PART VII. (continued 2)

"In reviewing the principal languages of the ancient and modern world, where the migrations of those that spoke them can be traced with certainty, we are struck with the fact that the dwellers in chains of mountains, or on the elevated plains of hilly districts, strongly affect broad vowels and guttural consonants. Compare the German of the Tyrol, Switzerland, or Bavaria, with that of the lowlands of Germany, Westphalia, Hanover, and Mecklenburg: compare the Doric with the Attic, or still more the soft Ionic Greek: follow the Italian of our own day into the mountains of the Abruzzi: pursue the English into the hills of Northumberland; mark the characteristics of the Celtic in the highlands of Wales and Scotland, of the Vascongado, in the hilly ranges of Spain. Everywhere we find the same type; everywhere the same love for broad sounds and guttural forms; everywhere these appear as the peculiarity of mountaineers. The difference of latitude between Holstein and Inspruck is not great; that between Newcastle and Coventry is less; Sparta is more southerly than Athens; Crete more so than either; but this does not explain our problem; its solution is found in the comparative number of feet above the level of the sea, in the hills and the valleys which they enclose."

If true, the bearings of this is important; since, if common physical conditions effect a common physiognomy of language, we may have a certain amount of resemblance without a corresponding amount of ethnological affinity.

PRAXIS.

The following extracts are given in the form of simple texts. They are meant, more especially, to be explained by masters to their classes; and as such were used by myself during the time that I was Professor of the English language and literature at University College. They are almost all taken from editions wherein either a translation or a full commentary can be found by reference. To have enlarged the present Appendix into a full Praxis, would have been to overstep the prescribed limits of the present work.

I.

MŒSO-GOTHIC.

Mark, Chap. 1.

II.

OLD HIGH-GERMAN.

MUSPILLI.

From Schmeller.

III.

ANGLO-SAXON.

Evangelium Nicodemi, xxi.

From Thwaite's Heptateuch.

Hyt wæs ða swiþe angrislic, ða ða Satanas, ðære Helle ealdor and þæs deaþes heretoga, cwæþ to þære Helle; "Gegearwa þe sylfe, þat ðu mæge Chryst onfon; se hyne sylfne gewuldrod hæfð, and ys Godes sunu and eac man, and eac se Deað ys hyne ondrædende, and myn sawl ys swa unrot þæt me þincþ þæt ic alybban ne mæg, for þig he ys mycel wyðerwynna and yfel wyrcende ongean me, and eac ongean þe: and fæla, þe ic hæfde to me gewyld and to atogen, blynde and healte, gebygede and hreoslan, eallo he fram ðe atyhð." Seo Hell þa, swiþe grymme and swiþe egeslice, answarode ða Satanase ðam ealdan deofle, and cwæð: "Hwæt is se þe ys swa strang and swa myhtig, gif he man is, þæt he ne sig þone Deað ondrædende, þe wyt gefyrn beclysed hæfdon, for þam ealle þa þe on eorþan anweald hæfdon þu hig myd þynre myhte to me getuge, and ic hig fæste geheold; and, gif þu swa mihhtig eart swa þu ær wære, hwæt ys se man and se Hælend þe ne sig þone Deað and þyne mihte ondrædende? to forðan ic wat, gif he on mennyscnysse swa mihtig ys, þæt he naþer ne unc ne þond Deað ne ondræt, þonne gefohð he þe and þe byþ æfre wa to ecere worulde." Satanos þa, þæs cwicsusles ealdor þære Helle andswarode, and þus cwæd: "Hwæt twyneð þe, oþþe hwæt ondrædst þu þe þone Hælend to onfonne, mynne wyþerwynnan and eac þynne; Ac forðon ic his costnode, and ic gedyde him þæt eal þæt Iudeisce folc þæt hig wæron ongean him myd yrre and mid andan awehte, and ic gedyde þæt he wæs mid spere gesticod, and ic gedyde þæt hym man dryncan mengde myd eallan and myd ecede, and ic gedyde þæt man hym treowene rode gegearwode, and hyne þær on aheng, and hyne mid næglum gefæstnode and nu æt nextan ic wylle his deað to þe gelædan, and he sceal beon underþeod agwhær ge me ge þe." Seo Hell þa swyþe angrysenlice þus cwœþ; "Wyte þæt ðu swa do þæt he ða deadan fram me ateo, for þam þe her fæla syndon geornfulle fram me mig, þæt hig on me wunian noldon; ac ic wat þæt hig fram mig ne gewytaþ þurh heora agene myhte, butan hig se Ælmytiga God fram me ateo, se þe Lazarum of me genam, þone þe ic heold deadne feower nyht fæstne gebunden, ac ic hyne æft cwicne ageaf þurh his bedodu." Da andswarode Satanas and cwæþ: "Se ylca hyt is se þe Lazarum of unc bam genam." Seo Hell hym þa þus to cwæp. "Eala hic halgige þe þuhr þyne mægenu, and eac þuhr myne, þæt þu næfre ne geþafige pæt he on me cume, for þam þa ic gehyrde, þæt worde his bebodes, ic was myd miclum ege afyriht, and ealle mynne arleasan þenas wæron samod myd me gedrehte and gedrefede, swa þæt we ni myhton Lazarum gehealdan, ac he wæs hyne asceacende eal swa earn þonne he myd hrædum flythe wyle forð afleon, and he swa wæs fram us ræfende, and seo eorþe þe Lazarus deadan lichaman heold, heo hyne cwycne ageaf, and þæt ic nu wat þæt se man þe eall þæt gedyde þæt he ys on Gode strang and myhtig, and gif þu hyne to me lædest, ealle þa þe her syndon on þysum wælhreowan cwearterne beclysde, and on þysum bendum myd synnum gewryðene, ealle he myd þys godcundnysse fram me atyhð, and to lyfe gelæt."

