Footnotes (continued 2)
Reading edition
949.
Julian, l.c. and 169 C.
950.
Trebellius Pollio, Claudius, 4; Tertullian, Apologet. 25. For other references, see Marquardt, l.c.
951.
Diodorus, iii. 59; Firmicus Maternus, De err. profan. relig. 3; Arnobius, Advers. nat. v. 16; Schol. on Nicander, Alex. 8; Servius on Virgil, Aen. ix. 116; Arrian, Tactica, 33. The ceremony described in Firmicus Maternus, c. 22 (nocte quadam simulacrum in lectica supinum ponitur et per numeros digestis fletibus plangitur.... Idolum sepelis. Idolum plangis, etc.), may very well be the mourning and funeral rites of Attis, to which he had more briefly referred in c. 3.
952.
On the Hilaria see Macrobius, Saturn. i. 21, 10; Julian, Orat. v. 168 D, 169 D; Damascius, Vita Isidori, in Photius, p. 345 A 5 sqq. ed. Bekker. On the resurrection, see Firmicus Maternus, 3, reginae suae amorem [Phryges] cum luctibus annuis consecrarunt, et ut satis iratae mulieri facerent aut ut paenitenti solacium quaererent, quem paulo ante sepelierant revixisse jactarunt.... Mortem ipsius [i.e. of Attis] dicunt, quod semina collecta conduntur, vitam rursus quod jacta semina annuis vicibus † reconduntur [renascuntur, C. Halm]. Again cp. id. 22, Idolum sepelis. Idolum plangis, idolum de sepultura proferis, et miser cum haec feceris gaudes; and Damascius, l.c. τὴν τῶν ἱλαρίων καλουμένην ἐορτήν; ὅπερ ἑδήλου τὴν ἑξ ἄδου γεγονυῖαν ἡμῶν σωτερίαν. This last passage, compared with the formula in Firmicus Maternus, c. 22 θαρρεῖτε μύσται τοῦ θεοῦ σεσωμένου; ἔσται γὰρ ἠμῖν ἐκ πόνων σωτηρία, makes it probable that the ceremony described by Firmicus, c. 22, is the resurrection of Attis.
953.
Ovid, Fast. iv. 337 sqq.; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 3. For other references see Marquardt and Mannhardt, ll. cc.
954.
Pausanias, vii. 17; Arnobius, Adv. nationes, v. 6.; cp. Hippolytus, Refut. omn. haeres. v. 9, pp. 166, 168.
955.
See above, p. 264 sq.
956.
Firmicus Maternus, 27.
957.
Above, p. 81.
958.
Hippolytus, Ref. omn. haeres. v. cc. 8, 9, pp. 162, 168; Firmicus Maternus, De errore prof. relig. 3.
959.
Julian, Orat. v. 174 a b.
960.
Duncker, Geschichte des Alterthums,5 i. 456, note 4; Roscher, Ausführliches Lexikon d. griech. u. röm. Mythologie, i. c. 724. Cp. Polybius, xxii. 20 (18).
961.
The conjecture is that of Henzen in Annal. d. Inst. 1856, p. 110, referred to in Roscher, l.c.
962.
See pp. 84, 231.
963.
Article “Phrygia,” in Encyclopaedia Britannica, ninth ed. xviii. 853.
964.
xii. 5, 3.
965.
The myth, in a connected form, is only known from Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, cc. 13-19. Some additional details, recovered from Egyptian sources, will be found in the work of Adolf Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 365 sqq.
966.
Le Page Renouf, Hibbert Lectures, 1879, p. 110; Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 614; Ad. Erman, l.c.; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, i. § 56 sq.
967.
Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 13; Diodorus, i. 14; Tibullus, i. 7, 29 sqq.
968.
Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 8.
969.
So Brugsch, op. cit. p. 617. Plutarch, op. cit. 39, says four days, beginning with the 17th of the month Athyr.
970.
In the Alexandrian year the month Athyr corresponded to November. But as the old Egyptian year was vague, that is, made no use of intercalation, the astronomical date of each festival varied from year to year, till it had passed through the whole cycle of the astronomical year. From the fact, therefore, that, when the calendar became fixed, Athyr fell in November, no inference can be drawn as to the date at which the death of Osiris was originally celebrated. It is thus perfectly possible that it may have been originally a harvest festival, though the Egyptian harvest falls, not in November, but in April; cp. Selden, De diis Syris, p. 335 sq.; Parthey on Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, c. 39.
971.
Brugsch, l.c. For a specimen of these lamentations see Brugsch, op. cit. p. 631 sq.; Records of the Past, ii. 119 sqq. For the annual ceremonies of finding and burying Osiris, see also Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 2 § 3; Servius on Virgil, Aen. iv. 609.
972.
Brugsch, op. cit. p. 617 sq.; Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 377 sq.
973.
Erman, l.c.; Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), iii. 68, 82; Tiele, History of the Egyptian Religion, p. 46.
974.
Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35. ὁμολογεῖ δὲ καὶ τὰ τιτανικὰ καὶ νὺξ τελεία τοῖς λεγομένοις Ὀσίριδος διασπασμοῖς καὶ ταῖς ἀναβιώσεσι καὶ παλιγγενεσίαις, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς ταφάς.
975.
Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 39.
976.
Tibullus, i. 7, 33 sqq.
977.
Brugsch, op. cit. p. 621.
978.
Servius on Virgil, Georg. i. 166.
979.
Above, p. 267.
980.
Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 73, cp. 33; Diodorus, i. 88.
981.
Plutarch, op. cit. 31; Herodotus, ii. 38.
982.
Herrera, quoted by Bastian, Culturländer des alten Amerika, ii. 639.
983.
Lefébure, Le mythe Osirien (Paris, 1874-75), p. 188.
984.
Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 2, § 6, defensores eorum volunt addere physicam rationem, frugum semina Osirim dicentes esse; Isim terram, Tyfonem calorem: et quia maturatae fruges calore ad vitam hominum colliguntur et divisae a terrae consortia separantur et rursus adpropinquante hieme seminantur, hanc volunt esse mortem Osiridis, cum fruges recondunt, inventionem vero, cum fruges genitali terrae fomento conceptae annua rursus coeperint procreatione generari; Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. iii. 11, 31, ὁ δὲ Ὄσιρις παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίος τὴν κάρπιμον παρίστησι δύναμιν, ἤν θρήνοις ἀπομειλίσσονται εἰς γῆν ἀφανιζομένην ἐν τῷ σπόρῳ. καὶ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν καταναλισκομένην εὶς τὰς τροφάς.
985.
Op. cit. 27, § 1.
986.
Isis et Osiris, 21, αινῶ δὲ τομὴν ξύλου καὶ σχίσιν λίνου καὶ χοὰς χεομένας. διὰ τὸ πολλὰ τῶν μυστικῶν ἀναμεμῖχθαι τούτοις. Again, c. 42, τὸ δὲ ξύλον ἐν ταῖς λεγομέναις; Ὀσίριδος ταφαῖς τέμνοντες κατασκευάζουσι λάρνακα μηνοειδὴ.
987.
See above, p. 304.
988.
Lefébure, Le mythe Osirien, pp. 194, 198, referring to Mariette, Denderah, iv. 66 and 72.
989.
Lefébure, op. cit. pp. 195, 197.
990.
Birch, in Wilkinson's Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), iii. 84.
991.
Wilkinson, op. cit. iii. 63 sq.; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. §§ 56, 60.
992.
Wilkinson, op. cit. iii. 349 sq.; Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 621; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 20. In Plutarch l.c. Parthey proposes to read μυρίκης for μηθίδης, and this conjecture appears to be accepted by Wilkinson, l.c.
993.
Lefébure, Le mythe Osirien, p. 191.
994.
Lefébure, op. cit. p. 188.
995.
Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35. One of the points in which the myths of Isis and Demeter agree, is that both goddesses in their search for the loved and lost one are said to have sat down, sad at heart and weary, on the edge of a well. Hence those who had been initiated at Eleusis were forbidden to sit on a well. Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 15; Homer, Hymn to Demeter, 98 sq.; Pausanias, i. 39, 1; Apollodorus, i. 5, 1; Nicander, Theriaca, 486; Clemens Alex., Protrept. ii. 20.
996.
Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 645.
997.
C. P. Tiele, History of Egyptian Religion, p. 57.
998.
Hibbert Lectures, 1879, p. 111.
999.
Diodorus, i. 14. Eusebius (Praeparat. Evang. iii. 3) quotes from Diodorus (i. 11-13) a long passage on the early religion of Egypt, prefacing the quotation (c. 2) with the remark γράφει δὲ καὶ τὰ περὶ τούτων πλατύτερον μὲν ὁ Μανέθως, ἐπετετμημένως δὲ ὁ Διόδωρος, which seems to imply that Diodorus epitomised Manetho.
1000.
Brugsch, op. cit. p. 647.
1001.
Brugsch, op. cit. p. 649.
1002.
Brugsch,l.c.
1003.
Herodotus, ii. 59, 156; Diodorus, i. 13, 25, 96; Apollodorus, ii. 1, 3; Tzetzes, Schol. in Lycophron. 212.
1004.
Antholog. Planud. 264, 1.
1005.
Orphica, ed. Abel, p. 295 sqq.
1006.
Jablonski, Pantheon Aegyptiorum (Frankfurt, 1750), i. 125 sq.
1007.
i. 11.
1008.
See p. 310, note.
1009.
See the Saturnalia, bk. i.
1010.
Saturn. i. 21, 11.
1011.
Maspero, Histoire ancienne des peuples de l'Orient4 (Paris, 1886), p. 35.
1012.
Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), iii. 353.
1013.
Isis et Osiris, 52.
1014.
De errore profan. religionum, 8.
1015.
Lepsius, “Ueber den ersten aegyptischen Götterkreis und seine geschichtlich-mythologische Entstehung,” in Abhandlungen der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1851, p. 194 sq.
1016.
The view here taken of the history of Egyptian religion is based on the sketch in Erman's Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 351 sqq.
1017.
On this attempted revolution in religion see Lepsius in Verhandl. d. königl. Akad. d. Wissensch. zu Berlin, 1851, pp. 196-201; Erman, op. cit. p. 355 sqq.
1018.
Tiele, History of the Egyptian Religion, p. 44.
1019.
Tiele, op. cit. p. 46.
1020.
Ib. p. 45.
1021.
Le Page Renouf, Hibbert Lectures, 1879, p. 111 sqq.
1022.
Hibbert Lectures, 1879, p. 113. Cp. Maspero, Histoire ancienne,4 p. 35; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. §§ 55, 57.
1023.
There are far more plausible grounds for identifying Osiris with the moon than with the sun—1. He was said to have lived or reigned twenty-eight years; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, cc. 13, 42. This might be taken as a mythical expression for a lunar month. 2. His body was rent into fourteen pieces (ib. cc. 18, 42). This might be interpreted of the moon on the wane, losing a piece of itself on each of the fourteen days which make up the second half of a lunation. It is expressly mentioned that Typhon found the body of Osiris at the full moon (ib. 8); thus the dismemberment of the god would begin with the waning of the moon. 3. In a hymn supposed to be addressed by Isis to Osiris, it is said that Thoth “Placeth thy soul in the bark Ma-at, In that name which is thine, of God Moon.” And again, “Thou who comest to us as a child each month, We do not cease to contemplate thee, Thine emanation heightens the brilliancy Of the stars of Orion in the firmament,” etc. Records of the Past, i. 121 sq.; Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 629 sq. Here then Osiris is identified with the moon in set terms. If in the same hymn he is said to “illuminate us like Ra” (the sun), this, as we have already seen, is no reason for identifying him with the sun, but quite the contrary. 4. At the new moon of the month Phanemoth, being the beginning of spring, the Egyptians celebrated what they called “the entry of Osiris into the moon.” Plutarch, Is. et Os. 43. 5. The bull Apis, which was regarded as an image of the soul of Osiris (Is. et Os. cc. 20, 29), was born of a cow which was believed to have been impregnated by the moon (ib. 43). 6. Once a year, at the full moon, pigs were sacrificed simultaneously to the moon and Osiris. Herodotus, ii. 47; Plutarch, Is. et Os. 8. The relation of the pig to Osiris will be examined later on. Without attempting to explain in detail why a god of vegetation, as I take Osiris to have been, should have been brought into such close connection with the moon, I may refer to the intimate relation which is vulgarly believed to subsist between the growth of vegetation and the phases of the moon. See e.g. Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 221, xvi. 190, xvii. 108, 215, xviii. 200, 228, 308, 314; Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. iii. 10, 3; Aulus Gellius, xx. 8, 7; Macrobius, Saturn. vii. 16, 29 sq. Many examples are furnished by the ancient writers on agriculture, e.g. Cato, 37, 4; Varro, i. 37; Geoponica, i. 6.
