Volume 1 — LETTER II.

Roxbury, July 9, 1772.

The present letter begins with some special colonial transactions subsequent to the glorious revolution. Upon information of the accession of William and Mary, the fort at New-York was seized by the rabble, while the lieutenant governor Nicholson and the council, waited with anxiety for orders to proclaim their new sovereign. On this occasion, Jacob Leisler placed himself at the head of the insurgents; and notwithstanding the protest of the council, possessed himself by force of a letter transmitted by king William to the lieutenant governor, or to such as for the time executed the law, and instantly assumed the name and exerted the authority of governor. He convened two sessions of assembly in 1690, which passed various laws. But colonel Sloughter, who had been appointed governor in August, 1689, arriving in March, 1691, Leisler was made prisoner, and, with others, condemned for treason and murder; he and his principal adviser were executed. A legal general assembly was now convened. The precaution taken in the declaration and bill of rights, by the convention and parliament, to state the claims of Englishmen, might naturally induce the Yorkers to LXXpropose somewhat similar for themselves, had there been no prior propensity to that business. But the prevailing opinion of the colonists naturally dictated to them the seizing of the present fovorable opportunity. The New-York general assembly passed “an act, declaring what are the rights and privileges of their majesty’s subjects within the province.” The law enacts, “That the supreme legislative power and authority under their majesties, shall for ever be, and reside in a governor and council, appointed by their majesties, their heirs and successors; and the people by their representatives met and convened in general assembly.” It further enacts, “That no aid, tax, tallage, &c. whatsoever, shall be laid, assessed, levied, or required, of or on any their majesties subjects within the province, &c. or their estates, upon any manner of colour or pretence whatsoever, but by the act and consent of the governor and council, and representatives of the people in general assembly met and convened.” This memorable act was a virtual declaration, that the inhabitants of the colony had a right to be represented in assembly, and enjoyed it not as a privilege, through the grace of the crown.^[51] Six years after, in 1697, a negative was put upon the act, probably by the regency, while the king was absent, which was from April the 26th, to the middle of November, when he returned after the peace of Ryswick was settled.

The Massachusetts petitioned for a renewal of their former charter, but it could not be obtained; and many reasons were assigned for not granting it, among the rest, its giving them no power to lay taxes and raise money, especially on inhabitants not being of the company, and on strangers coming to or trading with them. One of the chief acts of delinquency alleged in the writ of scire facias, issued against their former charter, was, their having levied money of the inhabitants.

[1691.] King William and queen Mary granted a new charter, in which Plymouth, the Main, Acadia or Nova-Scotia, and the tract lying between Nova-Scotia and the Main, were annexed to and made a part of the Massachusetts. It was complained of, as being not much more than a shadow of the old; seeing that the appointment of the governor, lieutenant-governor, secretary, and all the officers of the admiralty, was vested in the crown; that the power of the militia was wholly in the hands of his majesty’s governor as captain general; that all judges, justices, and sheriffs, were to be nominated by the governor, with the advice of the council; that the governor had a negative upon the choice of counsellors; that all laws enacted by the general assembly, were to be sent LXXIhome for the royal approbation or disallowance: and that no laws, ordinances, elections, or acts of government whatsoever, were to be of any validity, without the consent of the governor, signified in writing. The new charter, however, conferred on the inhabitants a number of very important privileges, and was to be preferred to the old in many respects. They were informed by the best civilians, that their religious liberties were forever secured; and that they could be touched by no tax or law, but of their own making; which had a good effect in quieting them under the variations to which they objected.

[1692.] The first act of the Massachusetts legislature, after the arrival of the charter, was a kind of Magna Charta, asserting and setting forth their general privileges, and this clause was among the rest, “No aid, tax, tallage, assessment, custom, loan, benevolence, or imposition whatsoever, shall be laid, assessed, imposed, or levied on any of his majesty’s subjects, or their estates, on any pretence whatever, but by the act and consent of the governor, council and representatives of the people, assembled in general court.” The general court passed others favourable to liberty, which were perused by the ministers of England at a distant period; and with the preceding, disallowed of by the regency in 1695. In December the reasons of this dissent were transmitted to the governor and council. The following extract from the letter sent by the committee of plantations, is subjoined, because of its being so extraordinary and decisive: “Whereas, by the act for securing the liberty of the subject, and preventing illegal imprisonments, the writ of Hæbeas Corpus is required to be granted, in like manner as is appointed by the statute of 31 Charles II. in England, which privilege has not yet been granted in any of his majesty’s plantations; it was not thought in his majesty’s absence, that the said act should be continued in force, and therefore the same hath been repealed.”

The above extract makes this a proper place for mentioning, that the ancient colonists being destitute of proper security, for want of an Hæbeas Corpus act, were in some provinces grievously oppressed. Edward Randolph, surveyor-general, during the reign of William III. represented their condition to the board of trade, March 1700; and among other beneficial regulations, he recommended, “That it being the practice of governors to imprison the subjects without bail, the Hæbeas Corpus act should be extended as fully to the colonies as it is in England.” It was accordingly soon after conferred on Virginia, by queen Anne. The council in their address said upon the occasion, “We, the council of Virginia, acknowledge your majesty’s late favour, in allowing us the benefit of the Hæbeas Corpus act, and in appointing LXXIIcourts of oyer and terminer, for the more speedy execution of justice, and relief from long imprisonments.” The lower house, in theirs, said, “We the burgesses now assembled, do beseech your majesty to accept our sincere thanks for your many favours bestowed on your subjects of this colony. We shall not pretend to enumerate the particulars, nor can we omit mentioning those lately communicated to us by your majesty’s royal instructions to your governor, wherein you have asserted to your subjects their legal rights and properties, by allowing them the Hæbeas Corpus act.”^[52]

The extension of the Hæbeas Corpus act to the plantations, by queen Anne, appears to have been only by instructions to the governors, and not by any act of parliament. By what prerogative could she extend that act to the colonists, were they not before entitled to its benefit? If entitled to, it was unjust in any power to deny them the advantage of the act; and the royal favour to the Virginians, consisted solely in the queen’s asserting to her subjects their legal rights and properties (as the burgesses expressed themselves) by giving suitable directions on the business. The high sense of colonial liberty exhibited by the York and Massachusetts general courts, was opposed by the English government.

[1696.] An act was passed by the parliament, declaring that “All laws, bye-laws, usages and customs, which shall be in practice in any of the plantations, repugnant to any law made or to be made in this kingdom, relative to the said plantations, shall be void and of none effect.”

There might be no design on the part of the ministry of taxing any of the colonies; but about 1696, a pamphlet was published, recommending the laying a parliamentary tax on one of them. It was answered by two others much read; which totally denied the power of taxing the colonies, because they had no representation in parliament to give consent. No answer, public or private, was given to these pamphlets; no censure passed upon them; men were not startled at the doctrine, as either new or illegal, or derogatory to the rights of parliament.^[53]

Though the parliament might not then claim the right of taxing, they claimed the right of punishing disobedience to their laws, with the loss of charter privileges. In the 11th of William III. an act was passed [1699.] for the trial of pirates in America, in which there is the following clause, “Be it further declared, that if any of the governors, or any person or persons in authority there, shall refuse to yield obedience to this act, such refusal is LXXIIIhereby declared to be a forfeiture of all and every the charters granted for the government or propriety of such plantation.”

Severity is stamped upon the very face of the act, in making the disobedience of a governor, the forfeiture of a charter, meant to secure the liberties of thousands, who might not have any the least power of preventing such disobedience. The proprieties and charter colonies were so disinclined to admit of appeals to his majesty in council, and were thought so to thirst after independence that these and other objections against them were laid before the parliament, [1701.] and a bill thereupon brought into the house of lords for re-uniting the right of government in those colonies to the crown: but better council prevailed, and matters were left unaltered. Some are for bringing as a precedent for the parliament’s raising a revenue from the colonies, what was passed in 1710, viz. “An act for establishing a general post-office for all her majesty’s dominions, and for settling, a weekly sum out of the revenues thereof, for the service of the war and other her majesty’s occasions.” By this act the postage of England, Scotland, Ireland, and America, were consolidated, to the end that a general post-office might be established through Great-Britain and Ireland, her colonies and plantations in North-America and the West-Indies, and all her other dominions, in such manner as might be most beneficial to the people: and that the revenue arising form the said office might be better improved. The consolidation made a new act necessary; and afforded the opportunity of advancing the rates of letters. The weekly sum amounted to £.700 and was to be paid out of the revenue for 32 years; the payment was made perpetual in the third year of her successor, having been soon after granted, appropriated by another act toward paying off, with interest at six per cent. the principal of £.2,602,200, which government borrowed of the public. By the act, the post-riders carrying the mail, were exempted from paying any thing for passing the ferries in North-America, and the ferryman was subjected to a penalty of five pounds, if he did not convey them over within half an hour after demanded.