IV.

From Schmid's Anglo-Saxon Laws.

Þis syndon þa domas þe Ælfred se cyning geceas.

Drihten wæs precende þæs word to Moyse and þus cwæð:

1. Ic eam drihten þin god. Ic þe utgelædde of Ægypta land and of heora þeowdome; ne lufa þu oðre fremde godas ofer me.

2. Ne minne naman ne cig þu on idelnesse, forþon þe þu ne bist unscyldig wið me, gif þu on idelnesse cigst minne naman.

3. Gemine þæt þu gehalgie þone ræstedæg. Wyrceað eow syx dagas, and on þam seofaðan restað eow, þu and þin sunu and þine dohter and þin þeowe and þine wylne and þin weorcynten and se cuma þe bið binnan þinan durum. Forþam on syx dagum Crist geworhte heofenas and eorðan, sæas and ealle gesceafta þe on him sint and hine gereste on þam seofaðan dæge, and forþon drihten hine gehalgode.

4. Ara þinum fæder and þinre meder, þa þe drihten sealde þe, þæt þu sy þy leng libbende on eorðan.

5. Ne slea þu.

6. Ne stala þu.

7. Ne lige þu dearnunga.

8. Ne sæge þu lease gewitnesse wið þinum nehstan.

9. Ne wilna þu þines nehstan yrfes mid unrihte.

10. Ne wyrc þu þe gyldene godas oððe seolfrene.

11. Þis synd þa domas þe þu him settan scealt. § 1. Gif hwa gebycge Christenne þeow, VI gear þeowige he, þe seofoðan beo he freoh orceapunga. § 2. Mid swylce hrægle he ineode, mid swilce gange he ut. § 3. Gif he wif sylf hæbbe, gange heo ut mid him. § 4. Gif se hlaford þonne him wif sealde, sy heo and hire beam þæs hlafordes. § 5. Gif se þeowa þonne cwæðe: nelle ic fram minum hlaforde, ne fram minum wife, ne fram minum bearne,—breng hine þonne his hlaford to þære dura þæs temples and þurhþyrlige his eare mid eale to tacne, þæt he sy æfre syððan þeow.

13. Se man þe his gewealdes monnan ofslea, swelte se deaðe. Se-þe hine þonne neades ofsloge oððe unwillum oððe ungewealdes, swylce hine god swa sende on his honda and he hine ne ymb syrede, sy he his feores wyrðe and folcrihtre bot, gif he fryðstowe gesece. Gif hwa þonne of gyrnesse oððe gewealdes ofslea his þone nehstan þurh syrwa, aluc þu hine fram minum weofode, to þam þæt he deaðe swelte.

14. Se-þe slea his fæder oððe his modor, ne sceal deaðe sweltan.

15. Se-þe frione forstæle and he hyne bebycge and hit onbetæled sy, þæt he hine bereccan ne mæg, swelte se deaðe. § 1. Se-se wyrge his fæder oððe his modor, swelte se deaðe.

16. Gif hwa slea his þone nehstan mid stane oððe mid fyste, and he þeah utgangan mæge be stafe, begyte him læce and wyrce his weorc þa hwile, þe he sylf ne mæge.

17. Se-þe slea his agenne þeowne esne oððe mennen, and he ne sy þy dæges dead, þeah he libbe twa niht oððe þreo, ne bið he ealles swa scyldig, forþon þe hit wæs his agen feoh. Gif he þonne sy idæges dead, þonne sitte seo scyld on him.

18. Gif hwa on ceast eacniend wif gewerde, bete þone æfwyrdlan swa him domeras gereccan. Gif heo dead sy, sylle sawle wið sawle.

19. Gif hwa oðrum his eage oðdo, sylle his agen for; toð for toð, handa for handa, fet for fet, bærning for bærning, wund wið wund, læl wið læle.

20. Gif hwa ofslea his þeowe oððe his þeowenne þæt eage ut, and he þonne hi gedo ænigge, gefreoge hi forþon. Gif he þonne toð ofslea, do þæt ylce.

