerly, towards the frontiers of Florida, is nevertheless bounded on the South by the thirty-ninth parallel, and extends many leagues beyond the breadth of our France. Moreover, it stretches with yet unknown limits towards the North, and in vast expanses to the Chinese sea on the West; finally it is bounded Eastward by our Aquitanian and Breton Ocean, lying opposite and between the same parallels.

Caeli eadem omnino, quæ nostri Gallici temperatio, ex ea ratione Climatis eiusdem, quam indicauimus, inesse illi regioni debet, vti reuera inest. Soli autem quin par quoque sit ratio, nihil prohiberet, si iugis adesset campestris terræ cultura: & perpetuarum ferè siluarum abesset densa opacitas. [564] Nam opima omnino vniuersi terreni viscera, facilè prodit ingens arborum amplitudo, atque proceritas: summam quoque glebam vbertate multa pinguem, tota planitie camporum, hilariter herbescens terræ viriditas ostendit.

There ought to be in that region the same sort of Climate in every respect as that of our France, from the fact, as we pointed out, of its similar situation, and this is actually the case. Moreover, there is no reason why the soil should not be equally fertile, if the cultivation of the plains were long continued upon the uplands, and if it were not for the dense shades of the almost unbroken forests. [564] For the subsoil of the whole country is very rich, as trees of immense size and height readily demonstrate. That the surface-soil is also endued with great fertility is shown by the pleasing luxuriance of the vegetation over all the plains.

Gens ea distinctis lingua & sede multis populis continetur, nulla vsquam consiliorum aut fortunarum communione deuinctis: nulla nec lege, nec arte; nullo nisi piscatus, & venatus vitæ subsidio instructis: vix vlla Numinis cogitatione, aut salutis cura informatis: ad omne opus ignauis: stupidis ad artes, quæ ingenio aut memoria nitantur: in summa, belluinis pænè hominibus constat ea natio. Populus cum longinquo propinquóve populo vix habet commercium, nisi quod bello inferendo, aut defendendo potest interuenire. Immo, neque idem populus, eadem loci regione, ac tugurioram vicinitate iunctus, fermè vnquam coire solet, nisi vt de armis, aduersùm communes hostes capita conferat. Exterarum verò nationum Francicam vnam ferè suos in portus admittunt, Fibrinis, atque huiusmodi pellibus suis distrahendis, necessariáque veste, ac supellectile permutandis.

The people comprise many tribes diverse in language and situation, united by no mutual purposes or interests; possessing neither laws nor arts, and knowing no other means of gaining a livelihood than by fishing and hunting; having almost no conception of Deity or concern for salvation; indolent in every occupation, and dull in those pursuits which depend upon talent or memory. On the whole, the race consists of men who are hardly above the beasts. One tribe hardly ever has intercourse with another, either distant or near, except such as may arise in the prosecution of offensive or defensive warfare. Even the members of the same tribe, united by a common location and the vicinity of their dwellings, are seldom accustomed to meet together, except to take measures concerning war against a common enemy. Of foreign nations, the French are almost the only people whom they admit to their harbors, for the sake of disposing of their Beaver skins and other peltries, in exchange for necessary clothing and utensils.

Hanc noui orbis partem ex Francis nauarchis primi explorarunt Britones, anno quarto post millesimum quingentesimum; de qua vbi renunciauerant, eius repetendæ nauigationis, vel comites, vel æmulatores habuerunt deinceps frequentissimè, tum Normannos, turn cæteros Gallici Oceani accolas. Vndeuicesimo pòst anno, Ioannes Verazanus [565] Florentinus, vicesimo item, ac tricesimo quarto Iacobus Quartierus Gallus, Brito, cum imperio missi ab Francisco Primo, Gallorum Rege, ipsius auspiciis occupatam regionem illam, eius posterorumque Regum iurisdictioni vindicarunt, cuius possessionem, per interualla sussectæ aliæ atque aliæ Francorum expeditiones, in hanc vsque diem Gallorum Regibus asserere perseuerarunt. De nostris verò missi quoque sunt anno superiore, qui Henrici Quarti auctoritate populos, Francico nomini amicitia & Societate iunctos, ac reliquos etiam Canadios, Euangelij tanto sanctiore fœdere, Christo regum regi deuincirent. Quo de negotio antè quàm instituamus dicere, præter ea quæ generatim complexi sumus, necesse est de loco ac gente sigillatim quædam capita enucleatiùs explicemus.

Among French navigators, the Bretons first explored this part of the new world in 1504;49 and after they brought back reports of it, they had in subsequent voyages thither, many companions or rivals,—not only the Normans, but also other dwellers on the Sea-coast of France. In the nineteenth and also in the twentieth year thereafter, John Verazano, [565] a Florentine; and, in the thirty-fourth year thereafter, Jacques Quartier, a Frenchman of Brittany, were sent as commanders by Francis I., King of France; and, by the occupation of this region under his authority, brought it under the jurisdiction of that King, and also of his successors. Various French expeditions, sent out at intervals, continue to this day to maintain that possession for the Kings of France. Some of our brethren were also sent last year in order, by the authority of Henry IV., to unite the tribes joined in friendship and Alliance with the French, and also the remaining Canadians, by the far holier tie of the Gospel, to Christ, the king of kings. Before we begin to speak concerning this undertaking, we must, in addition to our general description, explain more fully some matters concerning the country and people.

Nova Francia Gallis adeuntibus gemino littore patet; altero, quod angusta fronte Oceano nostro, & Orienti obtenditur: altero, quod productiore tractu ad Floridæ vsque confinia Austro obiacet. Istud latus portubus, atque ostiis fluminum frequens est, quibus commodè penetrari possit in regionis mediterranea, & hàc ferè Galli terras illas ineunt: illud verò, Franciæ nostræ obiectum littus, quoniam oppositu ingentis insulæ, quam Nouam Terram appellant, importuosum pænè est, ea regione nostrates non subeunt. Eius orbis vastissimã planitiem ingentissimi aluei, aquis copiosissimum flumen irrigat, directo limite ab vltimo pænè occasu ad ortum, quoad angusto freto ad insulam Terræ [566] Nouæ, ipsiúsque insulæ oppositu, eius ostia in Austrinum littus inflectantur. Ei fluuio gentile nomen est Sacqué, Sanctum Laurentium Galli appellarunt; cuius caput ampliùs quingentis inde leucis indigenæ ab lacu in trecentas patente leucas repetunt. In hunc amnium principem alij amnes nobiles ab Aquilone influunt, nempe Saguenaiüm, Tergeminus amnis, seu tres amnes, simul coëuntes, Algomequium, & cæteri non pauci. Saguenaij quingentarum, Tergemini quadringentarum leucarum nauigatio longè porrigitur in Boream. E montibus, ad ripam Austrinam Saquéi amnis, transuersi feruntur in Meridianum Oceani littus alij quoque fluuij celebres; vnde populis, atque illius tractus regionibus plerisque gentilia ducta sunt nomina; sed eorum nonnullis sui moris appellationes Franci posteà indiderunt. Fluuij autem sunt hi ad Austrum conuersi, Sanctus Ioannes, Pentegoëtius, Quinibequius, Choüacoetius, Norembega, quem postremum amnem Champlænius eumdem ac Pentegoetium esse contendit. Populi trans Saquéum, Sanctúmve-Laurentium, versùs Aquilonem, non procul illius ostiis, sunt Canadij & Excomminquij: longè verò ab his, eadem Boreali ripa, versùs occasum, è regione Floridæ, incolunt Algomeguij, atque Ochasteguij. Cis Sanctum-Laurentium, in Australi ora degunt item Canadij, ad ipsum magni amnis flexum, ab Euro in Austrum declinãtis. Post eos ad Occasum vergũt Souriquij, Acadiæ regionis incolæ: deinde ad Pentegoetium, seu Norembegam fluuium, Pentegoetij: [567] ad horum dextram, Occasum spectantium, circa Quebecum arcem, Montagnetij: post Pentegoetios recto tractu Eteminquij, ad amnem Quinibequium: inde Almochiquij ad flumen Choüacoetium, latissimis campis diffusi: denique inter Floridam, & Sacquéum magnum amnem, Iroquij campestribus, montosisque locis latissimè habitant. Reliquos Nouæ Franciæ populos multos, præsertim trans magnum Sacquéum amnem, Aquilonares, Galli nostrates non nisi ex auditione norunt. Ex notis autem, amicos, ac pæne Socios habent Souriquios, Eteminquios, Montagnetios, Almochiquios, Algomequios, & Ochasteguios: istis capitales hostes Iroquios, hostili quoque in se animo experiuntur, eo maximè nomine, quòd Iroquiis Galli cum ipsorum hostibus bellum intulerint. Horum quidem populorum soli agriculturam, inscienter tamen, exercent Almochiquij, Iroquij, & Ochasteguij, miliumque Indicum, & fabam Brasilicam ferunt.

New France presents to the French, as they approach it, two coasts, one which borders with a narrow frontage upon our Ocean to the East; and another far longer, which extends Southward to the confines of Florida. The former side abounds in bays and estuaries, by which one may readily penetrate into the interior; by these routes the French usually enter these regions; but, since the other coast, lying opposite our France, is rendered almost inaccessible by the intervention of a great island which they call Newfoundland, our people do not approach in that direction. The immense plain in that quarter is watered by a river of vast size and mighty volume, its course directly eastward from almost the farthest west, until, by reason of the narrow strait at the island of Newfoundland [566] and the opposition of the island itself, its mouth is broadly curved towards the Southern coast. The native name of that river is Sacqué;50 the French have called it St. Lawrence; its source the natives seek more than 500 leagues distant, in a lake 300 leagues in width. Into this main stream other noble rivers flow from the North, such as the Saguenay,51 the Three Rivers,52—or three rivers flowing together,—the Algomequi,53 and many others. These rivers are open for navigation far Northward—the Saguenay five hundred leagues, the Three Rivers four hundred leagues, From the mountains54 upon the Southern bank of the Sacqué River other notable streams flow across to the Southern coast of the Ocean, and from these the native names for most of the tribes and districts of that region are derived; but upon some of them the French afterward conferred names after their own fashion. The rivers flowing Southward are the St. John, Pentegoët, Quinibequi, Choüacoet,11 and Norembega, which last stream Champlain55 asserts to be the same as the Pentegoët. The tribes across the Sacqué or St. Lawrence, towards the North, not far from its mouth, are the Canadis56 and Excomminquis;10 but at a distance from these, on the same Northern shore, toward the west, in the direction of Florida, dwell the Algomeguis57 and the Ochasteguis.58 Across the St Lawrence, on the Southern bank, the Canadi live also, directly at the bend of the great river, which turns from the East towards the South.59 Beyond them, toward the West, lie the Souriquois, inhabitants of the country of Acadia;60 thence, toward the Pentegoët or Norembega River, the Pentegoëts;6 [567] to their right, looking Westward, about the fortress at Quebec,59 the Montagnais; beyond the Pentegoëts; directly toward the Quinibequi River, the Eteminquis; then the Almochiquois, at the Choüacoet River, scattered over a very extensive region; finally, between Florida and the great Sacqué River, the Iroquois inhabit enormous tracts of both level and mountainous country. Many of the remaining tribes of New France, especially those of the North, across the great Sacqué River, our French countrymen know only from hearsay. Among those whom they know, however, they have secured as friends, and almost as allies, the Souriquois, Eteminquis, Montagnais, Almochiquois, Algomequois, and Ochasteguis. The Iroquois, who are deadly enemies of these tribes, prove hostile to the French also, mainly because the latter have waged war against them, in company with their enemies. Certain of these tribes—the Almochiquois, Iroquois, and Ochasteguis—practice agriculture, though unskillfully, and plant Indian corn and the Brazilian bean.61

Promontoria celebria Franciam Nouam ineuntibus Meridiano littore occurrunt, Britonicum, ad ipsa ostia magni amnis, hoc est Sancti Laurentij; ab hoc deinde Heuæum, Arietinum, Sabulosum, Bifidum, Sanctus Ludouicus, Album, Sancta Helena. Eamdem oram à Promontorio Britonico legentibus obuij fiunt portus, Campsæus, Sesambræus, Regius, Pulcher. Mediterranea verò per Sacquéum amnem, & Canadiæ fines subire volentibus, præteruehenda sunt, Britonicum, ad ostia eiusdem fluuij; Sanctus-Laurentius; Episcopium, [568] Chatæum, & alia nonnulla promontoria: Tadoussacus denique portus ad Saguenaij fluminis ostia Sacqéum ineuntis.