Whatever power over the colonies the parliament might exercise in the act, the dissimilarity between this and the sugar act, passed in 1764, will not admit of the former’s being quoted, with propriety, as a precedent for the latter. The colonists were in no wise uneasy at it, and considered not the American postage in the light of an internal tax, designed for the raising of a revenue from them; for it was but a few comparatively who were affected by it; and these were accommodated in the conveyance of their letters, received a full equivalent for the postage of them, LXXIVand were not bound to send them by the public post, when they preferred a private conveyence.

In respect of the readiness of the colonies to co-operate with each other and the mother country, for the general good, they manifested the same as occasion required.

[1690.] The Massachusetts general court wrote to the several governors of the neighbouring colonies, desiring them to appoint commissioners “to meet, advise, and conclude upon suitable methods in assisting each other for the safety of the whole land.” The governor of New-York was requested to signify the same to Maryland, and parts adjacent.

The commissioners met on the 1st of May, at New-York, and were stiled a Congress, as may be concluded from the following paragraph in Mr. Stoughton’s letter of October 20, 1693, to Lord Nottingham:^[54] “I crave leave further to acquaint your lordship, that the governor of New-York having written unto his excellency the governor here, signifying his appointment of a meeting at New-York, upon the first Wednesday of this month, of commissioners from the several governments of New-England, Virginia, &c. to concert and agree upon a certain quota of men and money, for the defence of Albany, &c. in observance of their majesties commands; it happened to be at such a time, and under such a conjuncture of affairs here, that no meet persons could be procured to attend that Congress.” It does not appear, that there was any congress between the two periods. It may also be observed, that the first was procured at the motion of the Massachusetts general court, formed, from the necessity of the day, upon the vacated charter, before a new one was granted; and that the motion originated in the court, from zeal for the common safety of the colonies, without any interposition of their majesties command. We meet with no congress prior to what was thus procured.

[Oct. 14, 1709.] At the desire of colonel Vetch, there was a congress of several governors, with some of their council and assembly, to consult upon the intended expedition against Canada, and to resolve on methods for securing the frontiers.

[Oct. 31, 1711.] The Massachusetts house of assembly, at the motion of lieutenant-general Nicholson, advised, to a congress of her majesty’s governors attended with such persons as the governments might appoint. The council appointed two, and the house three, out of their respective bodies, to attend the governor to congress, which appears to have met afterwards at New-London.

LXXVBut though the conduct of the Massachusetts, in their exertions for the general good, was highly commendable, their behaviour afterward, in their own colonial affairs, under governor Shute, was greatly censurable.

[1722.] The house of assembly attempted to take from colonel Shute, those powers in matters relative to the war, which belonged to him by the constitution, and to vest them in a committee of the two houses. They by degrees acquired, from the governor and council, the keys of the treasury; and no monies could be issued, not so much as to pay an express, without the vote of the house for that purpose; whereas by the charter, all monies were to be paid out of the treasury, “by warrant from the governor, with the advice and consent of the council.”

The ministry were greatly offended at the governor’s being made uneasy; for colonel Shute was known at court and the offices of state, under the character of a very worthy gentleman, of a singular good temper, fitted to make any people under his command happy. When, therefore, they found the contrary in the Massachusetts, they concluded, that the people wished to have no governor from Great-Britain, but wanted to be independent of the crown. The cry of the city of London ran exceedingly against them; and a scheme, that had been long planned for taking away the charter, had nearly been executed; but was fortunately frustrated by the indefatigable pains of Mr. Dummer, their then agent. Their own council at home were obliged to a confession of their illegal proceedings. [Jan. 15, 1725.] An explanatory charter was prepared, proposed, and accepted. Had it not been accepted, the design was to have submitted to the consideration of the British legislature, “What further provision may be necessary to support and preserve his majesty’s authority in the colony, and prevent similar invasion of his prerogative for the future.”^[55]

It had been usual to give instructions to the several governors, to recommend to the assembly the establishing of a salary suitable to the dignity of their post; but the house had always declined complying, prudently apprehensive, that disagreable consequences might ensue, from the independency of the governor on the people over whom he was placed. These instructions were renewed when governor Burnet was appointed to the chair, who adhering to them, and showing a fixed determination not to part with govermental rights, warm disputes followed between him and the LXXVIhouse of representatives; whose treatment of him was so unwarrantable, that the council board [1729.] within a week after the affair, expressed their concern at the unbecoming and undutiful treatment given to his excellency, in the message of the house on the sixth of December.

In divers instances they showed such a disposition to encroach upon the prerogative, to wrangle with their governor, and to dispute with the crown, that the ministry and other persons in public offices, as is natural for those who look for submissive compliance, were much irritated; and improved to the utmost all advantages to excite prejudices against them.

It was suggested that they were aiming at independence; and jealousies were raised in the minds of some, that there was danger of the colonies setting up for themselves. Nevertheless, it was certain that such a scheme appeared to the whole country wild and extravagant; because of the universal loyalty of the people, beyond what was to be found in any other part of the British dominions, together with the infancy of the colonies, and their being distinct from one another in forms of government, religious rights, emulation of trade, and, consequently, their affections; so that it was not supposable that they could unite in so dangerous an enterprise.^[56]

However, when the Massachusetts petitioned the house of commons, praying that they might be heard by council on the subject of grievances, the house took that opportunity of discovering how jealous it was of the kingdom’s supremacy and uncontroulable authority over the colony; for the commons having considered the matter, resolved, “That the petition was frivolous and groundless, a high insult upon his majesty’s government, and tending to shake off the dependency of the said colony upon this kingdom, to which, in law and right, they ought to be subject.”

The colonies might object to some acts passed respecting them, particularly—the act prohibiting the cutting down of pitch and tar trees, not being within a fence or enclosure—the act prohibiting the exportation of hats made in the colonies, even from one colony to another; and restraining all makers of hats from taking more than two apprentices at a time, or any for less than seven years, and entirely from employing negroes in the business—the act for the more easy recovery of debts in his majesty’s plantations and colonies in America, which made houses, lands, negroes, and other real estates, assets for the payment of debts. It was passed in 1732, upon the petition of the English merchants LXXVIItrading to the colonies, who complained, that the Virginia and Jamaica, a privilege was claimed to exempt their houses, lands, tenements, and negroes, from being attached for debt; the lords of trade at the same time represented, that the assemblies of those colonies could never be induced to divest themselves of these privileges by any act of their own. But whatever objections were made to the above acts, no general measure was adopted to obtain their repeal. They continued in being; but the hatters act was disregarded: and methods were devised for felling the prohibited trees, when the neighbourhood wanted a supply. The operation of the act designed for the benefit of creditors, was too often, as in other countries, weakened or evaded by the dishonest debtor. Men of principle gave themselves little concern about its existance, as they had nothing to fear from it, and knew that the same was intended to prevent persons being cheated out of their property.

The sugar colonists combined together, and obtained an act against the trade carried on from the British northern provinces to the Dutch and French colonies, for foreign rum, sugar, and molasses. The act passed in 1733, laid a duty of nine-pence a gallon on rum, six-pence a gallon on molasses, and five pounds on every hundred weight of sugar, that came not from the British West-India islands, and were brought into the nothern colonies. It was professedly designed as a prohibition from the foreign islands; but did not answer. It was found expedient, and for the general benefit, to admit of the molasses, &c. being mostly run into the colonies, without insisting upon the duties, or making frequent seizures. The act unhappily produced an illegal spirit of trading; but was continued by subsequent ones down to 1761; when the duty on the molasses was reduced to three-pence, to prevent its being run any longer. The act did not oppropriate the monies to be raised by the duties, so that when, in length of time, there was a sum in the hands of the receiver worth remitting, a demur ensued as to the application of it.