21. Gif oxa ofhnite wer oððe wif, þæt hy deade synd, sy he mid stanum ofweorpod and ne sy his flæsc geeton and se hlaford bið unscyldig. § 1. Gif se oxa hnitol wære twam dagum ære oððe þrym and se hlaford hit wist and hine inne betynan nolde, and he þonne were oððe wif ofsloge, sy he mid stanum ofworpod and sy se hlaford ofslegen oððe forgolden, swa þæt witan to riht findan. § 2. Sunu oððe dohtor gif he ofstinge, þæs ylcan domes sy he wyrðe. § 3. Gif he þonne þeow oððe þeowe mennen ofstynge, gesylle þæm hlaford XXX scill. seolfres and se oxa sy mid stanum ofworpod.

22. Gif hwa adelfe wæterpytte oððe betynedne untyne and hine eft ne betyne, gyld swylc neat swa þær on befealle and hæbbe him þæt dead.

23. Gif oxa oðres mannes oxan gewundige and he þonne dead sy, bebycggen þone oxan and hæbben him þæt weorð gemæne and eac þæt flæsc swa þæs deadan. Gif se hlaford þonne wiste, þæt se oxa hnitol wære and hine healdan nolde, sylle him oðerne oxan fore and hæbbe him ealle þæt flæsc.

24. Gif hwa forstæle oðres oxan and hine ofslea oððe bebycge, sylle twegen wið and feower sceap wið anum. Gif he hæbbe hwæt he sylle, sy he sylf beboht wið þam feoh.

25. Gif þeof brece mannes hus nihtes and he wyrðe þær ofslægen, ne sy he na manslæges scyldig, þe him sloge. Gif he syððan æfter sunnan upgonge þis deð, he bið mansleges scyldig and he þonne sylfa swylte, butan he nyddæda wære. Gif mid him cwicum sy funden þæt he ær stale, be twyfealdum forgylde hit.

26. Gif hwa gewerde oðres monnes wingeard oððe his æceras oððe his landes awuht, gebete swa hit man geeahtige.

27. Gif fyr sy ontended ryt to bærnenne, gebete þone æfwerdelsan se þæt fyr ontendeð.

28. Gif hwa oðfæste his friend feoh, gif he hit sylf stæl, forgylde be twyfealdum. § 1. Gif he nyste, hwa hit stæle, geladige hine sylfne, þæt he þær nan facn ne gefremede. § 2. Gif hit þonne cucu feoh wære and he secge, þæt hit here name oððe þæt hit sylf acwæle, and he gewitnesse hæbbe, ne þearf he þæt gyldan. § 3. Gif he þonne gewitnesse næbbe, and he him ne getriewe ne sy, swerige he þonne.

30. Þa fœmnan þe gewunniað onfon galdorcræftigan and scinlæcan and wiccan, ne læt þu þa libban.

32. And se þe godgeldum onsæcge ofer god ænne, swelte deaðe.

33. Utancumene and ætþeodige ne geswenc þu no, forþon þe ge wæron ælþeodige on Ægypta land.

34. Þa wudewan and þa steopcilde ne sceaððað ne hi nawer deriað. Gif ge þonne elles doð, hi cleopiað to me and ic gehire hi, and ic eow þonne slea mid minum sweorde and ic gedo pæt eowra wif bið wudewan and eowre bearn byð steopcilde.

35. Gif þu feoh to borh gesylle þinum geferan, þe mid þe eardian wille, ne nide þu hine swa nidling and ne gehene þu hine mid þy eacan.

36. Gif man næbbe butan anfeald hrægle hine mid to wreonne and to werianne and he hit to wedde sylle, ær sunnan setlgange sy hit agyfen. Gif þu swa ne dest, þonne cleopað he to me and ic hine gehyre, forþon þe ic eom swiðe mildheort.

37. Ne tæl þu þinne drihten, ne þone hlaford þæs folces ne werge þu.

38. Þine teoðan sceattas and þine frumripan gangendes and weaxendos agyfe þu gode.

39. Ealle þæt flæsc þæt wilddeor læfan, ne etan ge þæt ac syllað hit hundum.

40. Leases mannes word ne recce þu no þæs to gehyranno, ne his domas ne geþafa þu, ne næne gewitnysse æfter him ne saga þu.

41. Ne wend þu þe na on þæs folces unræd and on unriht gewillon hiora spræce and gecleps ofer þin riht, and on þæs unwisestan lare þu ne geþafa.

42. Gif þe becume oðres mannes gymeleas feoh on hand, þeah hit sy þin feonde, gecyðe hit him.

43. Dem þu swiðe emne; de dem þu oðerne dom pæm welegan oðerne þam earman, ne oðerne þam leofran oðerne þam laðran ne deme þu.

44. Onscuna þu a leasunga.

45. Soðfæstne man and unscildigne, ne acwele þu þone æfre.

46. Ne onfo þu næfre medsceattum, forþon hi ablendað ful oft wisra manna geþoht and hiora word onwendað.

47. Þam ælþeodigan and utancumenan ne læt þu na uncuðlice wið hine, ne mid nanum unrihtum þu hine ne drecce.