1024.
Herodotus, ii. 42, 49, 59, 144, 156; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 13, 35; id., Quaest. Conviv. iv. 5, 3; Diodorus, i. 13, 25, 96, iv. 1; Orphica, Hymn 42; Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. iii. 11, 31; Servius on Virgil, Aen. xi. 287; id., on Georg. i. 166; Hippolytus, Refut. omn. haeres. v. 9, p. 168; Socrates, Eccles. Hist. iii. 23, p. 204; Tzetzes, Schol. in Lycophron, 212; Διηγήματα, xxii. 2, in Mythographi Graeci, ed. Westermann, p. 368; Nonnus, Dionys. iv. 269 sq.; Cornutus, De natura deorum, c. 28; Clemens Alexandr. Protrept. ii. 19; Firmicus Maternus, De errore profan. relig. 7.
1025.
Lucian, De dea Syria, 7.
1026.
Herodotus, ii. 49.
1027.
Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35.
1028.
Osiris, Attis, Adonis, and Dionysus were all explained by him as the sun; but he stopped short at Demeter (Ceres), whom, however, he interpreted as the moon. See the Saturnalia, bk. i.
1029.
On Dionysus in general see Preller, Griechische Mythologie,3 i. 544 sqq.; Fr. Lenormant, article “Bacchus” in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités grecques et romaines, i. 591 sqq.; Voigt and Thraemer's article “Dionysus,” in Roscher's Ausführliches Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. c. 1029 sqq.
1030.
Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. v. 3, Διονύσῳ δὲ δενδρίτῃ πάντες, ὡς ἔθος εἰπεῖν, Ἕλληνες θύουσιν.
1031.
Hesychius, s.v. Ἔνδενδρος.
1032.
See the pictures of his images, taken from ancient vases, in Bötticher, Baumkultus der Hellenen, plates 42, 43, 43a, 43b, 44; Daremberg et Saglio, op. cit. i. 361, 626.
1033.
Daremberg et Saglio, op. cit. i. 626.
1034.
Cornutus, De natura deorum, 30.
1035.
Pindar, quoted by Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35.
1036.
Maximus Tyrius, Dissertat. viii. 1.
1037.
Athenaeus, iii. pp. 78 c, 82 d.
1038.
Himerius, Orat. i. 10, Διόνυσος γεωργεῖ.
1039.
Orphica, Hymn l. 4, liii. 8.
1040.
Aelian, Var. Hist. iii. 41; Hesychius, s.v. Φλέω[ς]. Cp. Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. v. 8, 3.
1041.
Pausanias, i. 31, 4; id. vii. 21, 6 (2).
1042.
Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. v. 3.
1043.
Pausanias, ii. 2, 6 (5) sq. Pausanias does not mention the kind of tree; but from Euripides, Bacchae, 1064 sqq., and Philostratus, Imag. i. 17 (18), we may infer that it was a pine; though Theocritus (xxvi. 11) speaks of it as a mastich-tree.
1044.
Müller-Wieseler, Denkmäler der alten Kunst, ii. pl. xxxii. sqq.; Baumeister, Denkmäler des klassischen Altertums, i. figures 489, 491, 492, 495. Cp. Lenormant in Daremberg et Saglio, i. 623; Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 700.
1045.
Pausanias, i. 31, 6 (3).
1046.
Athenaeus, iii. p. 78 c.
1047.
Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 6.
1048.
Clemens Alexandr., Protrept. ii. 17. Cp. Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 1111 sqq.
1049.
Clemens Alexandr., Protrept. ii. 19.
1050.
Clemens Alexandr., Protrept. ii. 18; Proclus on Plato's Timaeus, iii. 200 D, quoted by Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 562, and by Abel, Orphica, p. 234. Others said that the mangled body was pieced together, not by Apollo but by Rhea. Cornutus, De natura deorum, 30.
1051.
Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 572 sqq. For a conjectural restoration of the temple, based on ancient authorities and an examination of the scanty remains, see an article by Professor J. H. Middleton, in Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. ix. p. 282 sqq.
1052.
Diodorus, iii. 62.
1053.
Macrobius, Comment. in Somn. Scip. i. 12, 12; Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini tres Romae nuper reperti (commonly referred to as Mythographi Vaticani), ed. G. H. Bode (Cellis, 1834), iii. 12, 5, p. 246; Origen, c. Cels. iv. 171, quoted by Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 713.
1054.
Himerius, Orat. ix. 4.
1055.
Proclus, Hymn to Minerva, in Lobeck, Aglaophamus, p. 561; Orphica, ed. Abel, p. 235.
1056.
Hyginus, Fab. 167.
1057.
The festivals of Dionysus were biennial in many places. See Schömann, Griechische Alterthümer,3 ii. 500 sqq. (The terms for the festival were τριετηρίς, τριετηρικός both terms of the series being included in the numeration, in accordance with the ancient mode of reckoning.) Probably the festivals were formerly annual and the period was afterwards lengthened, as has happened with other festivals. See W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, pp. 172, 175; 491, 533 sq., 598. Some of the festivals of Dionysus, however, were annual.
1058.
Firmicus Maternus, De err. prof. relig. 6.
1059.
Mythogr. Vatic. ed. Bode, l.c.
1060.