Numerous headlands meet those who approach New France by the Southern coast: Breton, at the very mouth of the great river St. Lawrence; next in order, La Hève, Mouton, Sable, Fourchu, St. Louis, Blanc, Ste. Hélène.62 Those who coast along the same shore from Cape Breton meet the harbors called Campseau, Sesambre, Port Royal, and Beaubassin.63 But those who wish to journey inland, beyond the borders of Canada, by way of the Sacqué river, must pass Cape Breton, at the mouth of the St. Lawrence; Cap de l'Evêque, [568] Cap Chat,64 and some other headlands,—finally reaching Tadoussac bay, at the mouth of the Saguenay river, where it enters the Sacqué.

Porrò in tam immenso terrarum ambitu, frequentibus expeditionibus, annis ampliùs centum, Franci domicilia omnino quinque constituerunt, quorum primum posuit Iacobus Quartierus posteriore sua nauigatione, non ad Sanctæ Crucis, quæ nunc est, importuosas angustias, & cautes: sed in iis pænè vestigiis vbi nunc est Quebecum, Sancta Cruce quindenis leucis citerius. Altertum Petrus du Gas, dominus de Monts, anno quarto supra millesimum sexcentesimum erexit, in angusta insula, inter Eteminquios, in Australi propemodum littore: cui domicilio ac insulæ nomen Sancta Crux indidit. Idem eodem anno, in quasi peninsula, oræ Acadicæ, ad Regium Portum, eiusdem nominis exiguam arcem fossa & aggere munitam exstruxit. Portus Regius, & portui cognominis arx, sunt in ea, quam Franciam Baïam vocant, centum quinquaginta leucis à Campsæo promontorio, leucas octo intra continentem. Baïa scilicet Francis, sicut Hispanis, est amplior terræ sinus ad oram maris, aut fluminis maioris, angulato orbiculatóve recessu, influenti aquæ ad interiora continentis præbens aditum. In extremo Francico Sinu portus est octingentorum passuum ostio peruius, duas leucas longus, vnam latus, duûm millium capax maiorum nauium, cui ab nobilitate Regius Portus nomen à Champlænio Franco est inditum. Tertiam sedem quarto pòst anno condidit dominus de [569] Monts ad Quebecium cornu, in Australi ripa Sacquéi amnis, è regione Aurelianæ insulæ, in Montagnetiorum solo; quam arcem Champlænius, qui operi præfuit, Quebecum à soli nomine appellauit, & eodem pænè loco Sanctam Crucem Iacobi Quartieri arcem olim conditam fuisse obseruauit. Quinti & vltimi Francici domicilij fundamenta Patres nostri iaciebant, ad ostium amnis Pentegoetij, cùm ab irrumpentibus Anglis opere prohibiti, atque in captiuitatem contra fas, & ius gentium abducti sunt. Iis ad hunc modum præmissis capitibus, quæ alioqui moratura erant institutam rerum narrationem, ad susceptam à Patribus nostris Canadicam expeditionem stylum conferamus.

Moreover, in this great extent of territory, by means of numerous expeditions and in more than a century, the French have established only five settlements;65 the first of these was founded by Jacques Quartier during his last voyage, not at the inaccessible narrows and rocks of the place now called Saincte Croix,66 but in almost the very spot where now stands Quebec, fifteen leagues on this side of Ste. Croix. Another was built by Pierre du Gas, sieur de Monts, in the year 1604, upon a small island, among the Eteminquis, close to their Southern shore, to which settlement and island he gave the name of Saincte Croix. He also in the same year, upon a sort of peninsula on the Acadian coast, near Port Royal, erected a small fort of the same name, defended by a ditch and a rampart. Port Royal, and the fort of the same name as the harbor, are on what is called French Bay, one hundred and fifty leagues from Cape Campseau, eight leagues from the sea. A bay among the French, as among the Spanish, is a large indentation in the land at the shore of the sea or of a great river, angular or round in shape, giving the waters entrance to the interior regions. At the head of French Bay is a harbor, reached by a channel three-quarters of a mile long; it is two leagues long and one wide, capable of receiving 2,000 large ships, and because of its majestic appearance was named Port Royal by the Frenchman Champlain. A third settlement was founded by sieur de [569] Monts, four years later, at the point of Quebec, on the Southern bank of the Sacqué river, near the isle of Orleans,67 in the territory of the Montagnais; Champlain, who was in charge of the work, called this fort Quebec, from the name of the district,41 and observed that in almost the same place Jacques Quartier's post of Ste. Croix had in former days been built. Our Fathers were laying the foundations of the fifth and last French settlement at the mouth of the Pentegoët river, when they were prevented from prosecuting the work by a descent of the English, and carried off into captivity, contrary to justice and the law of nations. These details, which otherwise would have delayed the orderly narrative of events, having been thus first explained, let us devote our pen to the Canadian expedition undertaken by our Fathers.

Potrincourtius Regij Portus castellum à domino de Monts sibi dono datum, eo ipso tempore, quo condebatur, ab Henrico Quarto petiuerat, eo iure, quo optimo, sibi asseri, vindicarique? ac eius non modò vindicias, sed nexum etiam impetrauerat. Secundum quod ius arcis, & imperij prætereà certis finibus in Noua Francia Potrincourtio attributi, Rex Patri Cotono significat, velle se vti Sociorum opera in Barbaris illis ad Christum adiugendis; proinde scriberet ad Generalem Societatis Præpositum suo nomine, vti designarentur Patres in eam rem, quos primo quoque tempore illuc mittendos ipse Rex ad se accerseret, annuis duûm millium Librarum vectigalibus illi Missioni attributis. Annus huius sæculi octauus agebatur, cùm Rex ita de Canadicis rebus decerneret, cuius tamen cogitationes grauioribus negotiis aliò seuocantibus, [570] eius quoque interueniente obitu, sed eorum maximè negligentia, qui Regio nomine Canadicam prouinciam, administrabant, nostrorum profectio in tertium pòst annum est dilata. Siue autem casu quopiam, siue hominum consilio, eam proferri trienni toto contigit, cùm iam in procinctu nostri essent; obortæ tamen subitò sunt eæ difficultates, quibus planum fieret, Cacodæmoni esse inuisa nostrorum in ea profectione consilia. Regina quingentos aureos nummos, ex defuncti Regis decreto numerauerat: Domina de Vernueil, de Sourdis, de Guercheuille, alia sacrum aræ instrumentum, alia linteam vestem copiosam, alia peramplum viaticum munificè contribuerant: Pater Petrus Biardus, & Pater Enemundus Massæus eò destinati animis ingentibus se comparauerant, vela & ventos auidè præstolantes. Status condictus dies vela faciendi eis conuenerat cum Biencourtio Potrincourtij filio, & Thoma Robinio, expeditionis ducibus, ad octauum calendas Nouembris anni decimi supra sexcentesimum; sed cùm eo die adfuissent, nauigium sarciebatur, & oscitanter quidem, in continenti; tantum aberat, vt idoneo commeatu & nauigationis, & Canadicæ familiæ instructum esset. Instaurandæ naui suas operas, materiamque locauerant Caluiniani duo, & quia Biencourtio ac Robinio ad operarum mercedem deerant facultates, Caluiniani mercatores certam nautici fructus partem pacti sibi erant, eóque nomine, pro dominis in ea naue gerere posse sibi videbantur Iesuitis igitur locum in nauigio [571] non futurum palam, & asseueranter edicunt, aut si futurum sit, ab illius operis redemtura, & cætera omni pactione se iamiam discedere: qua de sententia nec ipsius Reginæ auctoritas, ab Domino de Cicoigne, Dieppensis vrbis regio Præside, grauiter, seuereque denunciata, Caluini asseclas non potuit dimouere. Desperata res planè videbatur, quòd hæc vna modò nauis in Nouam Franciam anno illo adornaretur; & non paterentur duo illi Caluiniani vlla se ratione demitigari: quæ nostra destitutio Dominam Guercheuillæam, religiosissimam, & ingentis animi feminam, acriter pupugit; sed ea qua est sollertia, confestim ad manum habuit rationem, qua non iam vt vectores nos, sed vt partiarios, exclusis inhumanis Hæreticis, in nauem induceret. Quattuor igitur millium Librarum stipem de principibus viris ac feminis ex Aula, paucis diebus, corrogat, quantum erat opus ad nauem instruendam; eaque collate summa, Caluinianos illos duos nautica societate deiicit, simulque idoneam fortem constituit, vnde Canadicæ negotiationis præfecti perpetuam quotannis pensionem nostræ Missioni penderent. Sublatis itaque, illius feminæ industria, quæ nos morabantur impedimentis, ternis serè mensibus adornandæ naui consumtis, huius tandem sæculi anno vndecimo, ante diem sextum calendas Februarias, è littore Dieppensi, Deo duce, soluimus, totóque quadrimestri nauigantes Campsæum in portum, Australis littoris Nouæ Franciæ appulsi sumus; inde centum viginti leucarum vel maritima, vel terrestri via Portum [572] Regium lætantes iniuimus. Quæ sollemnia sunt Societatis hominibus in eo nautico cursu pietatis, demissionis, humanitatis erga omne hominum genus, hæc, tantò minùs ab nostris omissa sunt, quòd ingentis momenti expeditio instituebatur, & præter Caluinianos nonnullos, iis præfectis vel sociis rei nauticæ vtebamur, quos, nostræ consuetudinis ratione, omnino oportebat de Societatis Instituto rectiùs, quàm imbuti accesserant, imbui. Appellentibus nobis ad illius orbis littora nauigium, factus est obuiam Champlænius, cum cætera virtute, tum septenni iam illius maris nauigatione clarus, quem summo nostro stupore spectauimus aduersum glaciatas aquæ moles, ingentibus terræ collibus magnitudine pares, maximis animis, ac singulari industria & arte decertantem, interque illa pericula fortiter enauigantem. De Sancto-Laurentio, amne Canadiensium maximo, scribit idem Camplænius in nauigationum commentariis, eius summas aquas tribus totis in imum vlnis conglaciari Ianuario, & insequentibus mensibus duobus ab ostio sursum versùs, centum leucarum itinere, nec vltrà procedere rigorem aquæ, cum tamen nulla pars fluminis, directo alueo ab occasu in ortum manantis, sit Aquilonibus altera propior, aut montibus ad apricationem tectior. Addit etiam, ineunte Aprili, soluta glaciei tanta vi, Sancti-Laurenti laxissimum ostium congelatis molibus pæne obstrui, quas ait in altum mare longiùs prouectas, duodenis diebus, quotannis ferè liquari.

Potrincourt had asked of Henry IV. the fort at Port Royal, because it had been granted as a gift to him by sieur de Monts at the very time of its establishment, which was perhaps the best reason he could give for advancing and maintaining his pretensions, and had obtained not merely a claim upon it, but its possession. Following the grant of this fort, and also the government of a definite territory in New France, to Potrincourt, the King informed Father Coton68 that he wished to employ the services of our Brethren in bringing the Savages to Christ. He also desired him to write to the General of the Society, in his own name, in order that Fathers might be selected for this undertaking, whom the King himself would take measures to send thither at the first available opportunity, while an annuity of 2,000 livres was to be allowed the Mission. It was during the eighth year of this century when the King made this decision in regard to Canadian affairs; but, in spite of his plans, by reason of more weighty business which called his attention elsewhere, [570] and also the hindrance caused by his death, but especially because of the negligence of those who were managing the Canadian province for the Crown, the departure of our brethren was delayed until the third year thereafter. Moreover, either by some accident, or by the purpose of men, it came to be delayed the entire space of three years, although our brethren were already equipped. Such difficulties, also, suddenly arose as plainly showed that our plans for this voyage were displeasing to the Evil Spirit. The Queen had paid over 500 golden crowns, according to the decree of the late King; Mesdames de Vernueil, de Sourdis, and de Guercheville had given generous contributions,—one, the sacred furniture of the altar; another, an abundance of linen vestments; the third, a very liberal allowance of money for the expenses of the voyage. Father Pierre Biard and Father Enemund Massé had been selected for the undertaking, and had prepared themselves with great courage, eagerly awaiting their departure. The day for sailing had been agreed upon by them with Biencourt, the son of Potrincourt, and Thomas Robin, the leaders of the expedition, for the 24th day of October, 1610; but, when they arrived upon that day, the ship was undergoing repairs, and that, too, in a negligent manner, upon the land; so far was it from being provided with suitable equipment either for navigation or for the Canadian colony. Two Calvinists had devoted their services and resources to the repair of the ship, and, because Biencourt and Robin lacked means to pay for the work, the Calvinist merchants had contracted for a specified portion of the profits of the voyage. By this right, as masters in the ship, they thought themselves able to declare, in the presence of the Jesuits, that there would be no place for them in the vessel; [571] and they emphatically asserted that, if it should be otherwise, they would straightway forsake the prosecution of the work, and all other business in their contract. From this resolution, not even the authority of the Queen herself, pronounced with dignity and severity by Sieur de Cicoigne, the royal Governor of the city of Dieppe, could move these servants of Calvin. The matter was apparently in a desperate condition, because only this one ship was that year being fitted out for New France, and the two Calvinists would not permit themselves to be moved in any respect. This difficulty of ours deeply pained Madame de Guercheville, a woman of extreme piety and great spirit; but her ingenuity speedily devised a method by which she might place us on the ship, not as passengers, but as partners, to the exclusion of the churlish Heretics. She therefore collected in a few days, from the leading men and women of the Court, 4,000 livres, as much as was necessary for fitting out the ship; and by raising that sum deprived the two Calvinists of a share in the vessel, establishing at the same time a sufficient capital from which there might each year be paid to the director of the Canadian undertaking an allowance for our Mission. When, therefore, by the diligence of this woman, the obstacles which delayed us had been removed, although nearly three months had been spent in equipping the ship, still, in the eleventh year of this century, on the 24th day of January, we set sail under the leadership of God, from the shore at Dieppe; and, after a voyage lasting in all four months, arrived at Campseau harbor, on the Southern coast of New France; at a distance thence of 120 leagues, either by sea or land, we joyfully entered Port [572] Royal. The exercises of the members of the Society in piety, humility, and kindness toward all manner of men, were especially observed by our brethren during that sea-voyage, because an expedition of great importance was being undertaken, and also for the reason that, besides a few Calvinists, we were associated with officers and seamen to whom it was absolutely necessary that we should, on account of our frequent intercourse, give more correct ideas concerning the Institutum69 of the Society than they had formerly received. When we brought the ship to the coast of this region, Champlain70 met us,—a man renowned not only for his valor in other respects, but also for his voyages in this sea for seven years past; whom, to our utter amazement, we have seen battling against masses of ice, equal in size to great hills upon land, with the greatest courage, and with remarkable activity and skill, sailing forth bravely amid all these dangers. Concerning the St. Lawrence, the greatest river of Canada, this same Champlain writes, in his commentaries upon his voyages, that its surface is frozen to the depth of three entire yards, during January and the two following months, to the distance of a hundred leagues upward from its mouth; and that the freezing of the water does not extend farther, although no part of the river, since it flows directly from west to east, is more Northerly than another, or more protected by mountains, so as to be warmer. He adds also that in the beginning of April, by the melting of so great a mass of ice, the broad mouth of the St. Lawrence is almost blocked with frozen masses, which, he says, are carried forth a long distance into the sea, and usually melt within twelve days, each year.