48. Ne swerigen ge næfre under hæðene godas, ne on nanum þingum ne cleopien ge to him.

V.

OPENING OF BEOWULF.

Edited and Translated by J. M. Kemble.

Hwæt we Gár-Dena, in gear-dagum, þeód-cy˙ninga, þry˙m ge-frunon— hû ða æþelingas ellen fremedon— oft Scy˙ld Scefing, sceaþen(a) þreátum, monegū mægþum, meodo-setla of-teáh— egsode eorl— sy˙ððan ǽrest wearð feá-sceaft funden; he þæs frófre ge-bá(d), weóx under wolcnum, weorð-my˙ndum þáh; oð þ¯ him ǽg-hwly˙c þára ymb-sittendra, ofer hron-ráde, hýran scolde, gomban gy˙ldan— þ¯ wǽs gód cy˙ning— ðæm eafera wǽs æfer cenned, geong in geardum, þone gód sende folce to frófre; fy˙ren-þearfe on-geat, þ¯ híe ǽr drugon, aldor-(le)áse. lange hwíle, him þæs líf-freá, wuldres wealdend, worold-áre for-geaf— Beó-wulf wǽs breme, blǽd wíde sprang, Scy˙ldes eafera, Scede-landum in— swa sceal (wig-fru)ma góde ge-wircean— fromum feo-giftum, on fæder-(feo)rme; þ¯ hine, on y˙lde, eft ge-wunigen wi(l)-ge-síþas, þonne wig cume. leóde ge-lǽsten, lof-dǽdū sceal, in mægþage-hwære, man ge-þeón—— him, ðá Scy˙ld ge-wát tó ge-scæp hwíle fela-hror feran on freán wæ re— hí hy˙ne þá æt-bǽron tó brimes faroðe, swǽse ge-síþas, swá he selfa bæd; þenden wordum weóld wine Scy˙ldinga leóf land-fruma lange áhte—— þær æt hýðe stód hringed-stefna, isig and út-fús, æþelinges fær; á-ledon þá leófne þeóden, beága bry˙ttan, on bearm scipes, mǽrne be mǽste: þær wǽs mádma fela of feor-wegum frætwa ge-lǽded. Ne hýrde ic cy˙mlicor ceol ge-gy˙rwan, hilde-wæpnum and heaðo-wǽdum, billum and by˙rnum him on bearme læg mádma menigo, þa him mid scoldon on flódes æht feor ge-wítan. Nalæs hí hine læssan lácum teódan, þeód-ge-streónum, þon þá dy˙don þe hine, æt frum-sceafte, forð on-sendon, ǽnne ofer ýðe, umbor-wesende. þá gy˙t híe him á-setton segen (gy˙l denne, heáh ofer heáfod— leton holm ber(an) geafon on gár-secg: him wǽs geomor-sefa murnende mód—— men ne cunnon secgan, tó sóðe, séle rædenne, hæleð under heofenū hwá þæm hlæste on-feng.

VI.

THE BATTLE OF BRUNANBURG.

From Warton's History of English Poetry, Ed. 1840. Vol. I. p. lxvii. Translated by R. Taylor.

Æthelstán cyning, eorla drihten, boorna beáh-gyfa, and his bróther eac, Eadmund ætheling, ealdor langne tir, geslogon æt secce, sweorda ecgum, ymbe Brunanburh. Bord-weal clufon, heowon heatho-linda, hamora lafum, eáforan Eadweardes. Swa him geæthele wæs from cneo-mægum thæt híe æt campe oft, with lathra gehwæne, land ealgodon, hord and hámas, hettend crungon. Scotta leode, and scip-flotan, fæge feollon. Feld dennade, secga swate, sith-than sunne úp, on morgen-tíd, mære tuncgol, glád ofer grundas, Godes candel be orht, éces Drihtnes; oth-thæt sio æthele gesceaft, sáh tó setle. Thær læg secg monig, gárum ageted, guman northere, ofer scyld scoten. Swylc Scyttisc eac, werig wiges sæd. West-Seaxe forth, ondlangne dæg eorod-cystum, on last lægdon lathum theodum. Heowon here-flyman, hindan thearle, mecum mylen-scearpum. Myrce ne wyrndon heardes hand-plegan, hæletha nanum, thára the mid Anlafe, ofer ear-geblond, on lides bosme, land gesohton, fæge to feohte. Fife lægon, on thám campstede, cyningas geonge, sweordum aswefede. Swylc seofen éac eorlas Anlafes; unrím heriges, flotan and Sceotta. Thær geflymed wearth Northmanna bregu, nyde gebæded, to lides stefne, litle werede. Cread cnear on-flot, cyning ut-gewat, on fealowe flod, feorh generede. Swylc thær éac se froda, mid fleame cóm, on his cyththe north, Constantinus, har hylderinc Hreman ne thórfte meca gemanan. Her wæs his maga sceard, freonda gefylled, on folc-stede, beslægen æt secce; and his sunu (he) forlet on wæl-stowe, wundum-forgrunden, geongne æt guthe. Gylpan ne thórfte, beorn blanden-feax, bill-geslehtes, eald inwitta; ne Anláf thy má, mid heora here-lafum, hlihan ne thorfton, thæt hí beadu-weorca beteran wurdon, on camp-stede, cumbol-gehnastes, gár mittinge, gumena gemotes, wæpen-gewrixles, thæs the híe on wæl-felda with Eadweardes eáforan plegodon. Gewiton hym tha Northmen, nægledon cnearrum, dreorig daretha láf, on dinges mere, ofer deop wæter, Dyflin secan, eft Yraland, æwisc-mode. Swylce thá gebrother, begen æt samne, cyning and ætheling, cyththe sohton, West Seaxna land, wiges hremige. Læton him behindan, hrá brittian, salowig padan, thone sweartan hræfn, hyrned-nebban; and thone hasean padan, earn æftan hwit, æses brucan, grædigne guth-hafoc; and thæt græge deor, wulf on wealde. Ne wearth wæl máre, on thys igland, æfre gyta, folces gefylled, beforan thissum, sweordes ecgum, thæs the us secgath béc, ealde uthwitan, sith-than eastan hider Engle and Seaxe úp becomon, ofer brade brimu Brytene sohton, wlance wig-smithas, Weales ofer-comon, eorlas árhwáte, eard begeaton.