Plutarch, Consol. ad uxor. 10. Cp. id., Isis et Osiris, 35; id., De ei Delphico, 9; id., De esu carnium, i. 7.
1061.
Pausanias, ii. 31, 2, and 37, 5; Apollodorus, iii. 5, 3.
1062.
Pausanias, ii. 37, 5 sq.; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35; id., Quaest. Conviv. iv. 6, 2.
1063.
Himerius, Orat. iii. 6, xiv. 7.
1064.
For Dionysus, see Lenormant in Daremberg et Saglio, i. 632. For Osiris, see Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), iii. 65.
1065.
Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35; id., Quaest. Graec. 36; Athenaeus, xi. 476 a; Clemens Alexandr., Protrept. ii. 16; Orphica, Hymn xxx. vv. 3, 4, xlv. 1, lii. 2, liii. 8; Euripides, Bacchae, 99; Schol. on Aristophanes, Frogs, 357; Nicander, Alexipharmaca, 31; Lucian, Bacchus, 2.
1066.
Euripides, Bacchae, 920 sqq., 1017.
1067.
Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35; Athenaeus, l.c.
1068.
Diodorus, iii. 64, 2, iv. 4, 2; Cornutus, De natura deorum, 30.
1069.
Diodorus, l.c.; Tzetzes, Schol. in Lycophr. 209; Philostratus, Imagines, i. 14 (15).
1070.
Müller-Wieseler, Denkmäler der alten Kunst, ii. pl. xxxiii.; Daremberg et Saglio, i. 619 sq., 631; Roscher, Ausführl. Lexikon, i. c. 1149 sqq.
1071.
Welcker, Alte Denkmäler, v. taf. 2.
1072.
Plutarch, Quaest. Graec. 36; id., Isis et Osiris, 35.
1073.
Nonnus, Dionys. vi. 205.
1074.
Firmicus Maternus, De errore profan. religionum, 6.
1075.
Euripides, Bacchae, 735 sqq.; Schol. on Aristophanes, Frogs, 357.
1076.
Hesychius, s.v. Ἔριφος ὁ Διόνυσος, on which there is a marginal gloss ὁ μικρὸς αἴξ, ὁ ἐν τῷ ἔαρι φαινόμενος, ἤγουν ὁ πρώϊμος; Stephanus Byzant. s.v. Ἀκρώρεια. The title Εἰραφιώτης is probably to be explained in the same way. [Homer], Hymn xxxiv. 2; Porphyry, De abstin. iii. 17; Dionysius, Perieg. 576; Etymolog. Magnum, p. 371, 57.
1077.
Apollodorus, iii. 4, 3.
1078.
Ovid, Metam. v. 329; Antoninus Liberalis, 28; Mythogr. Vatic. ed. Bode, i. 86, p. 29.
1079.
Arnobius, Adv. nationes, v. 19. Cp. Suidas, s.v. αἰγίζειν. As fawns appear to have been also torn in pieces at the rites of Dionysus (Photius, s.v. νεβρίζειν; Harpocration, s.v. νεβρίζων), it is probable that the fawn was another of the god's embodiments. But of this there seems no direct evidence. Fawn-skins were worn both by the god and his worshippers (Cornutus, De natura deorum, c. 30). Similarly the female Bacchanals wore goat-skins (Hesychius, s.v. τραγηφόροι).
1080.
Varro, De re rustica i. 2, 19; Virgil, Georg. ii. 380, and Servius, ad I., and on Aen. iii. 118; Ovid, Fasti, i. 353 sqq.; id., Metam. xv. 114 sq.; Cornutus, De natura deorum, 30.
1081.
Euripides, Bacchae, 138 sq. ἀγρεύων αἷμα τραγοκτόνον, ὡμοφάγον χάριν.
1082.
Schol. on Aristophanes, Frogs, 357.
1083.
Hera αἱγοφάγος at Sparta, Pausanias, iii. 15, 9 (cp. the representation of Hera clad in a goat's skin, with the animal's head and horns over her head, Müller-Wieseler, Denkmäler der alten Kunst, i. No. 299 b); Apollo ὁψοφάγος at Elis, Athenaeus, 346 b; Artemis καπροφάγος in Samos, Hesychius, s.v. καπροφάγος; cp. id., s.v. κριοφάγος. Divine titles derived from killing animals are probably to be similarly explained, as Dionysus αἱγόβολος, Pausanias ix. 8, 2; Rhea or Hecate κυνοσφαγής, Tzetzes, Schol. in Lycophr. 77; Apollo λυκοκτόνος, Sophocles, Electra, 6; Apollo σαυροκτόνος, Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxxiv. 70.
1084.
Porphyry, De abstin. ii. 55.
1085.
Pausanias, ix. 8, 2.
1086.
Plutarch, Quaest. Graec. 38.
1087.
Aelian, Nat. An. xii. 34. Cp. W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, i. 286 sqq.
1088.
It is to be remembered that on the Mediterranean coasts the harvest never falls so late as autumn.
1089.
On Demeter as a corn-goddess see Mannhardt, Mythologische Forschungen, p. 224 sqq.; on Proserpine in the same character see Cornutus, De nat. deor. c. 28; Varro in Augustine, Civ. Dei, vii. 20; Hesychius, s.v. Φερσεφόνεια; Firmicus Maternus, De errore prof. relig. 17. In his careful account of Demeter as a corn-goddess Mannhardt appears to have overlooked the very important statement of Hippolytus (Refut. omn. haeres. v. 8, p. 162, ed. Duncker and Schneidewin) that at the initiation into the Eleusinian mysteries (the most famous of all the rites of Demeter) the central mystery revealed to the initiated was a reaped ear of corn.
1090.
Welcker, Griechische Götterlehre, ii. 532; Preller, in Pauly's Real-Encyclopädie für class. Alterthumswiss. vi. 107; Lenormant, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dictionnaire des Antiquités grecques et romaines, i. pt. ii. 1047 sqq.
1091.
Homer, Hymn to Demeter; Apollodorus, i. 5; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 425 sqq.; id., Metam. v. 385 sqq.
1092.