Appvlsvs nostrorum ad Francicum Sinum, [573] Portumque Regium, in ante diem septimum calendas Quintiles, eumdemque Pentecostes sacrum felicissimo planè omine incidit. Nihil Potrincourtio accidere poterat allato commeatu opportunius, si tamen is amplus esset, vt quem rei angustiæ coegerant, Barbaris partem familiæ alendam diuidere. Vt ne autem instructiores à commeatu veniremus, fecerat tum nauigij, sexaginta dumtaxat doliorum, breuitas; tum plus instrumenti piscatorij, quàm cibariorum in nauem immissum; tum deniq; ab tricenis senis capitibus, quot vehebamur, grauior in nauticam penum illata solido quadrimestri labes. Quamobrem Potrincourtio sexaginta hominum contubernio, tenuissima re domestica, iam eum pæne ipsis initiis opprimente, maturè prouidendum fuit, ne Portus Regij penuaria cella in sequentem hiemem exhausta relinqueretur. Cuius procurationis, vt familiæ patrem decuit, sumto sibi onere, ipse in Galliam traiecturus, de Porturegiensi multitudine pæne quadragesimus medio Iulio soluit, exeuntéque Augusto Galliæ littori appulsus est, relicto Biencourtio filio, cum reliqua cohorte, qui Porturegiensi arci præsideret.

The arrival of our brethren at French Bay [573] and Port Royal occurred on the 26th day of June, and also,—certainly a most auspicious omen,—the sacred feast of Pentecost. Nothing more opportune could have happened to Potrincourt than the arrival of supplies, if only these had been abundant, since his privations had compelled him to place a portion of the colony to be supported among the Savages. Moreover, the fact that we had not come well-furnished with provisions was due, not only to the smallness of the ship, which was of only sixty tons burden, but also to the placing of more fishing tackle than provisions in the cargo; then, finally, by thirty-six persons, the number which was on board, there was a great consumption of the ship's stores during four entire months. Wherefore, Potrincourt, almost overwhelmed, at the outset, by the necessity of maintaining sixty men in this scarcity of provisions, was forced to take early precautions lest the meagerly furnished storehouse at Port Royal should be left bare for the coming winter. As behooved the father of the colony, he took upon himself the burden of managing this business, and resolved that he himself would cross over to France. With about forty of the people at Port Royal, leaving his son Biencourt in command of the fort there, and the rest of the company, he set sail in the middle of July; and, in the latter part of August, he reached the French coast.

Nostris interea, quod suarum partium esset, enixè satagentibus, cordi erat in primis popularis linguæ cognitio, quam Galli leuiter modò delibatam, si vnum exciperes, tradere præceptis, vsúve docere non poterant; vt vna dumtaxat reliqua esset ratio eius ab stupidis indigenis, non institutione, sed assidua consuetudine tandem exprimendæ. His itaque, muneribus, comitate, atque [574] omni officij genere conciliandis cùm nostri nihil non tentassent, parum aut nihil permouerunt. Enimuerò, præterquam quod minimè idoneis ad disciplinam magistris vtebantur, à quibus nihil expromeres, nisi affluẽter antè saginato aqualiculo, & quos moræ, vel non diuturnæ, impatientissimos idemtidem abs te abalienaret, auelleretque studiosa cuiusque rei percontatio: ipsa quoque linguæ conditio, idoneorum, ad res etiam vulgatissimas, vocabulorum indigentissimæ, nostrorum incensa studia destituit, & animos grauiter afflixit. Rerum scilicet, quæ sub aspectum, tactum, & reliquos sensus cadunt, ex Barbarorum responsis nomenclatio vtcumque deprehendebatur: sed earum quæ sensuum vim fugiunt, summa est apud eam gentem appellationum penuria, & alta quoque rerum ignoratio. Posterioris autem generis desperata disciplina, cum neque priorem Barbari aut possent, aut vellent tradere; vna reliqua spes erat in adolescente Gallo, vernaculæ linguæ bene perito, eximia humanitate, & comitate, quem etiam Pater Biardus non vulgari beneficio sibi demeruerat. Is erat Pontgrauæus, Pongrauæi filius, egregij viri superioribus annis cum Champlænio vices Domini de Monts in Francia Noua gerentis; quem adolescentem, decem & octo leucis Regio portu non longiùs, hiemare parantem, ad amnem Sancti Ioannis, summa ipsius voluntate, nullius incommodo, nostri eius institutione Canadicum idioma erudiẽdi adire cuperent. Verumtamen Biencourtius eius profectionis consultus, ac rogatus etiam à nostris, vt, eius bona venia, [575] proficere per Pontgrauæum in peregrino idiomate sibi liceret, cuius ignoratione, suæ nauigationis in Nouam Franciam fructu penitus exciderent: quòd ea communicatio cum Pontgrauæo nouarum rerum supicionem moueret Biencourtio, nihil impetrarunt. Tantisper ergo nostris has difficultates æquo animo tolerantibus, dum qua se aperiret via suo instituto conuenientior, Deus materiam non procul quæsitam subiecit, de grauiter ægroto. Henrico Membertouio, Sagamo, bene merendi; & corporis, & animi eius diligenter curanda salute. Sagamo apud eam gentem cuiusque populi præses appellatur: Sagamon verò agebat inter Souriquios, in Acadia, Membertouius, ad Aquilonare latus Porturegiensis castelli, ad Sancti Ioannis flumen. Cùm tamen dysenteria cœpit tentari, degebat in Baïa Mariana, vt vocant, hoc est, in Mariano Sinu, Portum Regium inter, Meridianumque littus, vnde asportari se iusserat in arcem, vt medicorum nostrorum curatione vteretur. Angusta sua cellula eum nostri exceperunt, diebusque non paucis, absente ipsius coniuge, ac filia, diu noctuque, in grauissimo sordidi morbi fœtore, pro assiduissimis, & maximè sollicitis ministris ei libentissimè operam suam nauauere. Is vbi Confessione fuerat expiatus, Sacróque inunctus oleo, de sepultura sua egit cum Biencourtio, seque humari velle ait in maiorum suo sepulcro. Biencourtius, qui tanti rem esse non putaret, facilè assentiebatur; auditisque Patris Biardi contra suam sententiam rationibus, occurri posse incommodis censebat, si [576] sepulcrum illud ritu Christiano lustraretur; quæ Biencourtij opinio Membertouium tantò constantiorem in suo decreto cùm faceret, Pater Biardus neque id se illis assensurum confirmauit, & cur non assentiretur ostendit. Non dubium erat, quin si Sagamus in consilio perstaret, eiusque adstipulator fieri pergeret Biencourtius, offensionis atque turbarum inde quidpiam oriretur: sed huic malo Diuina occurrit prouidentia; postridie siquidem Membertouius sua sponte postulauit commune Christianorum cœmeterium, qua & in sententia mortem obiit; vti scilicet hoc suo facto fidem suam omnibus Christianis ac Barbaris testatam relinqueret, suffragiorumque Ecclesiæ fieret particeps. Magnus omnino vir fuit hic Sagamus, non suorum magis, quàm nostrorum iudicio, cuius eximiam indolem supra vulgare Canadiorum ingenium longè ideo extulisse visus est Deus optimus, vt hunc sibi iustas eius gentis primitias legeret. Ex octogenis ferè Nouo-Francis, quos ab ineunte Iunio anni sexcentesimi decimi, nulla planè imbutos catechesi, temere Baptismo impertierat Iossæus nescio quis, sui muneris parum intelligens sacerdos, vnus dumtaxat Membertouius, pro eo quantum suos omnes populares sagacitate & prudentia longo interuallo anteibat, sollerter dispexerat, quanti esset, Christianum non censeri quidem, sed reipsa idoneis eo nomine præditum moribus viuere. Et certè reliquis omnibus de illo octogenario belluinum à Baptismo viuendi morem perpetuò retinentibus, hic solus vt Christiano dignum erat, in [577] multa etiam ignorantia, priusquam eò nostri aduenissent, vitam cum laude traduxit. Primus omnium de Nouo-Francis salutaribus aspersus aquis, earum vim potentissimam ita scilicet visus est combibisse, vt ei nihil longius esset quã vt eos nãcisceretur magistros, quorum disciplina Christianis institutis eò vsque instrueretur, dum idoneus fieret, qui suos inter populares Apostolicum ageret doctorem. Ardentis huius desiderij locupletes testes nostri, has voces eius ex ore sæpenumerò exceperunt: Per Deum immortalem, date operam Patres, nostrum vt idioma breui perdiscatis, vti vobis doctoribus vsus, sicuti vos estis, ego quoque concionator, & docendi magister euadã, nostráque coniuncta opera Nouo-Francorũ gens vniuersa ad Christum traducatur. Hunc virum, vix quindecim mensibus, ex quo in Christianorum numerum venerat, superstitem, paucis diebus nostra institutione informatum, multæ tamen verè Christiani ac pij animi virtutes illustrem fecerant; quam scilicet tam vberem frugem singulares probæ indolis dotes in eo nuper, patriis etiam moribus viuente, præsagierant. Omnium prouincialium testimonio, quotquot multis antè sæculis floruerant, Sagamos hic vnus animi robore, muneris militaris scientia, clientelarum multitudine, frequentiáque, potentia, & gloriosi nominis claritudine inter suos, atque ipsos hostes facilè superauit. Quem celebritatis splendorem perpetuum non potuit, etiam inter Barbaros, nulla vllius rei doctrina imbutos, consequi, nisi ex certa fama, adeóque etiam notitia eximiæ in eo vigentis [578] æquitatis, atque temperantiæ. De temperantia quidem eius, vt prætereà nihil afferri possit, luculentum sanè fuit, sibi magnoperè moderantis hominis, documentum, perpetua in Membertouio monogamia, quo in genere solitarium verè phœnicem Nouo-Francia eum adhuc agnouit. Quod enim reliqui omnes indigenæ, sed Sagami præsertim, ex vxorum multitudine stirpis numerosam seriem expetunt summoperè, atque sperant, suæ vtique potentiæ singulare columen ac firmamentum; id vti more gentis vsurparet, adduci numquam potuit Membertouius, quòd altiore quadam, supra vulgus Sagamorum, sapientia perspiceret, grauiora inter discordes vxores, & earum liberos simultatum, sub eodem tecto, detrimenta existere, quàm emolumenta opum, & neutiquam consentientis potentiæ. Sollemne est illi genti, ex superstitioso ritu, quod genus omnes habent præcipuum, demortuorum neminem suo vnquam nomine appellare, sed aduentitium cuiuis, ex re nata, indere, quo cum perpetuo inter commemorandum denotent: quo ex more Henricum Membertouium ab virtutibus bellicis nuper clarissimum, congruenti eius laudibus nomenclatione, Magnum Imperatorem, suo idiomate, nuncuparunt.