VII.

HILDIBRAND AND HATHUBRAND.

TEXT OF GRIMM. TRANSLATION IBID.

Also in—Langue et Litérature des Anciens Francs, par G. Gley.

VIII.

OLD SAXON.

FROM THE TEXT OF A. YPEIJ.

Taalkundig Magazijn. P. 1, No. 1.—p. 54.

Psalm LIV.

2. Gehori got gebet min, in ne furuuir bida mina; thenke te mi in gehori mi.

3. Gidruouit bin an tilogon minro, in mistrot bin fan stimmon fiundes, in fan arbeide sundiges.

4. Uuanda geneigedon an mi unreht, in an abulge unsuoti uuaron mi.

5. Herta min gidruouit ist an mi, in forta duodis fiel ouir mi.

6. Forthta in biuonga quamon ouer mi, in bethecoda mi thuisternussi.

7. In ic quad "uuie sal geuan mi fetheron also duuon, in ic fliugon sal, in raston sal."

8. Ecco! firroda ic fliende, inde bleif an eudi.

9. Ic sal beidan sin, thie behaldon mi deda fan luzzilheide geistis in fan geuuidere.

10. Bescurgi, herro, te deile tunga iro, uuanda ic gesag unriht in fluoc an burgi.

11. An dag in naht umbefangan sal sia ouir mura ira, unreht in arbeit an mitdon iro in unreht.

12. In ne te fuor fan straton iro prisma in losunga.

13. Uuanda of fiunt flukit mi, is tholodit geuuisso; in of thie thie hatoda mi, ouir mi mikila thing spreke, ic burge mi so mohti geburran, fan imo.

14. Thu geuuisso man einmuodigo, leido min in cundo min.

15. Thu samon mit mi suota nami muos, an huse gode giengon uuir mit geluni.

16. Cum dot ouir sia, in nithir stigin an hellon libbinda. Uuanda arheide an selethe iro, an mitdon ini.

17. Ic eft te gode riepo, in herro behielt mi.

18. An auont in an morgan in an mitdondage tellon sal ic, in kundon; in he gehoron sal.

19. Irlosin sal an frithe sela mina fan then, thia ginacont mi, uuanda under managon he uuas mit mi.

20. Gehorun sal got in ginetheron sal sia; thie ist er uueroldi.

21. Ne geuuisso ist ini uuihsil; in ne forchtedon got. Theneda hant sina an uuitherloni.

IX.

MODERN DUTCH OF HOLLAND.

Mark, Chap. I.

1. Het begin des Evangelies van Jezus Christus, den Zoon van God.

2. Gelijk geschreven is in de Profeten: ziet, Ik zend mijnen Engel voor uw aangezigt, die uwen weg voor u heen bereiden zal.

3. De stem des roependen in de woestijn: bereidt den weg des Heeren, maakt zijne paden regt!

4. Johannes was doopende in de woestijn, en predikende den doop der bekeering tot vergeving der zonden.

5. En al het Joodsche land ging tot hem uit, en die van Jerûzalem; en werden allen van hem gedoopt in the rivier de Jordaan, belijdende hunne zonden.

6. En Johannes was gekleed met kemelshaar, en met eenen lederen gordel om zijne lendenen, en at sprinkhannen en wilden honig.

7. En hij predikte, zeggende: na mij komt, die sterker is dan ik, wien ik niet waardig ben, nederbukkende, den riem zijner schoenen te ontbinden.