The monies produced by this and other acts, were not considered as real taxes, either by the colonies or the mother country. But some persons wished to have taxes imposed upon them which would necessarily produce many good posts and places in America for courtiers; and during the war with Spain, which broke out in 1739, a sheme for taxing the British colonies was mentioned to Sir Robert Walpole. He smiled, and said, “I will leave that to some of my successors, who have more courage than I have, and are less friends to commerce than I am. It has been a maxim with me, during my administration, LXXVIIIto encourage the trade of the American colonies in the utmost latitude; nay, it has been necessary to pass over some irregularities in their trade with Europe; for by encouraging them to an extensive growing foreign commerce, if they gain £.500,000 I am convinced, that in two years afterwards full £.250,000 of their gains will be in his majesty’s exchequer, by the labour and produce of this kingdom, as immense quantities of every kind of our manufactures go thither; and as they increase in their foreign American trade, more of our produce will be wanted. This is taxing them more agreeably to their own constitution and ours.”

Had the scheme for taxing the colonies been attempted, it would have occasioned a ferment that must have prevented those exertions in the common cause, which were given into by the New-Englanders, especially the Bay-men, so the inhabitants of the Massachusetts Bay are frequently called.

War being declared against Spain, a requisition of troops was made to the Massachusetts, and a larger number raised and embarked on his majesty’s service than was required, of whom, scarce one in fifty returned.

[1744.] Upon receiving the declaration of war with France, the general court, then sitting, made immediate provision for raising forces for Anapolis, in Nova-Scotia: they happily arrived in season; and were the probable means of saving the country. Divers times afterward, Nova-Scotia, when attacked by the French, was relieved by the Bay-men; so that during that unprosperous war, possession was always kept of it for the crown of Great-Britain.

[1745.] But the most important service to be mentioned, is the reduction of Louisburg. Governor Shirley’s heart was set upon effecting it. He prevailed upon the two houses to lay themselves under an oath of secrecy; and then communicated his plan of the expedition. A committee was appointed to consider it, and were several days in deliberation. After mature consideration, a majority disapproved of the proposal. The report was accepted, and the members of the court laid aside all thoughts of the expedition. By the governor’s influence probably, as well as with his approbation, a petition from a number of merchants was presented to the house of representatives, praying a re-consideration of their vote, and their agreement to the governor’s proposal. A second committee reported in favour of it. The report was debated in the house the whole day. It is remarkable that Mr. Oliver^[57] fell down and broke his leg, while going to the house, with a full design of opposing the expedition. LXXIXHis presence would have made a majority, and overset it; but this accident occasioned his absence; and upon the division in the house at night, the numbers were equal. The speaker, Thomas Hutchinson, esq.^[58] was called upon to give the casting vote; which he did in favour of it, though he opposed it when in the committee. He was, probably, prevailed upon thus to vote, that he might secure the favour of the governor, and render himself the more popular.

[Jan. 25.] The point being now settled, there is an immediate union of both parties; and all are equally zealous in carrying the design into execution. Messengers are dispatched as far as Pennsylvania, to entreat the junction of the several governments in the expedition. All excuse themselves, except Connecticut, New-Hampshire, and Rhode-Island. The first agrees to raise 500 men, the other two 300 each. Connecticut and Rhode-Island consent also, that their colony sloops shall be employed as cruisers.

The time for preparing is short. But the winter proves so favourable that all kinds of out-door business is carried on as well, and with as great dispatch as at any other season. The appointment of a general officer is of the utmost consequence. He must be acceptable to the body of the people; the inlistment depends upon this circumstance. It is not easy to find a person thus qualified, willing to accept. Colonel Pepperrell^[59] has the offer from the governor: but it has rather pressed into the service than engage voluntarily. His example, in quitting for the present his extensive mercantile business, has considerable influence, and induces inferior officers, and even private soldiers, to quit their smaller concerns, for the service of their country. Governor Wentworth, of New-Hampshire, offers afterwards to take the command of the expedition. Two or three gentlemen of prudence and judgment, are consulted upon the occasion, by governor Shirley, who finds them clearly of opinion, that any alteration of the present command, would be attended with the greatest risk of entirely disgusting both the Massachusetts assembly and soldiers.^[60] By the efforts of a general exertion in all orders of men, the armament is ready, sails, and arrives at Canso the fourth of April. The Bay-men consist of 3,250 troops, exclusive of commission officers. The New-Hampshire forces 304, including officers, arrived four days before. The Connecticut, being 516, inclusive, arrive on the 25th. The 300 Rhode-Islanders do not arrive till the place has surrendered.

LXXXToward the end of the month, commodore Warren arrives from the West-Indies, with a sixty gun ship, and two of forty; and joins another of forty, which had reached Canso the day before, in consequence of his orders, received while under sail from Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, on her way to Britain. The men of war sail immediately to cruise before Louisburg. The forces soon follow, and land at Chapeaurouge Bay the last day of April. The transports are discovered from the town early in the morning, which gives the inhabitants the first knowledge of the design.

The second day after landing, 400 men march round behind the hills, to the north-east harbour, where they get about midnight, and fire all the houses and store-houses until they come within a mile of the grand battery. The clouds of thick smoke proceeding from the pitch, tar, and other combustibles, prevent the garrison’s discovering the enemy, though but a few rods distant. They expect the army upon them, and desert the fort, having thrown their powder into a well; but the cannon and shot are left, and prove of service to the Americans. A party, less than twenty, come up to the battery the next morning early; and seeing no signs of men, suspect a plot, and are afraid to enter. At length, an Indian, for a pint of rum, ventures in alone through an embrasure, and discovers the state of it to the rest, just as a number of French are re-landing to recover possession. The army has near two miles to transport their cannon, mortars, &c. through a morass. This must be done by mere dint of labour. The hardiest and strongest bodies are employed, and the service performed, agreeable to the advice of major Ezekiel Gilman, of Exeter, who having been used to draw the masts over the swamps, proposed making sleds to put the cannon, &c. upon, and then yoking the men together for draught. The men know nothing of regular approaches. They make merry with the terms zigzags and epaulements; and taking advantage of the night, go on, void of art, in their own natural way.

While the forces are busy ashore, the men of war and other vessels are cruising off the harbour, when the weather permits; and on the eighteenth of May, capture a French sixty-four gun ship, having 560 men on board, and stores of all sorts for the garrison. This prize, with the arrival of other British ships, make the commodore’s fleet eleven by the 12th of June, consisting of a 64, four of 60 guns, one of 50, and five of 40. It is given out that an attack will be made by sea with the ships, on the eighteenth, while the army do the like by land. Whether a general storm is really intended or not, the French seem LXXXIto expect it, from the preparations on board the men of war, and do not incline to stand it. On the fifteenth, a flag of truce is sent to the general, desiring a cessation of hostilities, that they may consider of articles for a capitulation. Time is allowed; but their articles are rejected by the general and commodore, and others offered, which are accepted by the French, and hostages exchanged. The city is delivered up on the 17th of June. But as it is the time to expect vessels from all parts to Louisburg, the French flag is kept flying as a decoy. Two East-India, and one South Sea ship, of the value of £.600,000 sterling, are taken by the squadron, at the mouth of the harbour, into which they undoubtedly meant to enter.

The weather proved remarkably fine during the siege; the day after the surrender the rains began, and continued ten days incessantly, which would undoubtedly have proved fatal to the expedition, had not the capitulation prevented. It is not of material consequence for us to determine whether the land or sea force had the greatest share in the reduction of Louisburg. Neither would have succeeded alone. But there was certainly the strongest evidence of a generous, noble, public spirit, in the New-Englanders, which first inclined them to the undertaking, and of a firmness of mind in the prosecution of it; for the labour, fatigue, and other hardships of the siege were without parallel in all preceding American operations.^[61] The paying of the charges of this expedition in 1748, lessens not the merit of the New-England attempt; for they began it when they had no promise, and very little prospect of being reimbursed. Had it not succeeded, they would not have been reimbursed, and must therefore have been involved in the greatest distress. This they foresaw, and yet cheerfully ran the risk for the public service. It would have cost the crown double the sum paid the New-England governments, to have sent an armament from Great-Britain for the reduction of the same place. The colonies met with a heavy loss, not easily repaired, in the destruction of the flower of their youth, by camp fevers, other sicknesses, the hardships and distresses of the siege. Of how much importance Louisburg was in the opinion of the French, appeared from their demanding two hostages of the first nobility in Britain as pledges for its restitution.