Meanwhile, the greatest desire of our brethren, zealously occupied with the performance of their duties, was at the start to know the language of the natives, which the Frenchmen—caring but little for it, with one exception—could not impart by rules, or teach with advantage; so only one method remained, to learn it from the stupid natives, not by lessons, but by constant practice. Consequently, after our associates had made various attempts to conciliate the Savages, by gifts, by friendliness, and by [574] every sort of service, they accomplished little or nothing. For, besides the fact that they employed teachers not at all fitted for instruction, from whom nothing could be obtained unless their stomachs were first liberally crammed, and who, being very impatient of even a short delay, would often be distracted and drawn away from one by earnest inquiry about any subject: the very nature of the language, also, so deficient in words suitable for the expression of even the most common ideas, evaded the eager pursuit of our men, and greatly disheartened them. Of those things, indeed, which fall under sight, touch, and the other senses, the names were obtained from the answers of the Savages in one way or another; but for those things which elude the senses, there is the greatest scarcity of names among that race, and also a profound ignorance of the things themselves. The knowledge of the latter class was despaired of, since the Savages either could not, or would not explain the former; one hope remained, in a young Frenchman, fluent in the native tongue, of remarkable kindness and affability, whom Father Biard also had laid under obligations to himself by no ordinary favors. This was Pontgravé, the son of Pontgravé,71 an excellent man, who in former years, together with Champlain, represented Sieur de Monts in New France; and this youth, who was preparing to pass the winter no farther than eighteen leagues from Port Royal, at the river St. John, our brethren were anxious to meet, with his own ready consent, and with inconvenience to no one, for the sake of the aid of his instruction in acquiring the Canadian language. Although Biencourt was consulted about this expedition, and also requested by our comrades that they might be allowed by his kind permission [575] to make progress through Pontgravé in the foreign idiom, by their ignorance of which, they were losing all the fruits of their voyage to New France,72 they did not succeed; because such intercourse with Pontgravé inspired suspicion in Biencourt. While our brethren therefore patiently endured their troubles, until some path more suitable to their plans should be revealed, God placed within their reach the desired opportunity, for doing a kindness to Henry Membertou, a Sagamore who was dangerously ill, by caring diligently for the salvation of both his soul and his body. Among this people the chief of each tribe is called a Sagamore, and Membertou was Sagamore among the Souriquois, in Acadia, to the St. John river, North of the fort at Port Royal. However, when he began to be afflicted with dysentery, he was residing at Bay Ste. Marie, as they call it, between Port Royal and the Southern coast, whence he had ordered himself to be brought into the fort, in order that he might profit by the care of our physicians. Our fathers received him into their narrow cabin, and, for many days, in the absence of his wife and daughter, by day, and night, amid the noxious filth of a vile disease, freely bestowed upon him their services, as most assiduous and exceedingly solicitous attendants. When he had been absolved upon Confession, and anointed with the Holy oil, he arranged with Biencourt about his burial, and said that he wished to be interred in his own ancestral burial place. Biencourt, who did not think the matter of much importance, readily consented, and, upon hearing the objections of Father Biard to his decision, believed that trouble might be prevented if [576] that grave would be blessed according to the Christian rite. This opinion of Biencourt rendered Membertou so much the more steadfast in his resolution; Father Biard declared that he would not agree with them in this, and explained why he would not consent. There was no doubt that, if the Sagamore persisted in his purpose, and Biencourt continued to support him, some offense and disturbance would arise therefrom; but Divine providence prevented this evil. The day thereafter, Membertou of his own accord requested the usual Christian burial, in which resolution he died, evidently purposing by this act to leave his faith attested to all Christians and Savages, and to become a participant in the privileges of the Church. This Sagamore was in every respect a great man, not only in the opinion of his own people but in ours; and the good God seems to have raised this man's excellent nature high above the ordinary character of the Canadians, in order that he might gather him to himself as the first fruits in righteousness of his race. Out of some 80 natives of New France whom since the beginning of June of the year 1610 a certain Josse,73 a priest unfamiliar with his duties, had heedlessly baptized, although they certainly had had no religious instruction, Membertou alone, who greatly excelled all his countrymen in acuteness and good sense, had wisely discerned how important it is not merely to be considered a Christian, but actually to live with a character agreeing to the name. And indeed, although the entire remainder of that 80 had continued their brutal mode of life ever since Baptism, this man alone deserved to be called a Christian, and indeed led a praiseworthy life in [577] the midst of dense ignorance, before our brethren had come thither. As he, first of all the inhabitants of New France, was sprinkled with the saving waters, it seems, beyond doubt, that he so imbibed their most potent virtue, that nothing remained for him but to secure those teachers, by whose instructions he would be trained in Christian principles until he should become fit to introduce among his countrymen an Apostolic teacher. Our brethren are competent witnesses of this burning desire; they often heard from his lips these words: "By the immortal God, Fathers, endeavor to quickly learn our language, in order that, after having employed you as teachers, I also, like you, may go forth as a public exhorter and instructor; and by our united labors the entire population of New France may be brought to Christ." This man, who survived hardly fifteen months after becoming a Christian, and was accorded but a few days of our training, was nevertheless rendered illustrious by many virtues truly Christian and belonging to a pious spirit; and, indeed, unique marks of an upright character had presaged in him this fruit which was so rich, a short time previously, while he was still living according to his ancestral customs. By the testimony of all the inhabitants of the province, this one man, in strength of mind, in knowledge of the military art, in the great number of his followers, in power, and in the renown of a glorious name among his countrymen, and even his enemies, easily surpassed the Sagamores who had flourished during many preceding ages. This universal honor and renown he could not have attained, even among Savages utterly untaught, except from an established reputation, the knowledge also of the exceptional justice of his [578] character, and his temperance. Indeed, concerning this last virtue, although nothing additional can be cited, there was certainly a distinguished example of a man of great self-restraint in the continual monogamy of Membertou, in which rank, thus far, New France has recognized him alone as a phœnix indeed. For, though all the rest of the natives, but especially the Sagamores, covet above all else from a multitude of wives a numerous train of progeny, and desire them as the especial support and foundation of their power; Membertou could never be induced to conform to this custom of the race, because, with a certain wisdom deeper than that of the mass of Sagamores, he perceived that the evils arising among the quarreling wives and among the children of these rivals, beneath the same roof, more than balanced the increase of resources and of power that might arise from a large family. It is an observance of that race, from a superstitious rite which all especially revere, to never mention by name any deceased person; but to give each, according to circumstances, an additional appellation, by which they always designate him whenever they mention him. In conformity with this custom, they called Henry Membertou, because he had of late been highly renowned in warlike virtues, by a name agreeing with his reputation, meaning, in their language, Great Chief.

Potrincovrtivs Biencourtij pater, in Galliam mense Iulio nauigarat, commeatus summittendi gratia, cuius erant magnæ angustiæ in Porturegiensi familia, Octobri mense insequente; cibariorum tamen nihil è Gallia missum erat; idcirco Biencourtius ad Almochiquios, Choüacoetij fluminis [579] accolas, Indici milij copiis abundantes, nauigationem, comite Patre Biardo, instituit, Gallicarum mercium permutatione ad hibernam aliquam annonam frumentaturus. Sed quòd ex itinere ad Sancti Ioannis flumen, trans Francicum Sinum diuerterat, vt ex adolescente Pontgrauæo, reliquisque Maclouiensibus quintas exigeret Canadicæ negotiationis, diutiùs eum morantibus subortis cum ea familia discordiis, tempore frumentationis pæne exclusus est, ad quam deinde cùm est reuersus, Barbarorum delusus fraude, qui spem frumentariæ permutationis fecerant, vacuus in Portum Regium renauigauit. In ea excursione feliciter obtigit Patri Biardo, vt Pontgrauæo conciliaret Biencourtium, sicuti nuper Potrincourtium eidem insensum placauerat, & vt Merueillæo item Maclouiensi, de salute, ob nescio quas suspiciones, periclitanti grauiter, eadem pacificationis opera, vitam affereret; quo suo facto vtrumque sibi magnopere deuinxit. Nostro Sacerdoti demeritos esse beneficiis homines huiusmodi, cum ob cætera multa, tum ob id in primis opportunè accidebat, quòd eorum opera fideli, ac vtili esset vsurus in disciplina Canadicæ linguæ, quam Pontgrauæus callebat egregiè, si dies aliquot vnà viuere, aut certè frequentiùs congredi liceret. Id certè, vt Pater Biardus nõ expeteret, quod expetebat, ipsi vltrò ambiebant, delato ei perhumaniter suo contubernio; quibus in præsentia Pater egit gratias, habuitque, rogatis tamen, vt sibi hanc benignitatem, in id tempus reseruarent, quo bene vti fas esset; tunc enim haud [580] decere Biencourtium, in periculosa præsertim nauigatione, ab se deseri. Biencourtio deinde redeunti ex irrita illa Quinibequiensi frumentatione, quam modò indicauimus, cùm ad Pentegoetium amnem, & Sanctæ Crucis insulam ventum esset, suadere conatus est, immo supplex fuit Pater Biardus, vt se inde, loco ex propinquo, ad Pontgrauæum dimitteret, Canadici catechismi contexendi causa, quod inter eos antè conuenerat. Huic postulationi, licet æquissimæ, is cuius nihil planè intererat, non nisi eis conditionibus assensus est, quæ & iniquissimæ, & nequaquam in potestate Patris essent. Quamobrem facultate deiectus idiomatis vernaculi condiscendi, ad otiosam pæne vitam in arce degendam adactus est, ingenti sua molestia. Nouembri exeunte, iam ferme exausto penu, nulli nuncij afferebantur è Gallia; & quod reliquum esse poterat ab venatione subsidium, niuibus obsitũ solum intercipiebat; vt ex parsimonia petendum esset vectigal, quò plures in dies annona sufficeret. Demensum igitur cuiuslibet è familia, in quamque hebdomadam, ad denas panis vncias, lardi selibram, pisi aut fabæ ternas scutellas, & prunorum vnam denique redierat. Atque tametsi familia vniuersa eo commeatu, quem nostrum è Gallia importaueramus, vitam tolerabat, nihil nobis liberaliùs, quàm cuiuis de calonibus eo tempore indultum est, neque vt indulgeretur, optauimus, quamquam nebulo quidam, scripto in Gallia edito, non est veritus multa secus per summam impudentiam & calumniam disseminare. Ad nonum calendas Februarias, anni [581] sexcentesimi duodecimi, tenuerunt cibariorum angustiæ, quem ad diem in Portum Regium inuecta est nauis cum mediocri admodum annona, Dominæ Guercheuillææ sumtibus emta, & transmissa. Mille aureos nummos, ex pacto societatis cum Robinio & Patribus Canadiensibus initæ, contributos hæc pia matrona numerauerat Roberto du Thet, fratri nostro coemendis transmittendisque Porturegiensi contubernio cibariis; sed eorum quadringentis fratrem nostrum, non satis cautum depositi custodem, Potrincourtius oblata suæ syngraphæ cautione, confestim emunxit; sicque res tota rediit ad sexcentos, vnde annona nobis exigua conflaretur. Sed neque tot aureorum cibaria in nauem illata sunt, nam Potrincourtij naualis administer partem coemti frumenti auertit in Gallia, & eorum quæ aduecta erant, Porturegiensi Societati quantum collibuit, nec amplius, reddidit. Noster Gilbertus du Thet, cuius in oculis horum pleraque commissa erant, posteà quam vidit, ab eo qui annonæ transuehendæ præfuerat, nullas acceptorum rationes referri, assumto Patre Biardo, apud Biencourtium egit modestè, vti ab eo, qui mandato parentis eius, pro magistro in naui gesserat, acceptorum ratio reposceretur: interesse siquidem nauticorum omnium sociorum, vt constaret, quantũ à singulis expensum acceptũque esset. Biencourtius quidem & tum, & deinde sæpius est professus, nihil moderatiùs, nihil æquiùs postulari à quoquam potuisse: nihilo tamen minùs, quasi à nostro atrociter insimularetur Simon Imbertus, cuius fides in [582] eo negotio desiderabatur; ita illius postulata isti de pinxit, vt eum nobis infensissimum faceret. Imbertus ergo vt Biencourtium sibi conciliatum à nobis abalienaret, seque referendæ rationis necessitate absolueret, malignè interpretatus consilium Dominæ Guercheuillææ, quæ paciscendæ societatis cum Robinio ansam captauerat, vt Missionis nostræ rebus tantò certiùs caueret; fraudulenter cauillatus est, per causam eius societatis intendi machinã, qua Biencourtiorum nomẽ Porturegiensi arce, atque vniuersa Noua Francia detruderetur. Ex hac calumnia illæ Biencourtij simultates exstiterunt, quibus factum est, vt nostrorum opera Nouo-francis populis, quin & ipsis quoque Gallis nihilo ferè quam isti minùs egentibus institutione, deinceps esset inutilis. Calumniatoris mendacia facile fuit nostris diluere, & semel, iterum, ac tertiò tam apertè ac validè apud Biencourtium, audiente vniuerso contubernio, diluerunt; vt postrema refutatione ad infantiam adactus Imbertus eò deueniret, vt excusandæ noxæ gratia profiteri non vereretur, sibi largiter temulento illas aduersum nos calumnias excidisse. Biencourtium acriter pupugerat nuncius, quo afferebatur, etiam conscio parente suo Potrincourtio, vniuersæ Nouæ Franciæ ius imperiumque à maximo amne Sacquéo ad Floridam, Portu Regio demto, Guercheuillææ Regio diplomate esse cõcessum eidémq; à Domino de Monts quidquid Henrici Quàrti beneficio nuper in eadem ora possedisset, id omne tabulis publicè consignatis esse transcriptum. Atque, vt non putaret, hæc nobis [583] auctoribus gesta esse, perinde tamen posteà in nos affectus fuit quasi credidisset. Guercheuillææ quidem mens, fuit huius principatus sui reuerentia, velut potenti freno iniecto, Biencourtiorum vtrumque, patrem & filium, fidei hactenus in nos parum sinceræ, animique minus grati, suo in officio continere; nihil autem de Porturegiensi iure ipsis detrahere. Sed fui nimio plus amantes homines alienam in re propria cautionem, suam iniuriam interpretabantur: quòd tamen res iis esset angusta domi, nec viderent vnde commodiùs cella Porturegiensis instrui posset, quàm à Guercheuillæa in gratiam nostrorum Patrum, ne hac annona exciderent, suum dolorem taciti concoquebant. Nostrorum facillima fuit apud Biencourtium purgatio, quam cum accepisset in præsentia, reconciliatis animis Patres ad institutum Canadiensis idiomatis condiscendi magnis animis reuersi sunt, partitis inter se prouinciis, vt Pater Massæus ad Ludouicum Membertouium, Henrici vita functi filium, eius rei causa demigraret; Pater Biardus magistrum eius linguæ domi Barbarum sibi adhiberet. Patri Massæo ad Sancti Ioannis flumen apud hospitem, cum adolescente Gallo socio degenti, ex diuturna inedia, & Nomadicæ vitæ continentibus vexationibus, accidit grauis ægrotatio, qua tantum non confectus ad vltima delaberetur, inter quem morbum Membertouio cum hospite Patre accidit ridicula planè, ac Canadico ingenio digna sermocinatio. Ad decumbentem scilicet Patrem is adiit, vt quidem eius vultus præferebat, Patris acerbo casu [584] valdè sollicitus ac mœrens, quem in hæc verba compellauit. Audi me, Pater, moreris omnino, vt ego quidem auguror: scribe igitur ad Biencourtium, itemque ad tuum fratrem, te à nobis nequaquam trucidatum occubuisse, sed morbo consumtum, ne qua in nobis tui obitus noxa resideat. Cui contrà retulit Pater Massæus: Non committam, vt quod mones, imprudenter ad meos scribam: ne tu ex mea imprudentia factus audacior, securiorque violentas manus afferas, nihilò tamen minùs innocentiæ testes meas litteras apud te habeas, quæ te noxa eximant. Inexspectato, & arguto responso perculsus Barbarus, quasi ex alto sopore mox ad se rediit, atque renidenti ore, ait: Iesum igitur tuis precibus tibi propitium facito, vt te periculo mortis eruat, ne quis in nos tui occasus culpam conferat. Illud ipsum curo, inquit, Pater, desine esse sollicitus, nec enim me hic morbus exhauriet. In Porturegiensi quiete Pater Biardus interea doctore Barbaro vtebatur ad condiscendam barbariem, quæ se idoneum Euangelij præconem in rudi admodum gente præstaret: cui doctori quamdiu habuit vnde mensam insterneret, eius facili, vtilíque opera profecit, sed discendi docendíque cursum post aliquot hebdomadas inhibuit penus inopia. Cuius angustiis quoq; prohibiti sunt nostri, ne quattuor Barbaros, quos Pater Biardus & Biencourtius in maritimo discrimine, ipsis Barbaris ratum votum habẽtibus, futuros Christianos vouerant, si è præsenti naufragio incolumes euaderent. Erepti periculo cum ad Regium Portum appulissent nauem, non fuit in cella vnde alerentur Barbari, quoad idonea Catechesi essent imbuti, qua destitutione affectis nobis rei bene gerendæ occasio periit, nec postea rediit.