A third, according to Homer, H. to Demeter, 399, and Apollodorus, i. 5, 3; a half, according to Ovid, Fasti, iv. 614; id., Metam. v. 567; Hyginus, Fab. 146.
1093.
Schömann, Griech. Alterthümer,3 ii. 393; Preller, Griech. Mythologie,3 i. 628 sq., 644 sq., 650 sq. The evidence of the ancients on this head, though not full and definite, seems sufficient. See Diodorus, v. 4; Firmicus Maternus, cc. 7, 27; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 69; Apuleius, Met. vi. 2; Clemens Alex., Protrept. ii. §§ 12, 17.
1094.
Mythol. Forschungen, p. 292 sqq.
1095.
Etymol. Magnum, p. 264, 12 sq.
1096.
O. Schrader, Sprachvergleichung und Urgeschichte2 (Jena, 1890), pp. 409, 422; V. Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Hausthiere in ihrem Uebergang aus Asien,4 p. 54. Δηαί is doubtless equivalent etymologically to ζειαί, which is often taken to be spelt, but this seems uncertain.
1097.
Hesiod, Theog. 971; Lenormant, in Daremberg et Saglio, i. pt. ii. p. 1029.
1098.
W. Mannhardt, Mythol. Forsch. p. 296.
1099.
Ib. p. 297.
1100.
Ib. p. 297 sq.
1101.
Ib. p. 299.
1102.
Ib. p. 300.
1103.
Ib. p. 310.
1104.
W. Mannhardt, Mythol. Forsch. p. 310 sq.
1105.
Ib. p. 316.
1106.
Ib. p. 316.
1107.
Ib. p. 316 sq.
1108.
See above, pp. 16 sq., 286 sq.
1109.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 317.
1110.
Ib. p. 317 sq.
1111.
Ib. p. 318.
1112.
W. Mannhardt, Mythol. Forsch. p. 318.
1113.
Ib. p. 318 sq.
1114.
Sébillot, Coutumes populaires de la Haute-Bretagne, p. 306.
1115.
W. Mannhardt, M. F. p. 319.
1116.
Ib. p. 320.
1117.
Mannhardt, Mythol. Forsch. p. 321.
1118.
Ib. pp. 321, 323, 325 sq.
1119.
Ib. p. 323; Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, ii. p. 219, No. 403.
1120.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 325.
1121.
Ib. p. 323.
1122.
Ib.
1123.
Ib. p. 323 sq.
1124.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 324.
1125.
Ib. p. 320.
1126.
Ib. p. 325.
1127.
See abbove, p. 83 sqq.
1128.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 324.
1129.
Ib. p. 324 sq.
1130.
Ib. p. 325.
1131.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 327.
1132.
Ib. p. 328.
1133.
Jamieson, Dictionary of the Scottish Language, s.v. “Maiden”; W. Mannhardt, Mythol. Forschungen, p. 326.
1134.
Communicated by my friend Prof. W. Ridgeway, of Queen's College, Cork.
1135.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 328.
1136.
Ib.
1137.
Ib. p. 328 sq.
1138.
Ib. p. 329.
1139.
Ib. p. 330.
1140.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 330.
1141.
Ib. p. 331.
1142.
Ib. p. 331.
1143.
Ib. p. 332.
1144.
Hutchinson, History of Northumberland, ii. ad finem, 17, quoted by Brand, Popular Antiquities, ii. 20, Bohn's ed.
1145.
Quoted by Brand, op. cit. ii. 22.
1146.
W. Mannhardt, Mythol. Forsch. p. 333 sq.
1147.
Ib. p. 334.
1148.
Ib. p. 334.
1149.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 336.
1150.
Ib. p. 336.
1151.
Ib. p. 336; Baumkultus, p. 612.
1152.
W. Mannhardt, Die Korndämonen, p. 28.
1153.
W. Mannhardt, l.c.
1154.
Ib.; Henderson, Folk-lore of the Northern Counties, p. 87; Brand, Popular Antiquities, ii. 20, Bohn's ed.; Chambers's Book of Days, ii. 377 sq. Cp. Folk-lore Journal, vii. 50.
1155.
Brand, op. cit. ii. 21 sq.
1156.
Folk-lore Journal, vi. 268 sq.
1157.
From information supplied by Archie Leitch, gardener, Rowmore, Garelochhead.
1158.
Communicated by Mr. Macfarlane of Faslane, Gareloch.
1159.
Jamieson, Dictionary of the Scottish Language, s.v. “Maiden.”
1160.
W. Gregor, in Revue des Traditions populaires, iii. 533 (485 B); id., Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland, p. 182. An old Scottish name for the Maiden (autumnalis nymphula) was Rapegyrne. See Fordun, Scotichron. ii. 418, quoted in Jamieson's Dict. of the Scottish Language, s.v. “Rapegyrne.”
1161.
W. Mannhardt, Die Korndämonen, p. 30; Folk-lore Journal, vii. 50.
1162.
W. Mannhardt, l.c.; Sommer, Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche aus Sachsen und Thüringen, p. 160 sq.
1163.
See above, p. 83 sqq.
1164.
Above, pp. 333, 344.
1165.
Above, p. 307.
1166.
Above, p. 67 sqq.
1167.
Above, pp. 334, 335.
1168.
Above, pp. 334, 345.
1169.
See above, p. 335 sq.
1170.
Above, p. 340; cp. Kuhn, Westfälische Sagen, Gebräuche und Märchen, ii. No. 516.
1171.
Above, pp. 336, 337, 345.
1172.
See above, p. 9 sqq.
1173.
Above, p. 341.
1174.
Above, p. 338.
1175.
Above, p. 334, cp. 335.
1176.
Above, pp. 334, 345.
1177.
Above, p. 344 sq.; W. Mannhardt, Korndämonen, pp. 7, 26. Amongst the Wends the last sheaf, made into a puppet and called the Old Man, is hung in the hall till next year's Old Man is brought in. Schulenburg, Wendisches Volksthum, p. 147. In Inverness and Sutherland the Maiden is kept till the next harvest. Folk-lore Journal, vii. 50, 53 sq. Cp. Kuhn, Westfälische Sagen, Gebräuche und Märchen, ii. Nos. 501, 517.