LXXXIIShould you hereafter read, “The leading men in the government of the Massachusetts, having been guilty of certain mal-practices, for which they were in danger of being called to an account, projected the expedition against Cape Breton, in order to divert the storm: and proving successful, the English nation was so overjoyed that they forgot every other idea in the general transport, so that the planners and conductors of the expedition, instead of being called to an account for former misdemeanors, found themselves caressed and applauded”—believe it not—especially should the writer give “this public notice, I build nothing upon the present narration; and I only offer it (because not corroborated by sufficient evidence) as a probable case, and as my own opinion.”^[62] Should he be a D. D. you may think it would have been well for him to have recollected the complaint of Jeremiah, “I heard the defaming of many; report, say they, and we will report;” and so to have been silent on the head of Cape Breton. Should you judge it uncharitable to retort upon him; yet you may deem it just to remind him of his own, do you find him using such like expressions as these, “As I never believed Dr. Franklin in any public matter, excepting in his electrical experiments, I was resolved to see with my own eyes, whether what he advanced was true or not, having a strong suspicion that he fibbed designedly, like Sir Henry Wotton’s ambassador, patriæ causa.”^[63]

But to return, the year after the reduction of Louisburg [1746.] Great-Britain entertained the design of reducing Canada; and requisitions were made to the colonies, from New-Hampshire to Virginia, inclusive. It was expected that they should raise at least 5,000 men; they voted 8,200; and the Massachusetts, to the amount of 3,500, were ready to embark by the middle of July, about six weeks from the first notice.^[64] Though the expedition was not prosecuted, this did not lessen the merit of the colonies in preparing to second the views of the British government.

[1748.] No sooner were the distresses of war closed, by the renewal of peace, than the colonists, particularly of New-England, were alarmed with the report of an American Episcopacy; which it was the most earnest desire of Dr. Thomas Secker, late archbishop of Canterbury, to establish. The doctor, when bishop of Oxford, in his sermon before the society for propagating she gospel, &c. “began those invectives against the colonists and their religious character, which have been unwarily continued, and were founded entirely upon misinformations and misrepresentations LXXXIIIof interested persons, the missionaries especially, who found their account in abusing better christians than themselves.”^[65] This conduct had not the least tendency to reconcile them to the project, but the direct contrary: and argued a secret bitterness of spirit, which promised no great moderation, if the scheme of episcopising succeeded. The talk of introducing bishops into America, was very warm among the episcopalians in Connecticut; and it is not an uncharitable conjecture, that it originated from, or was promoted by the zeal of bishop Secker. During the height of the conversation, a worthy divine, now at Rhode-Island, had the hopes of a bishopric held out to him, to induce him to turn episcopalian, though without effect. The colonists had reason to dread the introduction of episcopacy, for it could not be thought it should come unaccompanied with such a degree of civil power as would at length trample upon the rights of other denominations. An extensive and united hierarchy, however named, when armed with civil authority and in alliance with state power, is a dangeaous engine, if under the direction of a crafty politician. The failure of the episcopising project at this period, might be owing in a great measure, to the part the dissenting deputation acted upon the occasion: for which the representatives of the Massachusetts Bay returned them their thanks, in a message signed by the speaker.^[66] But though the colonies were relieved from this cause of uneasiness, they were laid under another, by the parliament’s passing an act, enacting, “That from and after the twenty-fourth of June, 1750, no mill or other engine for slitting or rolling of iron, or any platting forge, to work with a tilt hammer, or any furnace for making steel, shall be erected; or, after such erection, continued in any of his majesty’s colonies in America.”

The four New-England colonies, however, had no just reason to complain, when the power of parliament passed an act [1751.] “to regulate and restrain paper bills of credit in said governments, and to prevent the same being legal tenders in payment of money;” as they had made the act absolutely necessary, that so British creditors might be secured from being defrauded by a legal tender of a depreciated and depreciating paper currency.

The year after the peace, a grant of 600,000 acres of the finest American land in the neighbourhood of the Ohio, was made out to certain noblemen, merchants, and others, of Westminster, London, and Virginia, who associated under the title of the Ohio Company. The governor of Canada obtained early intelligence LXXXIVof it; and was alarmed with the apprehension that a scheme was in agitation, which would forever deprive the French of the advantage arising from the trade with the Twightwees, and cut off the communication so beneficial to the colonies of Louisiana and Canada. He wrote therefore to the governors of New-York and Pennsylvania, acquainting them that the English traders had encroached on the French territories, by trading with their Indians; and that if they did not desist, he should be obliged to seize them wherever they were found. This was the first time that either French or British had pretended to any exclusive trade with any Indians, or even the declared friends and allies of either; for it was expressly stipulated at the treaty of Utrecht, that, on both sides, the two nations should enjoy full liberty of going and coming among the Indians of either side, on account of trade; and that the natives of the Indian countries should, with the same liberty, resort as they pleased, to the British or French colonies, for the purpose of trade, without any molestation from either the British or French subjects.

The British Indian trade had been carried on mostly with Pennsylvania by the river Susquehanna; a great part of it was now to be diverted into another channel by the Ohio company; who by opening a waggon road through the country, and building a truck-house at Will’s-creek, were providing for its being carried into Virginia by the Patomack. The Pennsylvania traders, jealous of the Ohio company, were upon the watch to injure them, which soon offered, when Mr. Gist was employed by the company, in surveying the lands upon the Ohio, in order to their procuring 600,000 acres of the best and most convenient for the Indian trade. He carefully concealed his design from the Indians, who were no less suspicious and inquisitive; and being jealous that he meant to settle their lands, made use of threats. They were not pacified till there was delivered to them a pretended message from the king of Great-Britain. The Pennsylvania traders, actuated by revenge, informed both French and Indians, what was the service on which he was employed; and while he was on his progress in the spring of 1771, some French parties, with their Indians, put the governor of Canada’s menace into execution, and [1753.] seized the British traders who were trading among the Twightwees, and carried them to a fort they were building on the south side of lake Erie. The British, alarmed at the capture of their brethren, retired to the Indian towns for shelter, and the Twightwees, resenting the violence done their allies, assembled to the number of five or six hundred, and scoured the woods till they found three French traders, whom they sent to Pennsylvania. The French, however, determined LXXXVto persist; and proceeded to build a second fort, about fifteen miles south of the former, upon one of the branches of the Ohio. They also erected a fort at the conflux of the Ohio and Wabache; and thus completed their designed communication between the mouth of the Missisippi and the river St. Lawrence. Nothing was done by the Pennsylvania government, so that the French continued to strengthen themselves without interruption; and encouraged by the little notice taken of their violence, began to seize and plunder every British trader they found on any part of the Ohio.

Repeated complaints were made to lieutenant governor Dinwiddie, of Virginia; and as the Ohio company, whose existence depended upon stopping the French encroachments and pretensions on that river, had great influence there, that colony was prevailed upon to act with some vigor.

The lieutenant governor having informed the house of burgesses, on the first of November, that the French had erected a fort on the Ohio, it was resolved to send some body to Mr. St. Pierre, the French commandant, to demand the reason of his hostile proceedings, and to require him at the same time to withdraw his forces. Major Washington, who was of age only on the eleventh of the preceding February, offered his service on this important occasion. The distance he had to go was more than four hundred miles; two hundred of which lay through a trackless desert, inhabited by Indians; and the season was uncommonly severe. Notwithstanding these discouraging circumstances, the major, attended by one companion only, set out upon this hazardous enterprise. He travelled from Winchester on foot, carrying his provisions on his back. Upon his arrival at the place of destination and delivering his message, the French commandant refused to comply, denied the charge of hostilities, and said that the country belonged to the king of France; that no Englishman had a right to trade upon any of its rivers; and that, therefore, he would seize, according to orders, and send prisoners to Canada, every Englishman that should attempt to trade upon the Ohio or any of its branches. Before major Washington had got back, or the Virginians had heard of the French commandant’s answer, they sent out proper people, provided with materials for erecting a fort at the conflux of the Ohio and Monongahela, whom he met on his return. After excessive hardships, and many providential escapes, during his long and tedious undertaking, he arrived safe at Williamsburgh, and gave an account of his negociation to the house of burgesses the 14th of February following.