Potrincourt, the father of Biencourt, had sailed for France in the month of July for the sake of procuring supplies, of which there was a great scarcity in the colony at Port Royal; but up to the following month of October no provisions had been sent from France; therefore, Biencourt decided to make a trip, in company with Father Biard, to the Almochiquois, who lived near the Choüacoet river, [579] and had plenty of Indian corn, in order by the exchange of French goods to obtain some food for the winter. But because he turned aside from the journey across French Bay, to the St. John river, in order that he might exact from the young Pontgravé and the rest of the Maclouins a tax upon their Canadian traffic, and being longer delayed by disputes which arose with that colony, he waited almost beyond the time for obtaining corn; and, when he finally returned to that business, deceived by the pretensions of the Indians, who had held out the hope of buying food, he sailed back empty-handed to Port Royal. During this trip Father Biard fortunately succeeded in reconciling Biencourt to Pontgravé, just as he had lately conciliated Potrincourt, who had been enraged at the same man; and also, by the same office of pacification, in preserving the life of Merveille, the Malouin, who was in great jeopardy on account of certain suspicions; by which actions he acquired the greatest influence over them both. It was advantageous to our Priest to have men of this character indebted for favors to him, not only for many other reasons, but especially, because he designed to make use of their faithful and effective services in learning the Canadian language, in which Pontgravé was unusually skilled, if they should be allowed to reside together for a few days, or to meet even more frequently. They, of their own accord, took care that Father Biard might not request what he desired, by very politely offering him the privileges of their home; the Father was grateful to them, and for the present returned thanks, requesting them, however, to postpone their kindness to him until that time when it would be proper for him to accept it; for it was not then fitting for him [580] to desert Biencourt, especially when he was engaged in a dangerous journey. Afterwards, while Biencourt was returning from that unsuccessful trip to the Quinibequi for provisions, which we have just described, when they had arrived at the Pentegoët river and the island of Ste. Croix, Father Biard endeavored to persuade him, and even begged him, to send him to Pontgravé from that place, which was near at hand, for the purpose of composing a Canadian catechism, which had previously been agreed upon between them. To this request, although most just, and although it certainly made no difference to him, Biencourt would not consent, except under conditions which were both exceedingly unjust and by no means in the power of the Father. Therefore he was disappointed of the opportunity of learning the language of the natives, and was compelled to lead an almost inactive existence in the fort, to his great vexation. By the end of November, although the provisions were already almost exhausted, no tidings were received from France; and what aid they might have obtained by hunting was cut off by the deep snow that covered the ground; so it was necessary to exercise the greatest economy, in order that the provisions might last longer. The weekly allowance, therefore, of every one in the colony had finally been fixed at ten ounces of bread, half a pound of lard, three dishes of peas or beans, and one of prunes. And, although the whole colony was living upon the provisions which we had brought from France for our own use, we were treated with no more indulgence at that time than any one of the servants, nor did we wish for special privileges; although a certain rascal, in a writing published in France,74 has not hesitated to circulate many statements to the contrary, in the most shameless and calumnious manner. Until the 24th of January, in the year [581] 1612, the scarcity of provisions lasted, upon which day a ship entered Port Royal with a small quantity of supplies, bought and sent over by Madame de Guercheville. This pious lady had paid to brother Robert du Thet, 1,000 golden crowns, contributed according to the agreement between Robin75 and the Canadian Fathers, for the purpose of purchasing and conveying provisions to the colony at Port Royal; but Potrincourt, by means of his promissory note, straightway cheated our brother out of 400, as he was not a sufficiently careful guardian of his trust, and so the whole sum was reduced to 600, by means of which a scanty store was provided for us. But not even provisions to the value of that number of crowns were placed in the vessel, for Potrincourt's naval agent76 embezzled in France part of the grain purchased; and, of the supplies carried over, he delivered to the Society at Port Royal as much as he pleased, and no more. Our brother Gilbert du Thet, before whose eyes most of these acts had been committed, when he saw that no account was rendered, by the person in charge of the transportation of the supplies, of what had been received by him, in company with Father Biard modestly requested Biencourt that a reckoning concerning his trust be demanded from the man who, by order of his father, had acted as captain of the vessel; saying that it was to the interest of all the ship's company that it should be made manifest how much had been received and expended by each individual. Biencourt indeed admitted at that time, and often thereafter, that nothing more modest or more just could be asked by any person; but, nevertheless, just as if Simon Imbert, whose account in [582] the matter was desired, had been cruelly accused by our brother, he so represented to the former the request of the latter, that he made him our bitter enemy. Therefore Imbert, in order to make Biencourt his friend and alienate him from us, and to release himself from the necessity of rendering an account, placing an evil interpretation upon the plan of Madame de Guercheville, who had taken occasion to make an agreement between the society and Robin, in order that he might more securely guard the interests of our Mission, falsely charged that by means of it a conspiracy of the society was in progress, by which the authority of the Biencourts was to be destroyed in the fort at Port Royal and in the whole of New France. From this slander arose those quarrels with Biencourt by which our services were rendered useless to the tribes of New France, nay, more, to the French themselves, who needed instruction scarcely less than the natives.

It was easy for our brethren to refute the falsehoods of their defamer; and once, twice, and a third time they so plainly and completely disproved them, before Biencourt, in the hearing of the whole settlement, that Imbert was rendered speechless by the final refutation, and was so reduced that he did not hesitate to claim, for the sake of excusing his wickedness, that these slanders had been uttered by him while much intoxicated. Biencourt had been deeply vexed by the news which was brought, to the effect that, even with the knowledge of his father, Potrincourt, the possession and government of the whole of New France from its greatest river, the Sacqué to Florida, except Port Royal, had been granted by a Royal charter to Madame de Guercheville; and that, by documents under public authority, there had been transferred to her also by Sieur de Monts everything which he had recently possessed in this region by the grant of Henry IV. And, although he could not suppose that these things were done because of our [583] influence, still he thereafter acted towards us just as if he had so believed. The idea of Madame de Guercheville was, indeed, that their respect for her authority might serve as a strong restraint to hold to their duty the Biencourts, both father and son, who up to this time had kept poor faith with us and felt little gratitude toward us; but not by any means to deprive them of their right to Port Royal. But these men, too fond of their private interests, considered as an injury to themselves the solicitude of others in regard to their own affairs; but because their affairs at home were embarrassed, and they knew no more convenient source of provisions for Port Royal than Madame de Guercheville, for the sake of our Fathers, they silently smothered their vexation, in order not to lose these supplies. Our brethren very easily exonerated themselves before Biencourt, and when he had for the time being accepted their excuses, and harmony had been restored, the Fathers returned with great determination to their purpose of learning the Canadian language, dividing the business between them, so that Father Massé should go for this purpose to Louis Membertou, son of the late Henry: while Father Biard should have a Savage to teach him the language at home. While Father Massé, with a young French companion, was residing with his host at the St. John river, he fell seriously ill from long fasting and the continual annoyances of a wandering life; and, although he did not die, he was reduced to the utmost weakness. During this illness a very ridiculous discussion, worthy of a Canadian intellect, took place between Membertou and his guest, the Father. The savage approached the prostrate Father, very anxious and grieved, as his countenance actually showed, because of the Priest's unfortunate condition, [584] whom he addressed with these words: "Hear me, Father, you will surely die, as I indeed anticipate; write therefore to Biencourt, and also to your brother, that you have by no means perished at our hands, but been overcome by disease, in order that no harm may come to us because of your death." Father Massé answered him in turn: "I shall not do as you advise me, and imprudently write to my friends, lest you should become bolder and more careless, because of my lack of foresight, and lay violent hands upon me, while nevertheless possessing my letter as proof of your innocence, which would save you from punishment." The Savage, astonished by this unexpected and keen reply, soon came to himself, as if from a deep sleep, and said with a smile: "Therefore make Jesus favorable to you by your prayers, in order that he may save you from the danger of death, and no one may lay the blame of your fate upon us." "I am attending to that very thing," said the Father, "cease to be anxious, for this disease will not end me." In the calm of Port Royal Father Biard, in the meantime, employed a Savage as teacher, that he might learn the barbarous tongue, which presented itself as the suitable vehicle for the Gospel among this utterly rude people. As long as he had provisions with which to furnish the table for his teacher, he made progress by the aid of his willing and efficient services, but after a few weeks the scarcity of supplies interrupted the course of learning and teaching. By these difficulties our brethren were also hindered in the case of four Savages, whom Father Biard and Biencourt, in a time of peril upon the sea, had vowed, with the concurrence of the Savages themselves, to make Christians, if they should safely escape from the threatened shipwreck. When they were delivered from this danger, and had brought the ship to Port Royal, there was nothing in the storehouse with which to feed the Savages until they should be suitably instructed in the Catechism; and, because of this poverty of our brethren, the opportunity of successfully accomplishing the undertaking passed by, and did not afterwards recur.