1178.
Acosta, Hist. of the Indies, v. c. 28, vol. ii. p. 374 (Hakluyt Society, 1880).
1179.
W. Mannhardt, Mythol. Forsch. p. 342 sq. Mannhardt's authority is a Spanish tract (Carta pastoral de exortacion e instruccion contra las idolatrias de los Indios del arçobispado de Lima) by Pedro de Villagomez, Archbishop of Lima, published at Lima in 1649, and communicated to Mannhardt by J. J. v. Tschudi.
1180.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique, iii. 40 sqq.
1181.
H. M. Elliot, Supplemental Glossary of Terms used in the North Western Provinces, edited by J. Beames, i. 254.
1182.
Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East,2 i. 187, 192 sqq.
1183.
E. B. Cross, “On the Karens,” in Journal of the American Oriental Society, iv. 309.
1184.
See above, p. 346.
1185.
Veth, Java, i. 524-526.
1186.
Homer, Od. v. 125 sqq.; Hesiod, Theog. 969 sqq.
1187.
See above, p. 343 sq.
1188.
It is possible that a ceremony performed in a Cyprian worship of Ariadne may have been of this nature. Plutarch, Theseus, 20, ἐν δὴ τῇ θυσίᾳ τοῦ Γορπιαίου μηνὸς ἱσταμένου δευτέρα κατακλινόμενον τινα τῶν νεανίσκων φθέγγεσθαι καὶ ποιεῖν ἄπερ ὠδινοῦσαι γυναῖκες. We have already seen grounds for regarding Ariadne as a goddess or spirit of vegetation (above, p. 104). If, however, the reference is to the Syro-Macedonian calendar, in which Gorpiaeus corresponds to September (Daremberg et Saglio, i. 831), the ceremony could not have been a harvest celebration, but may have been a vintage one. Amongst the Minnitarees in North America, the Prince of Neuwied saw a tall strong woman pretend to bring up a stalk of maize out of her stomach; the object of the ceremony was to secure a good crop of maize in the following year. Maximilian, Prinz zu Wied, Reise in das innere Nord-Amerika, ii. 269.
1189.
W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, pp. 468 sq., 480 sqq.; id., Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 288 sq.; id., Mythologische Forschungen, pp. 146 sqq., 340 sqq.; Van Hoëvell, Ambon en de Oeliasers, p. 62 sq.; Wilken, in Indische Gids, June 1884, pp. 958, 963 sq. Cp. Marco Polo, trans. Yule,2 i. 212 sq.
1190.
See above, p. 335 sq.
1191.
Cp. Preller, Griech. Mythol.3 i. 628, note 3. In Greece the annual descent of Proserpine appears to have taken place at the Great Eleusinian Mysteries and at the Thesmophoria, that is, about the time of the autumn sowing. But in Sicily her descent seems to have been celebrated when the corn was fully ripe (Diodorus, v. 4), that is, in summer.
1192.
Homer, Hymn to Demeter, 401 sqq.; Preller, l.c.
1193.
In some places it was customary to kneel down before the last sheaf, in others to kiss it. W. Mannhardt, Korndämonen, 26; id., Mytholog. Forschungen, p. 339; Folk-lore Journal, vi. 270.
1194.
Above, p. 332 sq.
1195.
In the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, she is represented as controlling the growth of the corn. See above, p. 331.
1196.
See above, pp. 305 sqq., 309 sqq.
1197.
Pauly, Real-Encyclopadie der class. Alterthumswiss. v. 1011.
1198.
Above, p. 105 sq.
1199.
Diodorus, i. 14, ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν κατὰ τὸν θερισμόν τούς πρώτους ἀμηθέντας στάχυς θέντας τοὺς ἀνθρώπους κόπτεσθαι πλησίον τοῦ δράγματοσ κ.τ.λ. For θέντας we should perhaps read σύνθεντας, which is supported by the following δράγματος.
1200.
Herodotus, ii. 79; Pollux, iv. 54; Pausanias, ix. 29; Athenaeus, 620 A.
1201.
Brugsch, Adonisklage und Linoslied, p. 24.
1202.
Above, p. 355.
1203.
Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, p. 249 sq.
1204.
Homer, Il. xviii. 570; Herodotus, ii. 79; Pausanias, ix. 29; Conon, Narrat. 19. For the form Ailinus see Suidas, s.v.; Euripides, Orestes, 1395; Sophocles, Ajax, 627. Cp. Moschus, Idyl. iii. 1; Callimachus, Hymn to Apollo, 20.
1205.
Conon, l.c.
1206.
W. Mannhardt, A. W. F. p. 281.
1207.
Pausanias, l.c.
1208.
Pollux, iv. 54; Athenaeus, 619 f, 620 a; Hesychius, svv. Βῶρμον and Μαριανδυνὸς θρῆνος.
1209.
The story was told by Sositheus in his play of Daphnis. His verses have been preserved in the tract of an anonymous writer. See Scriptores rerum mirabilium, ed. Westermann, p. 220; also Athenaeus, 415 b; Schol. on Theocritus, x. 41; Photius, Suidas, and Hesychius, s.v. Lityerses; Apostolius, x. 74. Photius mentions the sickle. Lityerses is the subject of a special study by Mannhardt (Mythologische Forschungen, p. 1 sqq.), whom I follow.
1210.
Pollux, iv. 54.
1211.
In this comparison I closely follow Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 18 sqq.
1212.
Cp. above, p. 340. On the other hand, the last sheaf is sometimes an object of desire and emulation. See p. 336. It is so at Balquhidder also, Folk-lore Journal, vi. 269; and it was formerly so on the Gareloch, Dumbartonshire, where there was a competition for the honour of cutting it, several handfuls of standing corn being concealed under sheaves.—(From the information of Archie Leitch. See note on p. 345).
1213.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 19 sq.
1214.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 20; Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, ii. 217.
1215.
Above, p. 346 sq.
1216.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 22.
1217.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 22.
1218.