LXXXVIBefore the Virginians had finished their fort, the French came upon them, drove them out of the country, and erected a regular fort on the very spot where they had been at work. The consent of the Indian warriors had not been gained by the Virginians, or they would have supported the British against the French attack.

These proceedings of the French galled the British ministry. The Ohio Company whose schemes were now demolished, was their fondling. They could not submit to have their friends so treated; and therefore no sooner had they the news, than it was resolved to instruct the colonies to oppose the French encroachments by force of arms. The instructions were received at Virginia early in the spring of 1754. The Virginians applied to the other colonies for additional troops. Captain James Mackay, with his independent company, upon the first order marched with the utmost expedition from South Carolina to their assistance. Without waiting for two independent companies from New-York, who were likewise ordered to assist them, the Virginians resolved by themselves with Mackay’s company, to oppose the French encroachments; and sent off that and three hundred men raised by the colony, under the command of late major, but now colonel Washington. An engagement ensued between a party of French from fort Du Quesne, whom colonel Washington attacked and defeated, on the twenty-eight of May—which put Mr. de Villier upon marching down against him with 900 men besides Indians, and attacking him on the third of July. Washington made so brave a defence behind a small incomplete intrenchment, called fort Necessity, that Villier seeing what desperate men he had to deal with, and desirous of saving his own, offered him an honorable capitulation; but the French officer was careful, in forming the articles, to throw the blame of the war upon the British, and to make it thought that they were the agressors.

The lords commissioners for trade and plantations, had also recommended to the several colonies, to appoint commsssioners to meet each other. Their Lordships designed, that there should be a general league of friendship, between all the colonies, and the Indians, in his majesty’s name. The Massachusetts general court not only acceded to the proposal, but both houses desired his excellency, governor Shirley (April 10.) “to pray his majesty, that affairs which relate to the six nations and their allies may be put under some general direction as his majesty shall think proper; that the several governors may be obliged to bear their proportions of defending his majesty’s territories against LXXXVIIthe encroachments of the French, and the ravages and incursions of the Indians.”

[July.] A general meeting of the governors and chief men from several of the colonies, was held at Albany. At this congress, the commissioners were unanimously of opioion, that an union of all the colonies was absolutely necessary for their common defence. The plan was, in short, “That a grand council should be formed of members, to be chosen by the assemblies, and sent from all the colonies; which council, together with a governor-general to be appointed by the crown, should be empowered to make general laws, to raise money in all the colonies for the defence of the whole.” It was drawn up by Mr. Hutchinson, was accepted, and sent home. Had it been approved and established, British America thought itself sufficiently able to cope with the French without further assistance; several of the colonies, in former years, having alone withstood the enemy, unassisted not only by the mother country, but by any of the neighbouring provinces. A stamp act was talked of among the commissioners, of which number was Mr. (now Dr.) Franklin, one of the three from Pennsylvania; and it was thought a proper mode of taxing; under the apprehension, that in its operation it would affect the several governments fairly and equally. The idea of a stamp act had been held out, so early as 1739, in two publications drawn up by a club of American merchants at the head of whom were Sir William Keith, governor of Pennsylvania, Mr. Joshua Gee, and many others. They proposed, for the protection of the British traders among the Indians, the raising a body of regulars, to be stationed all along the western frontier of the British settlements; and that the expence should be paid from the monies arising from a duty on stamp paper and parchment in all the colonies to be laid on them by act of parliament. The congress plan was not agreeable to the views of ministry; another was proposed—“That the governors of all the colonies, attended by one or two members of their respective councils, should assemble, concert measures for the defence of the whole, erect forts where they judged proper, and raise what troops they thought necessary, with power to draw upon the British treasury for the sum that should be wanted; and the treasury to be re-imbursed by a tax laid on the colonies by an act of parliament.” When you are reminded, that the governors and councils were chiefly of the king’s appointing, you will be apt to view the scheme as a most subtle and dangerous contrivance, to provide for favorites, to sap the liberties of the Americans, and eventually to chain them down to the most abject slavery. Had the congress plan met with the countenance of LXXXVIIIminstry, it might have been adopted after a while; though of that, it appeared, there could be no certainty; for when the governor laid it before the Massachusetts assembly in October, the assembly determined, not to give it the least countenance. The ministerial plan was transmitted to governor Shirley, who was known to be for the British parliament’s laying the tax. It was communicated by him to Mr. Franklin, then at his native place, Boston, who soon returned it with a few short remarks, and the next day sent the governor the following letter, viz.

“Sir, Wednesday morning, Dec. 1754

I mentioned it yesterday to your excellency, as my opinion, that excluding the people of the colonies from all share in the choice of the grand council, would probably give extreme dissatisfaction, as well as the taxing them by an act of parliament, where they have no representative. In matters of general concern to the people and especially where burthens are to be laid upon them, it is of use to consider, as well what they will be apt to think and say, as what they ought to think; I shall therefore, as your excellency requires it of me, briefly mention what of either kind occurs to me on this occasion.

First, they will say, and perhaps with justice, that the body of the people in the colonies are as loyal, and as firmly attached to the present constitution and reigning family, as any subjects in the king’s dominions:

That there is no reason to doubt the readiness and willingness of the representatives they may choose, to grant from time to time such supplies for the defence of the country, as shall be judged necessary, so far as their abilities will allow:

That the people in the colonies, who are to feel the immediate mischiefs of invasion and conquest by an enemy, in the loss of their estates, lives and liberties, are likely to be better judges of the quantity of forces necessary to be raised and maintained, forts to be built and supported, and of their own abilities to bear the expence, than the parliament of England at so great a distance:

The governors often come to the colonies merely to make fortunes with which they intend to return to Britain; are not always men of the best abilities or integrity; have many of them no estates here, nor any natural connections with us, that should make them heartily concerned for our welfare; and might possibly be fond of raising and keeping up more forces than necessary, from the profits accruing to themselves, and to make provision for their friends and dependants:

LXXXIXThat the counsellors in most of the colonies being appointed by the crown, on the recommendation of governors, are often of small estates, frequently dependent on the governors for offices, and therefore too much under influence;

That there is, therefore, great reason to be jealous of a power in such governors and councils, to raise such sums as they shall judge necessary, by draft on the lords of the treasury, to be afterward laid on the colonies by act of parliament, and paid by the people here; since they might abuse it, by projecting useless expeditions, harrassing the people, and taking them from their labour to execute such projects, merely to create offices and employments, and gratify their dependants, and divide profits:

That the parliament of England is at a great distance, subject to be misinformed and misled by such governors and councils, whose united interests might probably secure them against the effect of any complaint from hence:

That it is supposed to be an undoubted right of Englishmen not to be taxed but by their own consent given through their representatives:

That the colonies have no representatives in parliament:

That to propose taxing them by parliament, and refuse them the liberty of choosing a representative council, to meet in the colonies, and consider and judge of the necessity of any general tax, and the quantum, shows a suspicion of their loyalty to the crown, of their regard for their country, or of their common sense and understanding, which they have not deserved:

That compelling the colonies to pay money without their consent, would be rather like raising contributions in an enemy’s, country, than taxing Englishmen for their own public benefit:

That it would be treating them as a conquered people, and not as true British subjects:

That a tax laid by the representatives of the colonies might easily be lessened, as the occasion should lessen; but being once laid by parliament, under the influence of the representations made by governors, would probably be kept up, and continued for the benefit of governors, to the grievous burden and discouragement of the colonies, and prevention of their growth and increase:

That a power in governors to march the inhabitants from one end of the British and French colonies to the other, being a country of at least 1500 square miles, without the approbation or consent of their representatives first obtained, might occasion expeditions grievous and ruinous to the people, and would put them upon a footing with the subjects of France in Canada, that now groan under such oppression from their governor, who for XCtwo years passed, has harrassed them with long and destructive marches to the Ohio:

That, if the colonies in a body may be well governed by governors and councils appointed by the crown without representatives, particular colonies may as well, or better, be so governed: a tax may be laid on them all by act of parliament for support of government, and their assemblies be dismissed as an useless part of the constitution:

That the powers proposed by the Albany plan of union, to be vested in a grand representative council of the people, even with regard to military matters, are not so great as those of the colonies of Rhode-Island and Connecticut are entrusted with by their charter, and have never abused: for by this plan, the president general is appointed by the crown, and controuls all by his negative; but in these governments the people choose the governor, and yet allow him no negative:

That the British colonies bordering on the French, are properly frontiers of the British empire; and the frontiers of an empire are properly defended at the joint expence of the body of the people in such empire. It would now be thought hard, by act of parliament, to oblige the cinque ports, or sea coasts of Britain to maintain the whole navy, because they are more immediately defended by it; not allowing them at the same time, a vote in choosing the members of parliament; and if the frontiers in America must bear the expence of their own defence, it seems hard to allow them no share in voting the money, judging of the necessity and sum, or advising the measures:

That besides the taxes necessary for the defence of the frontiers, the colonies pay yearly great sums to the mother country unnoticed; for taxes paid in Britain, by the landholder or artificer, must enter into and increase the price of the produce of land, and of manufactures made of it; and great part of this is paid by consumers in the colonies, who thereby pay a considerable part of the British taxes.

We are restrained in our trade with foreign nations; and where we could be supplied with any manufacture cheaper from them, but must buy the same dearer from Britain, the difference of price is a clear tax to Britain. We are obliged to carry great part of our produce directly to Britain, and wherein the duties there laid upon it lessen its price to the planter, or it sells for less than it would in foreign markets, the defference is a tax paid to Britain.

Some manufactures we could make, but are fobidden, and must take of British merchants; the whole price of these is a tax paid to Britain.

XCIBy our greatly increasing the demand and consumption of British manufactures, their price is considerably raised of late years; their advance is clear profit to Britain, and enables its people better to pay great taxes; and much of it being paid by us, is a clear tax to Britain.

In short, as we are not suffered to regulate our trade, and restrain the importation and consumption of British superfluities, (as Britain can the consumption of foreign superfluities) our whole wealth centres finally among the merchants and inhabitants of Britain; and if we make them richer, and enable them better to pay their taxes, it is nearly the same as being taxed ourselves, and equally beneficial to the crown. These kind of secondary taxes, however we do not complain of, though we have no share in the laying or disposing of them: but to pay immediate heavy taxes, in the laying, appropriation, and disposition of which we have no part, and which, perhaps, we may know to be as unnecessary as grievous, must seem hard measure to Englishmen; who cannot conceive, that by hazarding their lives and fortunes, in subduing and settling new countries, extending the dominion, and increasing the commerce of their mother nation, they have forfeited the native rights of Britons, which they think ought rather to be given them as due to such merit, if they had been before in a state of slavery. These and such kind of things as these, I apprehend, will be thought and said by the people, if the proposed alteration of the Albany plan should take place. Then the administration of the board of governors and councils so appointed, not having any representative body of the people to approve and unite in its measures, and conciliate the minds of the people to them, will probably become suspected and odious: dangerous animosities and feuds will arise between the governors and governed, and every thing go into confusion.

Perhaps I am too apprehensive in this matter; but having freely given my opinion and reasons, your excellency can judge better than I whether there be any weight in them; and the shortness of the time allowed me, will, I hope, in some degree, excuse the imperfections of this scrawl.

With the geatest respect and fidelity, I have the honor to be, your excellency’s most obedient and most humble servant,

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.”

These letters might be transmitted to, and might dispose the ministry to decline urging their plan of uniting and governing the colonies; but Mr. Shirley wrote to governor Wentworth, of New-Hampshire, May 31, 1755—“I may assure your excellency, from every letter I have of late received from Sir Thomas XCIIRobinson, I have reason to think that his majesty hath a dependance upon a common fund’s being raised in all his colonies upon this continent, in proportion to their respective abilities, for defraying all articles of expence entered into for their common defence; and that such an one must in the end, be either voluntarily raised, or else assessed in some way or other.” The ministry discovered a disposition to raise a revenue in them, which induced the Massachusetts general court [Nov. 6.] thus to instruct their agent; “It is more especially expected, that you oppose every thing that shall have the remotest tendency to raise a revenue in the plantations, for any public uses or services of government;” he wrote to them the twenty-ninth of May following, “The inclinations I have reason to think still contitinue for raising a revenue out of the molasses trade.” The alarming state of public affairs might divert the ministry from pursuing their inclinations.

It had been concluded to take effectual measures for driving the French from the Ohio; and for the reduction of Niagara, Crown-Point, and their forts in Nova-Scotia. General Braddock was accordingly sent from Ireland to Virginia, with two regiments of foot; and when arrived, and joined by the rest of the forces destined for that service, found himself at the head of about 2200 men. He had bravery, but wanted other qualifications to render him fit for the service to which he was appointed. His severity prevented his having the love of the regulars; his haughtiness, the love of the Americans; and, what was worse, disgusted the Indians, and led him to despise the country militia, and to slight the advice of the Virginia officers. Colonel Washington earnestly begged of him, when the army was marching for fort Du Quesne, to admit of his going before, and scouring the woods with his rangers, which was contemptuously refused. The general had been cautioned by the duke of Cumberland, to guard against a surprise; and yet he pushed on heedlessly with the first division, consisting of 1400 men [July 9, 1755.] till he fell into an ambuscade of 400, chiefly Indians, by whom he was defeated and mortally wounded, on the ninth of July. The regulars were put into the greatest panic, and fled in the utmost confusion; the militia had been used to Indian fighting, and were not so terrified. The general had disdainfully turned them into the rear: they continued in a body, unbroken, and served under colonel Washington as a most useful rear-guard; covered the retreat of the regulars, and prevented their being entirely cut off.

Previous to this, and agreeable to the views of the British ministry, the Massachusetts assembly, who had never been remiss upon the prospect of a French war, raised a body of troops, which XCIIIwere sent to Nova-Scotia, to assist lieutenant governor Lawrence in driving the French from their several encroachments within that province. The secrecy and dispatch used in this service, was rewarded with success.

The expedition against Niagara was entrusted with governor Shirley; but failed through various causes.

Sir William (then colonel) Johnson, appointed to go against Crown-Point. The delays, slowness, and deficiency of preparations, prevented the several colonies joining their troops till about August. Meanwhile the active enemy had transported forces from France to Canada, marched them down to meet the provincials, and attacked them; but, meeting with a repulse, lost six hundred men, besids having their general, baron Dieskau, wounded and made prisoner.

The Massachusetts the next year, raised a great armament to go to Crown-Point; but lord Loudon, on his arrival, did not think it proper that the forces should proceed. Afterward a temporary misunderstanding took place between his lordship and the general court; from his apprehending that they thought a provincial law necessary to enforce a British act of parliament, and were willing to dispute upon that subject. He determined to have no dispute, but that the troops under his command should be quartered agreeable to what he thought the public good required; and wrote to governor Pownall [Nov. 15, 1757.] “I have ordered the messenger to wait but 48 hours in Boston; and if, on his return, I find things not settled, I will instantly order into Boston the three battalions from New-York, Long-Island, and Connecticut; and if more are wanted, I have two in the Jerseys at hand, beside three in Pennsylvania.” Notwithstanding this declaration, on December the sixth, the legislature passed an act which led him to conceive that he was under an absolute necessity of settling the point at once, and therefore he ordered the troops to march. The general court finding how matters were going, did not venture upon extremities, but became pliable; so that his lordship wrote, December 26, “As I can now depend upon the assembly’s making the point of quarters easy in all time coming, I have countermanded the march of the troops.” The general court were certainly terrified; and to remove all unfavorable impressions, said, in the close of the address to the governor [Jan. 6, 1758.] “The authority of all acts of parliament which concern the colonies, and extend to them, is ever acknowledged in all the courts of law, and made the rule of all judicial proceedings in the province. There is not a member of the general court, and we know no inhabitant within the bounds of the government, that ever questioned this authority. To prevent XCIVany ill consequences that may arise from an opinion of our holding such principles, we now utterly disavow them, as we should readily have done at any time past, if there had been occasion for it; and we pray that his lordship may be acquainted therewith, that we may appear in a true light, and that no impressions may remain to our disadvantage.” However they might not question, whether the authority of acts of parliament, concerning and extending to the colonies, was made the rule of all judicial proceedings in the province; yet you are not to infer from their disavowal of the contrary principle, that they admitted the right of parliament, either to impose internal taxes, or to controul their colonial government.