8. Ik heb ulieden wel gedoopt met water, maar hij zal u doopen met den Heiligen Geest.

9. En het geschiedde in diezelve dagen, dat Jezus kwam van Názareth, gelegen in Galiléa, en werd van Johannes gedoopt in de Jordaan.

10. En terstond, als hij uit het water opklom, zag bij de hemelen opengaan, en den Geest, gelijk eene duive, op hem nederdalen.

11. En er geschiedde eene stem nit de hemelen: gij zijt mijn geliefde Zoon, in denwelken Ik mijn welbehagen heb!

12. En terstond dreef hem de Geest uit in de woestijn.

13. En hij was aldaar in de woestijn vertig dagen, verzocht van den Satan; en was bij de wilde gedierten; en de Engelen dienden hem.

14. En nadat Johannes overgeleverd was, kwam Jezus in Galiléa, predikende het Evangelie van het Koningrijk Gods,

15. En zeggende: de tijd is vervuld, en het Koningrijk Gods nabij gekomen; bekeert u, en gelooft het Evangelie.

16. En wandelende bij de Galilésche zee, zag hij Simon en Andréas, zijnen broeder, werpende het net in de zee (want zij waren visschers);

17 En Jezus zeide tot hen: volgt mij na, en ik zal maken, dat gij visschers der menschen zult worden.

18. En zij, terstond hunne netten verlatende, zijn hem gevolgd.

19. En van daar een weinig voortgegaan zijnde, zag hij Jacobus, den zoon van Zebedéüs, en Johannes, zijnen broeder, en dezelve in het schip hunne netten vermakende.

20. En terstond riep hij hen; en zij, latende hunnen vader Zebedéüs in het schip, met de huurlingen, zijn hem nagevolgd.

21. En zij kwamen binnen Kapernaüm; en terstond op den Sabbatdag in de Synagoge gegaan zijnde, leerde hij.

22. En zij versloegen zich over zijne leer: want hij leerde hen, als magt hebbende, en niet als de Schriftgeleerden.

23. En er was in hunne Synagoge een mensch, met eenen onreinen geest, en hij riep uit,

24. Zeggende: laat af, wat hebben wij met u te doen, gij Jezus Nazaréner! zijt gij gekomen, om ons to verderven? Ik ken u, wie gij zijt, namelijk de Heilige Gods.

25. En Jezus bestrafte hem, zeggende: zwijg stil, en ga nit van hem.

26. En de onreine geest, hem scheurende, en roepende met eene groote stem, ging uit van hem.

27. En zij werden allen verbaasd, zoodat zij onder elkander vraagden, zeggende: wat is dit? wat nieuwe leer is deze, dat hij met magt ook den onreineen geesten gebiedt, en zig hem gehoorzaam zijn!

28. En zijn gerucht ging terstond uit, in het geheel omliggen land van Galiléa.

29. En van stonde aan uit de Synagoge gegaan zijnde, kwamen zij in het huis van Simon en Andréas, met Jacobus en Johannes.

30. En Simons vrouws moeder lag met de koorts; en terstond zeiden zij hem van haar.

31. En hij, tot haar gaande, vattede hare hand, en rigtte ze op; en terstond verliet haar de koorts, en zij diende henlieden.

32. Als het nu avond geworden was, toen de zon onderging, bragten zij tot hem allen, die kwalijk gesteld, en van den duivel bezeten waren.

33. En de geheele stad was bijeenvergaderd omtrent de deur.

34. En hij genas er velen, die door verscheidene ziekten kwalijk gesteld waren; en wierpe vele duivelen uit, en liet de duivelen niet toe te spreken, omdat zij hem kenden.

35. En des morgens vroeg, als het nog diep in den nacht was, opgestaan zijnde, ging hij uit, en ging henen in eene woeste plaats, en bad aldaar.

36. En Simon, en die met hem waren, zijn hem nagevolgd.

37. En zij hem gevonden hebbende, zeiden tot hem: zig zoeken u allen.

38. En hij zeide tot hen: laat ons in de bijliggende vlekken gaan, opdat ik ook daar predike: want daartoe ben ik uitgegaan.

39. En hij predikte in hunne Synagogen, door geheel Galiléa, en wierp de duivelen uit.

40. En tot hem kwam een melaatsche, biddende hem, en vallende voor hem op de knieën, en tothem zeggende: indien gij wilt, gij kunt mij reinigen.

41. En Jezus, met barmhartigheid innerlijk bewogen zijnde, strekte de hand uit, en raakte hem aan, en zeide tot hem: ik wil, word gereinigd.

42. En als hij dit gezegd had, ging de melaatschheid terstond van hem, en hy werd gereinigd.

43. En als hij hem strengelijk verboden had, deed hij hem terstond van zich gaan;

44. En zeide tot hem: zie, dat gij niemand iets zegt; maar ga heen en vertoon u zelven den Priester, en offer voor uwe reiniging, hetgeen Mozes geboden heeft, hun tot eene getuigenis.