Ib. p. 22 sq.
1219.
Ib. p. 23.
1220.
Ib. p. 23 sq.
1221.
Ib. p. 24.
1222.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 24.
1223.
Ib. p. 24.
1224.
Ib. p. 24 sq.
1225.
Ib. p. 25.
1226.
Witzschel, Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Thüringen, p. 223.
1227.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 25 sq.
1228.
C. A. Elliot, Hoshangábád Settlement Report, p. 178, quoted in Panjab Notes and Queries, iii. Nos. 8, 168.
1229.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 31.
1230.
Ib. p. 334.
1231.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 330.
1232.
Ib.
1233.
Ib. p. 331.
1234.
Ib. p. 335.
1235.
Ib. p. 335.
1236.
Above, pp. 335, 341, 350.
1237.
W. Mannhardt, Korndäm., p. 26.
1238.
Above, p. 343.
1239.
W. Mannhardt, M. F. p. 50.
1240.
Ib. p. 50 sq.
1241.
See above, pp. 286 sq., 333, 337, 340, 341.
1242.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 32 sqq. Cp. Revue des Traditions populaires, iii. 598.
1243.
W. Mannhardt, Mythol. Forsch. p. 35 sq.
1244.
Ib. p. 36.
1245.
For the evidence, see ib. p. 36, note 2. The idea which lies at the bottom of the phrase seems to be explained by the following Cingalese custom. “There is a curious custom of the threshing-floor called ‘Goigote’—the tying of the cultivator's knot. When a sheaf of corn has been threshed out, before it is removed the grain is heaped up and the threshers, generally six in number, sit round it, and taking a few stalks, with the ears of corn attached, jointly tie a knot and bury it in the heap. It is left there until all the sheaves have been threshed and the corn winnowed and measured. The object of this ceremony is to prevent the devils from diminishing the quantity of corn in the heap.” C. J. R. Le Mesurier, “Customs and Superstitions connected with the Cultivation of Rice in the Southern Province of Ceylon,” in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S., xvii. (1885) 371. The “key” in the European custom is probably intended to serve the same purpose as the “knot” in the Cingalese custom.
1246.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 39.
1247.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 39 sq.
1248.
Ib. p. 40. For the speeches made by the woman who binds the stranger or the master, see ib. p. 41; Lemke, Volksthümliches in Ostpreussen, i. 23 sq.
1249.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 41 sq.
1250.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 42.
1251.
Ib. p. 42. See above, p. 343. In Thüringen a being called the Rush-cutter used to be much dreaded. On the morning of St. John's Day he was wont to walk through the fields with sickles tied to his ankles cutting avenues in the corn as he walked. To detect him, seven bundles of brushwood were silently threshed with the flail on the threshing-floor, and the stranger who appeared at the door of the barn during the threshing was the Rush-cutter. Witzschel, Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Thüringen, p. 221. With the Binsenschneider compare the Bilschneider. Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, ii. 210 sq.
1252.
W. Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 47 sq.
1253.
Ib. p. 48. To prevent a rationalistic explanation of this custom, which, like most rationalistic explanations of folk-custom, would be wrong, it may be pointed out that a little of the crop is sometimes left on the field for the spirit under other names than “the Poor Old Woman.” Thus in a village of the Tilsit district, the last sheaf was left standing on the field “for the Old Rye-woman.” M. F. p. 337. In Neftenbach (Canton of Zürich) the first three ears of corn reaped are thrown away on the field “to satisfy the Corn-mother and to make the next year's crop abundant.” Ib. In Thüringen when the after-grass (Grummet) is being got in, a little heap is left lying on the field; it belongs to “the Little Wood-woman” in return for the blessing she has bestowed. Witzschel, Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Thüringen, p. 224. At Kupferberg, Bavaria, some corn is left standing on the field when the rest has been cut. Of this corn left standing, they say that “it belongs to the Old Woman,” to whom it is dedicated in the following words— “We give it to the Old Woman; She shall keep it. Next year may she be to us As kind as this time she has been.” M. F. p. 337 sq. These last expressions are quite conclusive. See also Mannhardt, Korndämonen, p. 7 sq. In Russia a patch of unreaped corn is left in the field and the ears are knotted together; this is called “the plaiting of the beard of Volos.” “The unreaped patch is looked upon as tabooed; and it is believed that if any one meddles with it he will shrivel up, and become twisted like the interwoven ears.” Ralston, Songs of the Russian People, p. 251. In the North-east of Scotland a few stalks were sometimes left unreaped for the benefit of “the aul' man.” W. Gregor, Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland, p. 182. Here “the aul' man” is probably the equivalent of the Old Man (der Alte) of Germany.
1254.
M. F. p. 48.
1255.
Ib. p. 48 sq.
1256.
Ib. p. 49.
1257.
Ib. p. 49 sq.; Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube,2 § 400; Töppen, Aberglaube aus Masuren,2 p. 57.
1258.
The explanation of the custom is Mannhardt's. M. F. p. 49.
1259.
Odyssey, xvii. 485 sqq. Cp. Plato, Sophist, 216 a.
1260.
For throwing him into the water, see p. 374.
1261.
Cieza de Leon, Travels, translated by Markham, p. 203 (Hakluyt Society, 1864).
1262.
Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des Nations civilisées du Mexique, i. 274; Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States, ii. 340.
1263.
Bastian, Die Culturländer des alten Amerika, ii. 639 (quoting Herrara). See above, p. 307.
1264.
E. James, Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, ii. 80 sq.; Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes, v. 77 sqq.; De Smet, Voyages aux Montagnes Rocheuses, nouvelle ed. 1873, p. 121 sqq. The accounts by Schoolcraft and De Smet of the sacrifice of the Sioux girl are independent and supplement each other.
1265.
Labat, Relation historique de l'Ethiopie occidentale, i. 380.
1266.
John Adams, Sketches taken during Ten Voyages in Africa between the years 1786 and 1800, p. 25.
1267.
P. Bouche, La Côte des Esclaves, p. 132.
1268.
Arbousset et Daumas, Voyage d'exploration au Nord-est de la Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Esperance, p. 117 sq.