In Nouembrem eius sæculi annus duodecimus iam processerat, cùm exigua cibaria superiore Februario allata, aut absumta penitus, aut tenuissimis arcta reliquiis Biencourtium valdè anxium habebant: sed eò maximè, quòd ex Galliis nauis nulla veniebat. Nostris, posteriore Februarij mensis commeatu, summissa fuerant priuatim quaterna puri tritici dolia, vnumque hordei, quæ in futurum sibi seposuerant; quam annonam, accisis communibus contubernij rebus, conferendam in medium rati, Biencourtio eam permiserunt, vt in quotidianos familiæ totius vsus diuideret, ipsosque in diurno demenso cum cæteris domesticis æquaret. Eo subsidio ad tempus subleuatæ sunt publicæ necessitates, sed in tota hiberna multitudine, tametsi non numerosæ, tenuius id fuit vectigal, quàm pro soli conditione, nullam frumentationis, incertam venatus, piscatusque spem offerentis. Vt autem dierum tempestiuitas omnis adesset ad piscatum, locorumque opportunitas: aberat tamen necessarium ad hanc operam piscatorij lembi instrumentum. Cæteris igitur contubernalibus hiberna solatia ex luculento foco segniter capessentibus, quasi oblitis suam penuriam, nostri appellunt studium, operamque ab^a lintrem fabricandam. |^aRectius "ad."| Eis ad eiusmodi opus accinctis, suspicere, demirari vniuersum contubernium, quid moliantur homines à fabrili arte, ab armis fabrilibus, à materia tam imparati: apud focum [586] de tam nouo instituto multa verba facere, subitarios Argonautas dicteriis figere: sed nostri ab opere neutiquam discedere, rem vrgere. Medio Martio, stupentibus suis irrisoribus, nostri lintrem in aquam deducunt, fluminum ac maris ipsius patientem, nec verentur adolescente famulo atque alio contubernalium comitibus, aduerso flumine, Sinum Francicum influente, in siluas ad glandem Chiquebiamque radicem legendam contendere. Chiquebi radix est illius oræ præcipua, nostris tuberibus haud absimilis, sed vescentibus iucundior ac vtilior, cuius multiplices bulbi, tenui filo catenati, sub summa terra nascuntur. Sed omnia eius radicis cubilia iam à peritis locorum Barbaris delibata nostri leguli deprehendebant, vt multa indagine, quilibet eorum eius cibi vnum diarium vix sibi quæreret. Ab hac glandaria, bulbariaque messe, quandoquidem eius leue fuit momẽtum, ad Eplani piscatum studia conuertentes, altiùs versùm amnis caput nauigium promouent. Eplanus, seu Epelanus, est pisciculus Trichiæ Rothomagensis magnitudine, hoc est eius, quem Sardinam vulgus appellat, qui mari egressus ineunte Aprili, magnis agminibus dulcis aquæ riuos subit, vbi fundendis ouis feturæ operam det, cuius ingens est copia, quattuor leucis à Porturegiensi statione, frequentibus riuorũ alueis. Eplanici piscatus laborem excepit Halecis, ac cæterorum seu fluuiatilis seu marini generis piscium præda, prout cuiusque captandi se dabat & tempestas, & locus idoneus, ad Maïum vsque mensem; sed contrà quàm maximè omnium vellent, nostri piscatores, [587] Euangelij vel hamo, vel reti capiebant homines, in longè amplissimo Canadiorum Oceano, non nisi paucissimos.

The twelfth year of this century had already advanced to November, when the fact that the scanty supplies, brought the preceding February, were either entirely consumed, or reduced to extremely scanty remnants, caused Biencourt great anxiety, but especially, because no ship was coming from France. There had been sent to our brethren privately, among the preceding February's supplies, four casks of pure wheat and one of barley, which they had laid aside for their own use in the future. This grain, because of the general extremities of the colony, they judged should be added to the common stock; and gave it to Biencourt, in order that he might distribute it for the daily needs of the whole settlement, and give them an equal allowance each day with the rest of the people. By this aid the general necessities were relieved for a time; but for the winter, and among all that crowd of people, although not numerous, this was a scanty supply, considering the condition of the ground, which presented no opportunity for agriculture, and an uncertain chance for hunting and fishing. Moreover, even if the weather and the accessibility of the places had been every way favorable for fishing, there was still lacking for this pursuit the necessary aid of a fishing boat. Therefore, while the rest of the settlers were slothfully enjoying winter cheer before the blazing hearth, as if forgetful of their poverty, our brethren devoted their attention and labor to the construction of a boat. While they were engaged in this sort of work, the whole colony guessed and wondered what men so unskilled in the carpenter's art, unprovided with working tools, and unsupplied with material, were trying to do; they talked a great deal before the hearth [586] concerning this novel venture, and flung taunts at these rash Argonauts; but our brethren never left their work, and hurried on the undertaking. In the middle of March, to the amazement of their scoffers, our friends launched their boat, which endured the violence of the rivers and even of the sea; nor did they fear, in company with their young servant and another of the household, to ascend the river flowing into French Bay, to gather acorns and the Chiquebi root77 in the forest. The Chiquebi root is peculiar to this coast, and is not unlike our potatoes, but more pleasant and useful for eating; its numerous bulbs, joined by a slender thread, grow deep in the earth. However, our collectors found that all the spots where this root grew had been already visited by the Savages, who were acquainted with the places; so that after long search each one of them could scarcely find a quantity of this food sufficient for one day. From this harvest of acorns and roots, since it was of small importance, they turned their attention to fishing for the Eplanus,36 and advanced their boat, farther toward the head of the river. The Eplan or Epelan is a little fish of the size of the Trichia Rothomagensis, that is, of the fish which is commonly called the Sardine; and, in the beginning of April, it leaves the ocean, and in great shoals enters the fresh-water streams, where it lays the eggs for its abundant young, these streams being very numerous four leagues from the post at Port Royal. Fishing for the Eplanus was succeeded by that for the Halecis, and for other sorts of river and sea-fishes, just as opportunity and suitable place offered for capturing each, up to the month of May; but, contrary to what they most of all wished, our fishermen, [587] with the hook or net of the Gospel, took only a very few men in the immense Ocean of the Canadian tribes.

Interea tẽporis in Gallia Reginæ auctoritas interponebatur, vt primo quoque tẽpore Porturegiẽsi seruitute liberaremur, nobis vti liceret, in quolilibet Nouæ Franciæ tractu, aut patrium idioma perdiscere, aut quod iam didicissemus nostro iure, nullius exspectata venia, inter Barbaros exercere. In eam rem igitur Regio diplomate instructi Sociorum duo, Pater Quintinus, & qui antè in Galliam renauigarat è Portu Regio, Gilbertus du Thet Nouo-Frãcicum littus, anno sexcentesimo decimo tertio, medio Maïo incolumes lætique tenuerunt. Diplomate cauebatur, vti liceret nobis nouũ domiciliũ commodo loco ædificare, ac idoneam familiam domicilio tuendo habere, ad cuius instructum annua tricenûm capitum cibaria, equi prætereà, capræ, ac cætera id genus largiter summissa erant. Ad vim quoque propulsandam instrumenti bellici, & commeatus nonnihil, militaria item quattuor tabernacula, quibus tegeremur, dum muri assurgerent nouæ domus, Reginæ beneficentia accesserant. Sausseius militari titulo imperioque domesticæ cohorti, domicilio ædificando, eidemque exstructo, ac munito præfuturus erat, vti nihil deesset ad ingruẽtes casus, quin sedes familiáque omnis sarta tectaque consisteret. His in Regium Portum appellentibus, quini tantum de toto contubernio aderamus, absente inter cæteros Biencourtio, cuius vices obeunti Hèberto cùm Reginæ litteræ lectæ fuissent, [588] quibus dimitti iubebamur, nostras nobis licuit colligere sarcinas, quibus collectis post biduũ Porturegiensi statione, ad nouas sedes collocandas in Norembegensi regione soluimus. Kadesquitum, Norembegæ oræ portus, nautis edicebatur ex pacto, vt eò nauigium appellerent, vnde vniuersa familia exscensionem faceret, futuri domicilij locum auspicatò captura in proximis collibus; sed cùm in propiore portu hæsissent, cui à Sancto Saluatore nomen, ex fausto euentu, indidimus, asserebant se pactam fidem abunde exsoluisse, neque longiùs cursum prouecturos. Inter eam contentionem sermo incidit cum indigenis Barbaris, quibus suam oram mirificè præ Kadesquito collaudantibus, & ad eam sedem deligendam magnoperè hortantibus, eius explorandæ cupido nobis incessit; qua explorata, impenséque probata ab omnibus, totius multitudinis eò incubuit animus, vt opportuno in colle area excitando ædificio designaretur. Loco itaque inaugurando Crux erigitur, solum exstruendis ædibus describitur, iaciendis fundamentis terra effoditur, eodem nomine, quo subiectus portus, nascens tenuibus exordiis domus Sanctus Saluator appellatur. Sausseïo cohortis Duci rusticæ rei tam acris cura principio insederat, vt id vnum cogitaret, cætera negligeret omnia, exque nimio agriculturæ studio, magnam familiæ partem ab opere fabrili ad rusticum seuocaret. Mottæus Sausseïo Legatus, Ronseræus Signifer, Ioubertus ordinum Instructor, cæterique de Cohorte primores erant in ea sententia, omnibus reliquis posthabitis curis, ædificandum [589] esse domicilium, eóque conferendas vniuersæ cohortis operas, quoad aduersùm hostilẽ vim munitionibus cinctum, tutò habitari posset. Quamobrem ægerrimè ferebant, contubernalium plerosque ab ædificando abductos arationibus ab Sauseïo adhiberi, apud quem vehementer instabant, vt omnium manus & studia in ædificationem, vtilius in præsentia vtique negotium, conuerteret; sed surdo canebatur. Ita variantibus procerum sententiis atque institutis, exoriebantur contentiones, cuiusmodi solent inter diffentiẽtes nasci, dum quod quisque optimum censet, id aliorum consiliis atque cœptis præuertendum putat: fiebatque vt altercationibus dies ab opera inanes traducerentur. Quam inertiam, & discordantium iudiciorum obstinationem, rei Christianæ cultuique Diuino in ea ora valdè infestam, Deus visus est improuiso infortunio voluisse multare.

Meantime in France the authority of the Queen was interposed, that we might at the first opportunity be relieved from our bondage at Port Royal, and that we might be allowed, in any part of New France, either to study the language of the natives, or practice among the Savages what we had already learned by our own right, and seeking the permission of no man. Therefore two of our members, provided with a Royal commission for this undertaking,—Father Quintin,78 and he who previously had sailed from Port Royal for France, Gilbert du Thet,—safely and joyfully reached the coast of New France in the middle of May of the year 1613. It was provided in the commission that we should be allowed to establish a new settlement in a suitable place, and to have a sufficient number of colonists to protect it;79 and for its provision there had generously been sent a year's supply of food for thirty persons, and also horses, goats, and other things of the sort. By the kindness of the Queen there were also added weapons for our defense, some supplies, and also four military tents, by which we might be sheltered while our new residence was being built. La Saussaye, with a military title and command, was to have charge of the household of colonists, not only while the buildings were in process of erection, but also when they had been completed and fortified, in order that in case of attack nothing might be neglected, but the entire colony should be in a condition of defense, and the buildings in good repair. When the supplies were landed at Port Royal, only five of us were there, out of the whole population, Biencourt being absent with the others. When the letter of the Queen, [588] in which were orders for our dismissal, had been read to Hèbert,80 who represented Biencourt, we were allowed to collect our baggage; having done this, two days later we left Port Royal, with the intention of founding a new settlement in the neighborhood of Norembega. The boatmen had been notified, according to their agreement, to land at Kadesquit,81 a harbor on the shore of Norembega, in order that the whole colony might there disembark, and auspiciously take possession of a site for the future settlement upon the neighboring hills; but when we had stuck in a bay, this side of that,82 to which from the favorable outcome, we gave the name of St. Sauveur, they declared that they had abundantly fulfilled their agreement, and that they would not continue the voyage any further. During this dispute, we engaged in conversation with the Savages inhabiting the spot; and since they praised their own country as being far superior to that at Kadesquit, and earnestly solicited us to choose it for our settlement, we conceived a desire to explore it. After we had examined this region, which was heartily approved by all, the whole company turned their attention to selecting a site for the building upon a suitable hill. Therefore, a Cross was erected, by way of consecrating the place; the ground was marked out for the erection of the buildings; the earth was dug up for laying the foundations; and our abode, while still in its infancy, was called by the same name as the harbor, St. Sauveur. La Saussaye, the commander of the colonists, took, from the beginning, so deep an interest in agriculture that he thought of that alone, and neglected everything else; and through his excessive zeal for husbandry, called off a large portion of the colony from the work of building, and set them to farming. La Motte,83 Saussaye's Lieutenant, Ronseraye, the Color-bearer, Joubert, the Drill-master, and other leading men of the Company were of the opinion that, postponing all other enterprises, the building [589] ought to be completed, and the energies of the entire company be devoted to this, until it should be protected by fortifications against hostile violence, and might safely be inhabited. Wherefore, they were greatly displeased because most of the colonists were taken away from building and employed in plowing by La Saussaye, whom they eagerly urged to apply the labors and zeal of all in building, a more profitable undertaking for the present; but it fell upon deaf ears. So, as the views and plans of the leaders were at variance, disputes arose, such as usually take place between those who differ, when each one thinks that what he deems best ought to be preferred to the projects and undertakings of others; the result was, that days were idly spent, away from work, in quarreling. This inactivity, and obstinacy in contrary opinions, so inimical to Christian interests and the Divine worship upon that shore, God seems to have willed to punish by means of an unforeseen calamity.