45. Maar hij vitgegaan zijnde, begon vele dingen te verkondigen, en dat woord te verbreiden, alzoo dat hij niet meer openbaar in de stad kon komen, maar was buiten in de woeste plaatsen; en zij kwamen tot hem van alle kanten.

X.

OLD NORSE.

THE DESCENT OF ODIN.

From the Edda of Sæmund. Copenhagen Edition.

2. Upp reis Óðinn alda gautr, ok hann á Sleipni söðul um lagði; reið hann niðr þaðan Niflheljar til, mœtti hann hvelpi þeim er or helju kom. 3. Sá var blóðugr, um brjóst framan, ok galdrs föður gól um lengi. Framm reið Óðinn, foldvegr dundi, hann kom at háfu Heljar ranni. 4. Þá reið Óðinn fyr austan dyrr, þar er hann vissi völu leiði. Nam hann vittugri valgaldr kveða, unz nauðig reis, nás orð um kvað: 5. "Hvat er manna þat mér ókunnra, er mér hefir aukit erfit sinni? var ek snivin snjófi ok slegin regni ok drifin döggu, dauð var ek lengi. 6. "Vegtamr ek heiti, sonr em ek Valtams, segðu mér or helju, ek mun or heimi: hveim eru bekkir baugum sánir, flet fagrlig flóð gulli? 7. "Hér stendr Baldri of brugginn mjöðr, skirar veigar, liggr skjöldr yfir; en ásmegir í ofvæni; nauðug sagðak nú mun ek þegja. 8. "Þegiattu völva! þik vil ek fregna, unz alkunna, vil ek enn vita: hverr mun Baldri at bana verða, ok Oðins son aldri ræna? 9. "Höðr berr háfan hróðrbarm þinnig; hann mun Baldri at bana verða, ok Óðins son aldri ræna; nauðug sagðak, nú mun ek þegja. 10. "Þegiattu völva! þik vil ek fregna, unz alkunna, vil ek enn vita: hverr mun heipt Heði hefnt of vinna eða Baldrs bana á bál vega? 11. "Rindr berr i vostrsölum, sá mun Oðins sonr einnættr vega; bond um þvær né höfuð kembir áðr a bál um berr Baldrs andskota; nauðug sagðak, nú mun ek þegja. 12. "Þegiattu völva! þik vil ek fregna, unz alkunna, vil ek enn vita: hverjar 'ro þær meyjar, er at muni gráta ok á himin verpa hálsa skautum? 13. "Ertattu Vegtamr, sem ek hugða, heldr ertu Óðinn, aldinn gautr." "Ertattu völva né vis kona, heldr ertu þriggja þursa móðir. 14. "Heim rið þú, Óðinn! ok ver hróðigr! svá komit manna meir aptr á vit, er lauss Loki liðr or böndum, ok ragna rök rjúfendr koma."

XI.

ICELANDIC.

From Snorro's Heimskringla. Translated by Laing.

Y'NGLINGA SAGA.

KAP. I.

Her Segir frá Landa Skipan.

Sva er sagt, at kringla heimsins, sú er mannfólkit byggir, er mjök vag-skorin: gánga höf stór úr útsjánum inn í jordina. Er þat kunnigt, at haf gengr af Njorvasundum, ok allt út til Jórsala-lands. Af hafinu gengr lángr hafsbotn til landnordrs, er heitir Svartahaf: sa skilr heims þridjúngana: heitir fyrin austan Asia, en fyrir vestan kalla sumir Evrópa, en sumir Enea. En nordan at Svartahafi gengr Sviþjod in mikla eda in kalda. Svíþjód ena miklu kalla sumir menn ecki minni enn Serkland hít mikla; sumir jafna henni vid Bláland hit mikla. Hinn neyrdri lutr Svíþjódar liggr óbygdr af frosti ok kulda, swa sem hinn sydri lutr Blálands er audr af sólarbruna. I Svíþjód eru stór hérut mörg: þar eru ok margskonar þjodir undarligar, ok margar túngur: þar eru risar, ok þar eru dvergar: þar eru ok blámenn; þar eru dýr ok drekar furdulega stórin. Ur Nordri frá fjöllum þeim, er fyrir utan eru bygd alla, fellr á um Svíþjód, sú er at rettu heitir Tanais; hún var fordum köllut Tanaqvísl edr Vanaquísl; hún kémur til sjávar inu i Svarta-haf. I Vanaqlvíslum var þa kallat Vanaland, edr Vanheimr; sú á skiir heimsþridjúngana; heitir fyrir austan Asia, en fyrir vestan Evrópa.

KAP. II.

Frá Asía Mönnum.