When, happily for the British nation, the great Mr. Pitt was placed at the head of the ministry, the face of affairs was soon changed; the war was prosecuted with unexampled success, and the enemy at length driven out of America. But the frequent delays given to the raising of the necessary supplies, especially in proprietary governments, through the refusal of their governors or councils, to admit that the estates of the proprietors should be taxed, led Mr. Pitt to tell Mr. Franklin, that when the war closed, was he in the ministry, he should take measures to prevent its being in the power of the colonies to hinder government’s receiving the supplies that were wanted; and he added, that, was he not in the ministry, he would advise his successors to do it. What these measures were he did not mention. But toward the close of 1759, or the beginning of 1760, Mr. Pitt wrote to Francis Fauquier, esq. lieutenant governor of Virginia, and mentioned in his letter, that though they had made grants to the colonies, yet, when the war was over, they should tax them, in order to raise a revenue from them. Mr. Fauquier, in his answer, expressed his apprehension that the measure would occasion great disturbance. The answer might divert Mr. Pitt from his intention. Many months before, the present lord Camden (then Mr. Pratt) said to Mr. Franklin, in a course of free conversation, “For all what you Americans say of your loyalty, I know you will one day throw off your dependance upon this country; and notwithstanding your boasted affection to it, will set up for independence.” The other answered, “No such idea is entertained in the mind of the Americans; and no such idea will ever enter their heads, unless you grossly abuse them.” “Very true (replied Mr. Pratt) that is one of the main causes I see will happen, and will produce the event.”

The colonies in general, and the Massachusetts in particular, complied with the requisitions of the minister, and shewed themselves ready to support his plans for the reduction of the French XCVpower. To assist and encourage their extraordinary exertions, the parliament granted them during the war, at different periods, no less than £.1,031,666 13s. 4d. But though the large importation of specie annually, did not answer one half or their expences, it was still of such benefit to each government, that they cheerfully seconded the views of ministry. Upon application from admiral Saunders, the squadron employed against Louisburg and Quebec, was supplied by 500 seamen from the Massachusetts; beside, many were at several times impressed out of vessels on the fishing banks. The colonies lost by the war 25,000 of their robust young men, exclusive of sailors. The Massachusetts continually raised the full number of troops assigned them; nor was it to be ascribed to the peculiar address of Mr. Pownall, who guided them with a silken cord, and by praising them plentifully, and flattering their vanity, did business with them in an easy manner; for it was the same after he was succeded by governor Bernard. [August 13, 1760.] Beside their annual quota of men, in some years of the war they garrisoned Louisburg and Nova-Scotia, which gave the regular forces opportunity for retaining Canada. The whole cost they were at upon these accounts, and for scouting companies sent into the Indian country, and for two armed vessels built and maintained for the protection of the trade, amounted to £.754,598 10s. 10½d. sterling. In this sum, the expence of many forts and garrisons on the frontiers is not included. Add, that no estimate can be made of the cost to individuals, by the demand of personal service. They that could not serve in person, who were much the greater number, when it came to their turn, were obliged to hire substitutes at a great premium. They also who could not be impressed, to lighten the burdens of others, advanced largely for encouraging the levies. Moreover, the taxes were exceeding heavy. A Boston gentleman, of reputation and fortune, sent one of his rate bills to a correspondent in London, for his judgment on it; and had for answer, “That he did not believe there was a man in all England who paid so much in proportion toward the support of government.” Such was the assessment of the town in one of the years, that if a man’s income was £.60 per annum, he had to pay two-thirds or £.40 and in that proportion whether the sum was more or less; and if his house or land was valued at £.200 per annum, he was obliged to pay £.72 He had also to pay for his poll, and those of all the males in his house, more than sixteen years old, at the rate of 14s. 3d. each: and to all must be added, the part he paid of the excise on tea, coffee, rum, and wine.^[67] Other towns and colonies might not XCVIhave been assessed so exorbitantly, but some must certainly have been burdened with taxes.

The above statement of expences is thought to be more correct than what governor Bernard transmitted, in his letter of August 1, 1764, to the lords of trade, in which he wrote, “From 1754 to 1762, the sums issued amount to £.926,000 sterling; out of which deduct, received by parliamentary grant, £.328,000 and the ordinary expences of government estimated at £.138,000 there remains £.490,000 that is near £500,000 sterling expended by this province in the extraordinary charges of the war within eight years. An immense sum for such a small state! the burden of which has been grievously felt by all orders of men.—Whereas if we compare this with the southern governments, Pennsylvania for instance, which has expended little more than they have received from parliament, and Maryland which has expended scarce any thing at all, we cannot sufficiently admire the inequality of the burden between one province and another, and when Pennsylvania has not been prevented by domestic dissensions, and have as it were done their best, they have sent to the field only 2,700 men, when this province has sent 5,000—5,500, and one year 7,000. And notwithstanding the vast sums this province has raised, is has, by severe taxations, kept its debt under.

The first part of governor Bernard’s administration was agreeable to the Massachusetts general court. The two houses, in answer to his speach, [May, 1761.] said, “It gives us pleasure to see, that the civil rights of the people are not in danger; nor are we in the least degree suspicious, that they ever will be, under your excellency’s administration. The experience we have had of your excellency’s disposition and abilities, encourage us to hope for a great share of public happiness under your administration.” The next year the governor told them, at the close of the session, [April 23, 1762.] “The unanimity and dispatch with which you have complied with the requisitions of his majesty, require my particular acknowledgment.” In his sheech he said, “Every thing that has been required of this province, has been most readily complied with.”