Angli paucis abhinc annis Virginiam occuparunt, quam Ioannes Vezaranus Francisci I Gallorum Regis auspiciis exploratam, quingentesimo vicesimo tertio anno sub eius iurisdictionem redegerat. Eadem ipsa est continens inter Floridam Nouamque Franciam, quam tricesimo sexto, septimo, & octauo gradibus substratã, Mocosæ nomine? veteres designarunt, ducẽtenis quinquagenis leucis versùs Occasum ab Sancti Saluatoris statione dissitæ. Ex Ieutomo arce, quam egregiè munitam, & præsidiario milite instructam inibi octauo ab hinc anno habent, quotannis æstiuam nauigationem instituunt ad Peucoïtiarum insularum cetarias, piscariæ [590] annonæ in futuram hiemem comparandæ. Eò cùm deueherentur huius anni æstate, inciderunt in eas cæli caligines, quæ huic mari densissimæ solent per eos menses incubare, in quibus dum incerti locorum diutius hærent, frequentibus eos trahentibus æstuariis, paullatim nostrũ in littus delati sunt, haud procul portu Sancti Saluatoris. Inde Barbarorum imprudentia lapsorum indicio, qui eos pro fœderatis Gallis sumerent, didicerunt Gallicam nauem in proximo portu versari, atque illam quidem neque grandem, neque à numerosis epibatis, neq; ab æneis tormentis validè instructam. Eo nuncio nihil opportuniùs accidere poterat hominibus seminudis, & cibariorum copia exhaustis, quos præter hanc inopiam, insita rapiendi cupiditas, & prædæ maioris opinio, quàm quanta ex direpto nostro nauigio poterat cogi, sua sponte ad vim inferendã, etiam contra ius naturale ac gentium, accendebant. Arma igitur expediunt, passis velis, instructa acie, directo cursu in nostrum portum inuehuntur. Quibus argumentis Barbarus ille, cuius maximè indicio fueramus proditi, cùm hostilem in nos Anglorum animum collegisset, tum suum errorem agnoscere, & quod in nos deliquerat, quibus se crederet gratificari, multo detestari fletu, quem fletum deinde crebrò integrauit, cùm à nobis errati sui veniam peteret, & à Barbaris ipsis popularibus, qui nostrũ casum, suam iniuriam interpretati, sæpe illi manus intentarunt. Nos interea ancipiti opinione suspẽsi, amicos an hostes censeremus, quos rectà in nostrã stationem secundus ventus inferebat, euentum trepidi [591] opperiebamur, cùm nauigij gubernator scapha vectus ad explorandum obuiam processit, longo tamen circuitu, ne non esset receptui locus, maximè quòd is aduerso, illi obsecundante vento vterentur. Sed explorato nihil fuit opus, classicum canentes inuehebantur, tela eatenus modò inhibentes, dū ea ex propinquo liceret adiicere; atque ipsos nauis defensores sigillatim destinare. Quattuordecim grandioribus tormentis, catapultis verò maioris modi, Mosquetos vocant, sexagenis, impetu facto in nauigium nostrum, non sublatis anchoris ad motū inhabilem, decem modò propugnatoribus instructum, ærearum cannarum absente libratore, non multæ operæ fuit illius, atque omnium nostrum expugnatio, quos in continente Saussæïus distinuerat. Gilbertus du Thet noster propugnatorem in naui agebat, cùm ab hostibus funestarum glandium tempestas maximè ingrueret; qua in procella confossus letali plaga, chirurgi Angli Catholici multa licèt diligentia curatus, postridie Sacramentorum opportuno solatio adiutus, religiosa morte occubuit. Nos verò vniuersi in potestatem Hæretici Angli veneramus, qui vt erat insigniter versutus, clam subducto ex Saussæij capsis Regio diplomate, cuius fide nostræ coloniæ Nouo-Francicæ tota ratio nitebatur, vt ne prædatoris more, sed æquo iure, nobiscum agere videretur, Saussæïum vrgere institit, vti probaret, cuius auctoritate coloniam in Canadiæ oras deduxisset. Saussæïus vbi Gallorũ Regis voluntatem atque diploma laudauerat, quod se in scriniis luculentum habere diceret, allatis capsis, [592] cuius claues adhuc seruauerat, iussus est illud expromere; sed ad capsas vbi ventum est, cætera omnia integra, suisque locis digesta agnoscebat Saussæïus, diploma tamen non comparebat: quod vbi nullum proferebatur, tum Prætor Anglus vultu ac voce ad seueritatem compositis, vehementer offendi, fugitiuos, & meros piratas nos omnes asserere, dignos nece prædicare, rem nostram militi suo diripiendam tradere, nos denique hostium loco habere. Quod autem facinus Angli ab summa iniuria exorsi suerant, videbantur maiore quoque iniquitate pertexturi, vt prioris noxæ memoriam posteriore obruerent, nisi maturè obuiã iretur. Quare Prætorẽ nostri adeunt, se, adhuc ignoranti qui essent, ingenuè aperiunt, ne imbelli victoria elatus de contubernio suo statuat seueriùs, obsecrant; humanæ conditionis vti meminerit, studiosè admonent: quàm benignè suis rebus vellet consultum, vbi similis ipsum perculisset casus, tam humaniter alienis consuleret: in primis autem consideraret sibi rem esse cum innocentissimis hominibus, quibus nihil noxæ obiici posset, quàm ab sua innocentia in pacato solo fuisse nimium securos. Comiter admodum sunt auditi à Prætore, atq; honorificis accepti verbis, id vnum dumtaxat nõ probante, quòd Patres Societatis, ab religionis & prudentiæ fama benè vulgò audientes, in fugitiuorum & prædonum turba versarentur. Contubernij verò sui vniuersi cum cæteram probam vitam, tum in eo, quo de agebatur, summam innocentiã cùm nostri validis probassent argumentis, visus est Prætor, [593] assensionem præbuisse, atque id modò habuisse, quod in nobis argueret, negligentiam in conseruãdo nostræ expeditionis diplomate. Ab eo igitur tẽpore Patres nostros perhumaniter habuit, atque honorificè in omnibus, mensáque benignè accepit. Vno interea scrupulo angebatur, quòd cum parte remigum gubernator nostræ nauis euaserat, cuius fuga, & rei gestæ nuncius per ilium allatus, ne quid incommodi alicunde sibi arcesseret, verebatur, eóque magis, quòd ille de nocte scapha sua ad nauim captiuam appulsa, reliquam remigum manum inde subduxerat. Hic certè gubernator, tametsi Caluinianus, adiit de nocte ad Patrem Biardum, eiusque apprehensa manu, multis obsecrationibus adhibitis, iussit eum cæterosque Patres de se, quantumuis fide ac ritibus alieno, omnia Christiani ac popularis hominis officia exspectare, ac persuasum habere, nulli rei defuturũ, quæ salutẽ ipsorum spectaret: vterentur modò liberè ipsius opera, viderẽtque quid animi sumturi essent ad fugã capescendã. Prolixè gratias egit Pater Biardus, memoremque se futurum spopõdit tam studiosæ in se ac suos voluntatis: de se autem ait nihil se statuere, quoad totius contubernij res tuto loco positas videret, tum sui arbitrium Deo permissurum: caueret interea ipse sibi gubernator, Prætorem quidpe Anglum omnia moliri, vt eum comprehenderet. His monitis ille instructus, vt sui discessus opinionem Anglorum animis ingeneraret, quasi receptus ad notam Gallicam nauem captandi causa festinaret, per ipsa frementium Anglorum ora intrepidè, ac insultantis [594] ore voceque, triduo pòst, scapham traduxit, longioreque simulato cursu, ponè vicinam insulã flexit iter, ibique delituit nostræ captiuitatis euentum obseruaturus. Nobis verò inter dubiam aut necis aut seruitutis aleam fluctuantibus, cùm apud notos Barbaros increbuisset nostræ calamitatis fama, frequentes ad nos ventitabant, magnopere miserantes nostrum infortunium, & suarum fortunarum tenuitatem in sequentem annum totum, si apud se restare vellemus, officiosissimè deferentes. De nobis tamen Argallus Prætor Anglus, & ei Legatus Turnellus mitiùs cogitauerant, in speciem certè, quàm rebamur initio: pacti nempe cũ Saussæïo coloniæ nostræ Duce fuerant nostrum in Galliam reditum: sed reditus conditiones erant eiusmodi, quæ parum differrent ab certa nostra pernicie. Triginta capitibus quot censebamur, vnus linter dumtaxat, haudquaquam omnium, etiam densissimè stipatorum, capax, concedebatur, hasque cõditiones acceperat Saussæïus, quin chirographo suo erat testatus, hanc suam fuisse optionem, quæ reuera erat optio certissimi naufragij. Nostri tamẽ euicerunt, vt ne præsens periculum adiret vniuersa simul turba, impetratumque est; vt quindeni modò cymbæ imponerentur, quorum vnus esset Pater Massæus, duo reliqui Patres delati ad insulas Peucoïtias Anglis piscatoribus traiiciendi in Galliam commendarentur: cætera pars contubernij, quæ libens in Virginiam ibat, eò deportaretur. Altera igitur pars contubernaliũ nauigatura in Galliam Saussæïo duce lintrem conscendit, locorum, & maritimæ [595] artis ignara, nauticis præterea tabulis destituta, cui Deus in tempore summisit Caluinianum illum nauis gubernatorem, valdè intentum in popularium suorum obseruandos casus, vt si qua posset via, ipsorum aduersis rebus opem ferrer. In continentem exscenderat, & Canadico cultu atque more, quasi vnus è Barbaris, tota ora maritima ferebatur, res nostras exploraturus, cùm opportunissimè incidit in proficiscentem lintrem, qua exceptus, valdè idoneum ducem hæsitantibus se præbuit, suamque cymbam & remiges quattuordecim eis socios viæ ac laborum adiunxit. Eorum penuriam, quoad inuentæ essent Gallicæ naues, opimus piscatus bis subleuauit; varius item Barbarorum in ea ora occursus, quorum Ludouicus Membertouius lauta visceratione Orignacij famelicos accepit; Rolandus, & alij Sagami panis nonnullam copiam, alij piscium volucrúmque non exiguam annonam beneuolentissimè diuiserunt. Omnium verò benefactorum id fuit iucundissimum, quod Rolandus Sagamus admonuit, in propinquo littore ad Sesamabræum, & Passepecum portum versari geminas naues reditum in Franciam adornantes. Eò cùm citissimè cursum direxissent duæ lintres, opportunè adfuerunt, antè quàm solueretur, admissique omnes, velis factis in Francicam Britanniam, salui & incolumes Maclouiense oppidũ tenuerunt, vbi Pater Massæus singulari Maclouiensis Antistitis, Magistratuum, oppidanorumque humanitate ac beneficentia liberalissimè acceptus est. De Patribus autem Biardo & Quintino, vti diximus, conuenerat, [596] vt in insulas Peucoïtias transuecti, opera piscatorum Anglorum inde in Franciam deportarentur: sed mutata pòst sententia, in Virginiã sunt destinati, cùm in captiuam nauem cui Turnellus præerat, essent impositi cum aliis quinque de contubernio, cæteris octo sociis in Argalli Prætoriam ingressis. Virginiensis præsidij præfectus de captiuis Iesuitis nescio quid inaudierat, eisque diras cruces struebat, cuius decreti nuncius ad nostros in naues & ad cæteros captiuos aduolarat, qui nonnullis nocturnam quietem adimeret, nec ille quidẽ inani rumore nixus; cùm enim ad Virginiam naue appulsi essent nostri, eius furori destinabantur. Argallus autem, qui fidem suam nostris obligasset, vt suo nomine ac genere dignum erat, intrepidè acriterque Præfecto suppliciis nostros addicenti obstitit, seque incolumi captiuis suis nihil periculi futurum asseuerauit: Præfecto tamen institutum suũ obstinatiùs tenente, Regium diploma, quo nostra colonia in Nouam-Frãciam deducebatur, protulit, cuius auctoritate repressus Præfectus vltrà tendere non ausus est. Coacto posteà concilio, cùm de re tota deliberaretur accuratiùs, ab omnibus itum est in eam sententiam, vt Argallus cum triplici instructa naue in Nouam-Frãciam Iesuitas reduceret; eos inde cum certis captiuis in Galliam transmitteret; Saussæium, & eius cohortem militarem, quæ in Porturegiensi arce præsidere, falsò tamen, dicebatur, in crucem ageret; Gallorum omnia domicilia diriperet, ac solo æquaret. Reditum est igitur in Nouo-Franciæ oram Gallis habitatam, vbi Sanctæ [597] Crucis, Regij Portus arces defensoribus vacuas spoliauit, & incẽdit, omnia Gallici nominis monumenta deleuit, Britannici aliquot locis inscripsit, oram omnem in Anglici sceptri potestatem asseruit. His gerendis rebus cùm inibi degeretur, bis periculum vitæ adiit Pater Biardus, quòd multis dissuaserat Argallo aditum in Portum Regium, vt nullius emolumenti operam, cuius tamen nõ vulgaris fuisset deinde præda; quòd se indicem eorum locorum præbere noluerat, qui ad prædam quærebantur; nonnullorum præterea Gallorum calumniæ iis locis in eum exstitissent: quibus omnibus grauiter atque ingenti suo discrimine apud Argallum Turnellumque offendit.