1269.
Panjab Notes and Queries, ii. No. 721.
1270.
Major S. C. Macpherson, Memorials of Service in India, p. 113 sq.; Major-General John Campbell, Wild Tribes of Khondistan, pp. 52-58, etc.
1271.
J. Campbell, op. cit. p. 56.
1272.
S. C. Macpherson, op. cit. p. 115 sq.
1273.
Ib. p. 113.
1274.
S. C. Macpherson, op. cit. p. 117 sq.; J. Campbell, p. 112.
1275.
S. C. Macpherson, p. 118.
1276.
J. Campbell, p. 54.
1277.
Ib. pp. 55, 112.
1278.
S. C. Macpherson, p. 119; J. Campbell, p. 113.
1279.
S. C. Macpherson, p. 127. Instead of the branch of a green tree, Campbell mentions two strong planks or bamboos (p. 57) or a slit bamboo (p. 182).
1280.
J. Campbell, pp. 56, 58, 120.
1281.
Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 288, quoting Colonel Campbell's Report.
1282.
J. Campbell, p. 126. The elephant represented the Earth Goddess herself, who was here conceived in elephant-form; Campbell, pp. 51, 126. In the hill tracts of Goomsur she was represented in peacock-form, and the post to which the victim was bound bore the effigy of a peacock, Campbell, p. 54.
1283.
S. C. Macpherson, p. 130.
1284.
Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 288, referring to Colonel Campbell's Report.
1285.
S. C. Macpherson, p. 129. Cp. J. Campbell, pp. 55, 58, 113, 121, 187.
1286.
J. Campbell, p. 182.
1287.
S. C. Macpherson, p. 128; Dalton, l.c.
1288.
J. Campbell, pp. 55, 182.
1289.
J. Campbell, p. 187.
1290.
J. Campbell, p. 112.
1291.
S. C. Macpherson, p. 118.
1292.
Above, pp. 383, 384.
1293.
Above, pp. 334, 335.
1294.
Above, pp. 333, 344, 345.
1295.
Above, p. 372.
1296.
Above, p. 374.
1297.
Above, pp. 286 sq., 337, 340, 374.
1298.
Above, p. 374.
1299.
W. Mannhardt, Korndämonen, p. 5.
1300.
Pfannenschmid, Germanische Erntefeste, p. 98.
1301.
Above, p. 376 sq.
1302.
Above, p. 235.
1303.
Above, p. 299.
1304.
Above, p. 68.
1305.
I do not know when the corn is reaped in Phrygia; but considering the high upland character of the country, harvest is probably later there than on the coasts of the Mediterranean.
1306.
Above, p. 364 sq.
1307.
Above, p. 365.
1308.
Hesychius, s.v. Βῶρμον.
1309.
Apollodorus, ii. 6, 3.
1310.
The scurrilities exchanged in both ancient and modern times between vine-dressers, vintagers, and passers-by seem to belong to a different category. See W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 53 sq.
1311.
Above, p. 282 sqq.
1312.
Above, p. 283 sq.
1313.
Above, pp. 381, 384, 389.
1314.
For this fact of the probable correspondence of the months, which supplies so welcome a confirmation of the conjecture in the text, I am indebted to my friend Professor W. Robertson Smith, who furnishes me with the following note: “In the Syro-Macedonian calendar Lous represents Ab, not Tammuz. Was it different in Babylon? I think it was, and one month different, at least in the early times of the Greek monarchy in Asia. For we know from a Babylonian observation in the Almagest (Ideler, I. 396) that in 229 b.c. Xanthicus began on February 26. It was therefore the month before the equinoctial moon, not Nisan but Adar, and consequently Lous answered to the lunar month Tammuz.”
1315.
Above, p. 364.
1316.
Apollodorus, ii. 5, 11; Schol. on Apollonius Rhodius, iv. 1396; Plutarch, Parall. 38. Herodotus (ii. 45) discredits the idea that the Egyptians ever offered human sacrifices. But his authority is not to be weighed against that of Manetho (Plutarch, Is. et Os. 73), who affirms that they did.
1317.
E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. § 57.
1318.
Diodorus, i. 88; Plutarch, Is. et Os. 73; cp. id., 30, 33.
1319.
Above, pp. 307, 383, 391.
1320.
Festus, s.v. Catularia. Cp. id., s.v. rutilae canes; Columella, x. 343; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 905 sqq.; Pliny, N. H. xviii. § 14.
1321.
Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, ii. 207, No. 362; Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern, iii. 343.
1322.
Above, pp. 384, 389.
1323.
Above, pp. 381, 383.
1324.
Plutarch, Is. et Os. 18.
1325.
Plutarch, Is. et Os. 22, 30, 31, 33, 73.
1326.
Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (ed. 1878), iii. 81.
1327.
Pausanias, i. 22, 3, viii. 5, 8, viii. 42, 1
1328.
Cornutus, De nat. deor. c. 28.
1329.
Hone, Every-day Book, ii. c. 1170 sq.
1330.
Miss C. S. Burne and Miss G. F. Jackson, Shropshire Folk-lore, p. 372 sq., referring to Mrs. Bray's Traditions of Devon, i. 330.
1331.
Hone, op. cit. ii. 1172.
1332.
Brand, Popular Antiquities, ii. 20 (Bohn's ed.); Burne and Jackson, op. cit. p. 371.
1333.
Burne and Jackson, l.c.
1334.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 185.
1335.
See above, p. 345.
1336.
W. Mannhardt, Myth. Forsch. p. 185.
1337.
Ib.
1338.
Revue des Traditions populaires, ii. 500.
1339.
Above, p. 343.
1340.
U. Jahn, Die deutschen Opfergebräuche bei Ackerbau und Viehzucht, pp. 166-169; Pfannenschmid, Germanische Erntefeste, p. 104 sq.; Kuhn, Westfälische Sagen, Gebräuche und Märchen, ii. Nos. 491, 492; Kuhn und Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche, p. 395, No. 97; Lynker, Deutsche Sagen und Sitten in hessischen Gauen, p. 256, No. 340.