[May 31, 1763.] Both houses in their address to him expressed themselves thus: “We congratulate your excellency upon that unanimity which your excellency recommends, and which was never greater in the province than at that time.”—The governor at the close of the session, declared his great satisfaction, in having observed, that the unanimity they assured him of, had fully evinced itself throughout all their proceedings. XCVIIBut the lieutenant governor, Mr. Hutchinson, gained after a while too much ascendency over him, and encouraged him in the pursuit of wrong measures, highly offensive to the colony. He had indeed done him an irreparable injury, not long after his coming to the chair. Colonel James Otis (who was repeatedly returned for Barnstable, in Plymouth county, notwithstanding the strenuous efforts which had been made to prevent it, on account of his siding with government) being a lawyer, had been promised by Mr. Shirley, when in the chair, to be made a judge of the superior court, upon an opportunity’s offering. The first vacancy which happened, was filled up by the appointment of the secretary’s son-in-law; for which Mr. Shirley apologized by pleading a promise made to the secretary, and his having forgotten the former one. Mr. Otis was satisfied with a fresh assurance of the next vacancy, which was considered by him in the light of a governmental promise; and it was expected that whenever a new vacancy happened, Mr. Otis would be appointed. There was no new vacancy till a short time after governor Bernard entered upon his administration, when chief justice Sewall died.—Upon this death, Mr. James Otis, the son, of whom there will be a call to make frequent mention, expressed himself as follows: “If governor Bernard does not appoint my father judge of the superior court, I will kindle such a fire in the province as shall singe the governor, though I myself perish in the flames.” Mr. Hutchinson, however hurried to Mr. Bernard, procured a promise, which being once given, the governor would not retract, and got himself appointed chief justice, by which he gratified both his ambition and covetousness, his two ruling passions. The friends of government regretted the appointment, foreboding the evils it would produce. The governor lost the influence and support of colonel Otis. The son quitted the law place he held; would never be persuaded to resume it, or to accept of another; joined himself to the party which was jealous that the views of administration were unfavorable to the rights of the colony, and stood ready to oppose all encroachments; and soon became its chief leader. He signalised himself by pleading in a most masterly manner, against granting writs of assistance to custom-house officers. These writs were to give them, their deputies, &c. a general power to enter any houses, &c. that they would say they suspected. The custom-house officers had received letters from home, directing them to a more strenuous exertion in collecting the duties, and to procure writs of assistance. The idea of these writs excited a general alarm. A strong jealousy of what might be eventually the effect of them upon the liberties of the people, commenced. They might prove introductory to the most horrid XCVIIIabuses; which the meanest deputy of a deputy’s deputy might practise with impunity, upon a merchant or gentleman of the first character; and there would be the greater danger of such abuses, by reason of the immense distance of the scene of action from the seat of government. The voice of the complainant would not be heard three thousand miles off, after the servants of government had deafened the ears of administration by misrepresentations. From this period may be dated the fixed, uniform, and growing opposition which was made to the ministerial plans of encroaching upon the original rights and long established customs of the colony. In 1761, the officers of the customs applied to the superior courts for such writs. The great opposition that was made to it, and the arguments of Mr. Otis, disposed the court to a refusal; but Mr. Hutchinson, who had obtained the place of chief justice, prevailed with his brethren to continue the cause till next term; and in the mean time wrote to England, and procured a copy of the writ, and sufficient evidence of the practice of the exchequer there, after which, like writs were granted. But before this was effected, Mr. Otis was chosen one of the representatives for Boston, by the influence of the friends to liberty; whose jealousies there and elsewhere, afterward increased apace, upon hearing that the British officers insisted frequently upon the necessity of regulating and reforming, as they stiled it, the colonial governments; and that certain travellers were introduced to particular persons [1762.] with a—“This is a gentleman employed by the earl of Bute to travel the country, and learn what may be proper to be done in the grand plan of reforming the American governments.” It was understood that their business was to make thorough observation upon the state of the country, that so the ministry might be enabled to judge what regulations and alterations could safely be made in the police and government of the colonies, in order to their being brought more effectually under the government of parliament. They were also, as much as possible, to conciliate capital and influential characters, to ministerial measures speedily to be adopted. The British ministry have been greatly mistaken, in supposing it is the same in America as in their own country. Do they gain over a gentleman of note and eminence in the colonies, they make no considerable acquisition. He takes few or none with him; and is rather despised than adhered to by former friends. He has not, as in Britain, dependants who must act in conformity to his nod. In New-England especially, individuals are so independent of each other, that though there may be an inequality in rank and fortune, every one can act freely according to his own judgment.

XCIXBut nothing, it may be, excited a greater alarm in the breasts of those to whom it was communicated, than the following anecdote, viz. The Rev. Mr. Whitefield, ere he left Portsmouth in New-Hampshire, on Monday afternoon, April the second, 1764, sent for Dr. Langdon and Mr. Haven, the congregational ministers of the town, and upon their coming and being alone with him, said, “I can’t in conscience leave the town without acquainting you with a secret. My heart bleeds for America. O poor New-England! There is a deep laid plot against both your civil and religious liberties, and they will be lost. Your golden days are at an end. You have nothing but trouble before you. My information comes from the best authority in Great Britain. I was allowed to speak of the affair in general, but enjoined not to mention particulars. Your liberties will be lost.”^[68] Mr. Whitefield could not have heard what the commons did in the preceding month; his information must have been of an earlier date, and might have been communicated before he left Great Britain. Beside the general design of taxing the colonies, the plan was probably, this in substance—Let the parliament be engaged to enter heartily and fully into American matters; and then under its sanction let all the governments be altered, and all the councils be appointed by the king, and the assemblies be reduced to a small number like that of New-York. After that, the more effectually to secure the power of civil government by the junction of church influence, let their be a revisal of all the acts in the several colonies with a view of setting aside those in particular, which provide for the support of the ministers. But if the temper of the people make it necessary, let a new bill for the purpose of supporting them pass the house, and the council refuse their concurrence; if that will be improper, then the governor to negative it. If that cannot be done in good policy, then the bill to go home and let the king disallow it. Let bishops be introduced, and provision be made for the support of the episcopal clergy. Let the congregational and presbyterian clergy, who will receive episcopal ordination, be supported; and the leading ministers among them be bought off by large salaries.—Let the liturgy be revised and altered. Let episcopacy be accommodated as much as possible to the cast of the people. Let places of power, trust and honor, be conferred only upon episcopalians, or those that will conform. When episcopacy is once thoroughly established, increase its resemblance to the English hierarchy at pleasure.

CThese were the ideas which a certain gentleman communicated to Dr. Stiles,^[69] when they were riding together in 1765. The Doctor, after hearing him out, expressed his belief, that before the plan could be effected, such a spirit would be roused in the people as would prevent its execution. The good man groaned and replied, “If the commotions now existing prevail on the parliament to repeal the stamp-act, I am afraid the plan cannot be accomplished.

In reference to alterations in the civil line, Dr. Langdon informed me, that governor Wentworth told him, the Massachusetts and New-Hampshiere were to be one government, under one governor; the Doctor thought the design of joining Rhode-Island with them was also mentioned, though of this he could not be certain. The New-England colonies would have suffered most by the proposed alterations, while they deserved it the least and were entitled for their ready exertions, to a return expressive of gratitude. Many of the common soldiers, who gained such laurels, by their singular bravery on the plains of Abraham, when Wolfe died in the arms of victory, were natives of the Massachusetts-Bay. When Martinico was attacked in 1761, and the British force was greatly weakened by the death and sickness, the timely arrival of the New-England troops, enabled the former to prosecute the reduction of the island to an happy issue. A part of the British force being now about to sail from thence for the Havannah, the New-Englanders, whose health had been much impaired by service and the climate, were sent off in three ships, to their native country for recovery. Before they had completed their voyage they found themselves restored, ordered the ships about, steered immediately for the Havannah, arrived when the British were too much reduced to expect success, and by their junction served to immortalize afresh, the glorious first of August, old stile, in the surrender of the place on the memorable day; they exhibited at the same time, the most signal evidence of devotedness to the parent state. Their fidelity, activity, and courage were such as to gain the approbation and confidence of the British officers.^[70]

As to the religious part of the plan, recollect what has been already mentioned of archbishop Secker; carefully peruse Dr. Mayhew’s noted answer to one of his publications, and what is related concerning him in the collection of papers above quoted; and you will scarce doubt, “but that it was the metropolitan’s intention to reduce all the British colonies under episcopal authority.” CIRemember also, that the bishop of Landaff in his sermon of 1766, assures us, that the establishment of episcopacy being obtained, “the American church will grow out of its infant state, be able to stand upon its own legs, and without foreign help, support and spread itself, and then this society will be brought to the happy issue intended.” Mr. Whitefield said upon it, in his letter to Mr. Durell, “supposing his lordship’s assertions true, then I fear it will follow, that a society, which since its first institution hath been looked upon as a society for propagating the gospel, hath been all the while rather a society for propagating episcopacy in foreign parts.”

This letter will close with a few more articles of information. Among the original instructions to Benning Wentworth, esq. governor of New-Hampshire, signed June 30th, 1761, the 27th says, “you are not to give your assent to, or pass any law imposing duties on negroes imported into New-Hampshire:” some of the colonies were for discouraging the introduction of negroes—for which purpose they wished to lay a duty upon them. The 69th contains the following direction, “No school-master to be henceforth permitted to come from England without the licence of the bishop; and no other person now there, or that shall come from other parts, shall be admitted to keep school without your licence first obtained.”

[Feb. 1762.] A law passed in the Massachusetts, entitled, “An act to incorporate certain persons, by the name of The society for promoting Christian knowledge among the Indians in North America; but was disallowed at the court of St. James’s the 20th of May, 1763. Mr. Jasper Mauduit, in his letter to Mr. Bowdoin of April 7, 1763, writes, “So long ago as the 10th of December, I was told at the plantation-office, that this act was opposed by the archbishop and the society for propagating the gospel. Mr. Pownall told me that the bill would not pass; that the lords would not dispute the laudableness of the design, but there were political reasons for not confirming it; that the people might apply the money to oppose the missionaries of the church of England. I answered, I wished that the society for propagating the gospel had employed their missionaries more among the Indians than they had hitherto done in North America.” From what passed, the real reasons for disallowing the bill may be gathered.

CII