The English, a few years before, had occupied Virginia, which John Verazano, in 1523, had explored under the authority of Francis I., King of France, and brought under his jurisdiction. It is the portion of the continent between Florida and New France, which, covering the thirty-sixth, thirty-seventh, and thirty-eighth parallels, was formerly called by the name of Mocosa,84 situated two hundred and fifty leagues Westward from the station at St. Sauveur. From the fort [at Jamestown], which they have held for eight years, strongly fortified and occupied by a garrison of soldiers, they make a voyage every summer to the fishing grounds of the Peucoit85 islands, to obtain fish [590] for food during the coming winter. While they were sailing thither in the summer of this year, they encountered the heavy fogs which commonly prevail upon this sea during these months; and while they were thus long delayed, and ignorant of their situation, they were gradually borne by the currents to our shore, not far from the harbor of St. Sauveur. Then, by the information of the Savages, who sinned unwittingly, and took them for friendly Frenchmen, they learned that there was a French ship in the next bay, and that, too, not a large vessel, nor defended by a numerous crew, and but lightly armed with brass cannon. Of course, no more welcome news than this could come to half-naked men, whose stock of provisions was exhausted,—men who, in addition to this poverty, were incited by an inborn love of robbery, and an expectation of greater booty than could have been obtained from the plunder of our ship, to willingly employ violence, even against natural justice and the law of nations. So they prepared their weapons, and under full sail, and with decks cleared for action, entered directly into our harbor.86 When the Savage by whose information we had been especially betrayed perceived from these signs the hostile intentions of the English towards us, he at once recognized his mistake, and with many tears declared that he had been at fault toward us whom he thought to please. These lamentations he often thereafter repeated, when he sought pardon from us for his error, and even from his Savage countrymen, who considered our misfortune their own injury, and often threatened him with violence. Meanwhile, we were in doubt whether we should judge as friends or enemies those whom an in-shore breeze was bearing straight towards our position; [591] while the pilot of the ship set out to meet and reconnoiter them in a small boat, by a long circuit, however, in order that he might not be left without a way of retreat, but especially because the wind was contrary to him, but favorable to the strangers. But there was no need of reconnoitering, for they advanced, sounding the signal for battle, only reserving their fire until they could use it at close quarters, and aim at the defenders of the ship one by one. With fourteen great cannon, and sixty guns of the larger size, which they call Mosquets, they made their attack upon our ship, which was unprepared for sailing because the anchors had not been raised, and was furnished with only ten defenders, while the gunner of the brass cannon was absent; and so the capture of our ship and all of us, whom La Saussaye had scattered about upon the shore, was a matter of no great difficulty. Our brother Gilbert du Thet was assisting in the defence of the vessel, when an especially violent shower of bullets assailed them, in which he was stricken with a mortal wound; and, although attended with great devotion by an English surgeon who was a Catholic, on the following day he died most piously, after receiving the consolation of the Sacraments. But all of us had come into the power of the English Heretic,87 who, being extremely crafty, secretly abstracted from La Saussaye's trunk, the Royal commission, upon which authority rested the entire establishment of our colony in New France, in order that he might appear to treat with us not as a robber, but upon an equal footing; and then he began to urge La Saussaye to prove by what right he had planted a settlement upon the shores of Canada. When La Saussaye had cited the authority and commission of the King of France, which important document he declared that he had in his chest, his baggage, [592] of which he still retained the keys, was brought, and he was ordered to produce it; but when he opened the chest, La Saussaye recognized everything else untouched and in its proper place, but no commission appeared. When this was not forthcoming, the English Commander assumed a severe countenance and tone, and was deeply angered, calling us all runaways and mere pirates, and, declaring us worthy of death, handed over our property to his crew to be pillaged, and, finally, treated us as enemies. Now it seemed probable that the English, unless they should quickly be hindered, were about to cover up the outrage which they had already begun, with some greater crime, in order that they might conceal the memory of the previous injury by a fresh offence. Wherefore our brethren approached the Captain; frankly revealed themselves to him, as he was still ignorant of their identity; and begged him not, in elation over his easy victory, to adopt severe measures against their colony; they earnestly warned him to remember the conditions of human life, saying that just as he would wish his own interests mildly handled, if a similar calamity had fallen upon him, so he ought to act humanely in the case of others; moreover, that he should especially consider that he was dealing with innocent men, to whom no fault could be charged beyond the fact that, because of their blamelessness, they had been too careless in a peaceful spot. They were heard somewhat kindly by the Captain, and received with respectful address; the only thing of which he disapproved being that Fathers of the Society, who had commonly so good a reputation for piety and wisdom, should be among a band of runaways and pirates. When our brethren had proved by strong evidence the entire blamelessness of their colony, not only in respect to their honorable life in other ways, but also in that which was the subject of the conversation, the Captain seemed [593] to yield his assent, and to find as the only fault in us our neglect to preserve the commission of our expedition. From that time on, he treated our Fathers with great consideration, and received them in all matters with honor, and with kindness at his table. In the meantime he was troubled because the pilot88 of our ship had escaped, together with a part of the crew; and he feared that harm might in some way fall upon himself, because of the pilot's being free to announce what had taken place; and the more so, because the latter came in his boat at night to the captured ship and took off from it the rest of the crew. This pilot, indeed, although a Calvinist, came by night to Father Biard, and, taking him by the hand, with many protestations bade him and the other Fathers to expect from him, as far as faithfulness and devotion could go toward another, all the services of a Christian and a fellow-countryman, and to be persuaded that he would neglect nothing which might contribute to their safety; to employ his aid freely, and consider what they should decide upon, as to making their escape. Father Biard thanked him profusely, and promised that he would remember such earnest good-will towards himself and his associates; but added, that he would make no plans concerning himself until he should see the entire colony placed in safety, and then he would leave to God the decision of his own case; that in the meantime the pilot ought to look out for himself, as the English Captain was making every effort to capture him. When the pilot had received these warnings, in order that he might cause the English to think he had gone away, three days afterwards, fearlessly, and with taunting [594] expression and words, he passed in his boat before the faces of the angry English, as if he were hastening to seek refuge with some French ship of which he knew; and, while pretending to go farther, turned about behind a neighboring island and there lay in hiding to observe the outcome of our capture. While we were wavering between the doubtful chance of either death or imprisonment, our Savage acquaintances, having received the news of our calamity, visited us in great numbers, deeply pitying our misfortune, and most dutifully offering us the use of their scanty resources for the whole coming year, if we were willing to remain among them. However, Argall the English Captain, and his Lieutenant Turnell,89 had decided upon milder measures toward us, in appearance certainly, than we at first expected; indeed, they had agreed with La Saussaye, the Leader of our colony, to send us back to France; but the conditions of return were of such a character that they differed little from our certain destruction. There was allowed to us, although numbering thirty persons, only one boat, which could not hold us all, even if we were crowded together as closely as possible; and these conditions, La Saussaye had accepted, nay, more, he had borne witness with his own handwriting that this had been his preference, which was really the choice of certain shipwreck. However, the efforts of our Brethren prevailed, that the whole colony should not together incur imminent danger; and it was allowed that only fifteen should be placed on board the boat, of whom one should be Father Massé, while the two remaining Fathers should be carried to the Peucoit islands and entrusted to English fishermen for conveyance to France. The rest of the colonists were, in accordance with their own desire, to be carried to Virginia. Therefore one portion of the settlers, under the lead of La Saussaye, entered the boat to set out for France, although ignorant of the region and of seamanship, [595] and unprovided with charts, to whom God in time sent the Calvinistic pilot, who had taken great pains to observe the fortunes of his countrymen, in order that if any opportunity should offer, he might bear aid to them in their distress. He had landed upon the continent, and, in the Canadian manner of life and custom, like one of the Savages, was traversing the entire coast, in order to ascertain our condition, when very fortunately he happened upon the boat which had set out. Upon being received on board, he showed himself a truly able leader in their perplexities, and united his boat and fourteen sailors to ours as comrades in the voyage and its labors. Up to the time the French ships were found, a lucky catch of fish twice assuaged their hunger; they were also aided by various meetings with the Savages upon that coast, of whom Louis Membertou received them, when famishing, with a liberal present of elk meat,90 Roland and some other Sagamores furnished a supply of bread, and others most generously gave a bountiful provision of fish and birds. But of all blessings, the most grateful was the news, which the Sagamore Roland gave us, that on the neighboring coast, at Sesambre and Passepec91 harbor, were two ships preparing to return to France. The two boats, quickly directing their course thither, fortunately arrived before the vessels left; and, all having been received on board, they made sail and arrived safe and sound at St. Malo, a town in Brittany, where Father Massé was received with the greatest kindness and generosity by the Bishop of St. Malo and the magistrates and people of the town. Moreover, concerning Fathers Biard and Quintin, as we have said, it had been decided [596] that they should be conducted to the Peucoit islands, and thence, by the aid of the English fishermen, should be conveyed to France; but these plans having afterward been changed, it was resolved that they should be sent to Virginia, they, with five others of the colonists, being placed on board the captured vessel, which was in command of Turnell, while eight other settlers had entered Captain Argall's ship. The governor of Virginia had heard something concerning the captive Jesuits, and was preparing severe punishment for them; this news had come to our brethren and the rest of the prisoners on board the ships, and deprived some of their nightly rest. This report did not rest on idle rumor, for when the ship bearing our brethren had reached Virginia, they were exposed to his fury. Argall, however, who had given his word to our brethren, boldly and vehemently, as was fitting his name92 and race, opposed the Governor in his attempt to punish them, and declared that, as long as he lived, no danger should befall his prisoners. But, when the Governor obstinately persisted in his purpose, Argall produced the Royal charter, in dependence upon which our colony had been introduced into New France; and by its authority the Governor was restrained, and dared proceed no farther. In a meeting of the council, therefore, the whole affair was more carefully discussed, and all agreed upon the decision that Argall, with three ships, should take the Jesuits back to New France; that he should thence send them and certain other prisoners to France; that he should chastise La Saussaye and his military force, who were said, although falsely, to be in possession of the fort at Port Royal; and that he should plunder and level with the ground all the houses of the French. He therefore returned to that coast of New France occupied by the French, where he despoiled and burned the forts of Ste. [597] Croix and Port Royal, which were bare of defenders, destroyed all evidences of the French occupation, and erected English monuments in various places, declaring the whole coast to be under the sway of the British King. While Father Biard was present during these proceedings, his life was twice endangered, because he had dissuaded Argall with many words from entering Port Royal, on the ground that there would be no profit in the undertaking, from which they, nevertheless, afterwards obtained an uncommon booty; because he was unwilling to become a guide to those places where plunder was sought; moreover, because slanders had been uttered against him by some Frenchmen in that region; for all of which reasons he offended Argall and Turnell deeply, to his own great peril.