Fyrir austan Tanaqvísl í Asía, var kallat Asa-land edr Asaheimr; en höfutborgina, er í var landinu, kölludu þeir Asgard. En í borginni var höfdíngi sá er Odinn var kalladr, þar var blótstadr mikill. Þar var þar sidr at 12 hofgodar vóru æztir; skyldu þeir ráda fyrir blótum ok dómum manna í milli; þat eru Diar kalladir edr drottnar: þeim skyldi þjónustu veita allr folk ok lotníng. Odinn var hermadr mikill ok mjök vidförull, ok eignadiz mörg riki: han var sva Sigrfæll, at í hvörri orustu feck hann gagn. Ok sva kom at hans menn trúdu því, at hann ætti heimilann sigr í hverri orustu. Þat var háttr hans ef ann sendi menn sína til orustu, edr adrar sendifarar, at hann lagdi adr hendur í höfut þeim, ok gaf þeim bjanak; trúdu þeir at þá mundi vel faraz. Sva var ok um hans menn, hvar sem þeir urdu í naudum staddir á sjá edr á landi, þá kölludu þeir á nafn hans, ok þóttuz jafnan fá af þvi fro; þar þottuz þeir ega allt traust er hann var. Hann fór opt sva lángt í brot, at hann dvaldiz í ferdinni mörg misseri.

XII.

SAGA ÓLAFS KONÚNGS TRYGGVASONAR.

Bardagi í Storð.

Hákon konúngr hafði þá fylkt liði síno, ok segja menn at hann steypti af sèr brynjunni áðr orrostan tækist; Hákon konúngr valdi mjök menn með sèr í hirð at afli ok hreysti, svâ sem gert hafði Haraldr konúngr faðir hans; þar var þá með konúngi Þorálfr hinn sterki Skólmsson, ok gekk á aðra hlið konúngi; hann hafði hjálm ok skjöld, kesju ok sverð þat er kallat var Fetbreiðr; þat var mælt at þeir Hákon konúngr væri jafnsterkir; þessa getr Þórðr Sjáreksson í drápu þeirri er hann orti um Þórálf:

En er fylkíngar gengu saman, var fyrst skotit spjótum, þvínæst brugðu menn sverðum; Gerðist þá orostan óð ok mannskjæd; Hákon konúngr ok Þórálfr gengu þá fram um merkin ok hjöggu til beggja handa; Hákon konúngr var auðkendr, meiri enn aðrir menn, lýsti ok mjök af hjálmi hans er sólin shein á; þá varð vopnaburðr mikill at konúngi; tók þá Eyvindr Finnsson hatt einn, ok setti yfir hjálm konúngsins; þá kallaði hátt Eyvindr Skreyja: leynist hann nú Norðmanna konúngr, eðr hefir hann flýit, þvíat horfinn er nú gullhjálmrinn? Eyvindr ok Álfr bróðir hans gengu þá hart fram svâ sem óðir ok galnir væri, hjöggu til beggja handa; þa mælti Hákon konúngr hátt til Eyvindar: haltu svâ fram stefnunni ef þú vill finna hann Norðmanna konúng, Var þá skampt at bíða at Eyvindr kom þar, reiddi upp sverþit ok hjó til konúngs; Þórálfr skaut við honum Eyvindi skildinum, svâ at hann stakaði við; konúngr tók þá tveim höndum sverþit Kvernbít, ok hjó til Eyvindar, klauf hjálminn ok höfuðit alt í herþar niðr; í því bili drap Þórálfr Álf Askmann. Svâ segir Eyvindr Skáldaspillir:

Eptir fall þeirra bræðra gekk Hákon konúngr svâ hart fram at alt hravkk fur honum; sló þá felmt ok flótta á lið Eiríks sona, en Hákon konúngr var í öndverðri sinni fylkíng, ok fylgði fast flóttamönnum, ok hjó tídt ok hart; þá fló ör ein, er Fleinn er kallaðr, ok kom í hönd Hákoni konúngi uppi í músina firir neþan öxl, ok er þat margra manna sögn at skósveinn Gunnhildar, sá er Kispíngr er nefndr, ljóp fram í þysinn ok kallaði: gefi rúm konúngs bananum, ok skaut þá fleinnum til konúngs; en sumir segja at engi vissi hverr skaut; má þat ok vel vera, firir því at örvar ok spjót ok önnur skotvâpn flugu svâ þykkt sem drífa; fjöldi manns fèll þar af Eiríks sonum, en honúngarnir allir komust á skipin, ok rèro þegar undan, en Hákonar menn eptir þeim; svâ segir Þórðr Sjáreksson:

XIII.

MODERN SWEDISH.

FRITHIOFS SAGA.

XI.

Frithiof hos Angantyr.

1. Nu är att säga huru Jarl Angantyr satt än; Uti sin sal af furu, Ock drack med sina män; Han var så glad i hågen, Såg ut åt blånad ban, Der solen sjunk i vågen, Allt som än gyllne svan. 2. Vid fönstret, gamle Halvar Stod utanför på vakt; Hann vaktade med allvar, Gaf ock på mjödet akt. En sed den gamle hade; Hann jemt i botten drack; Ock intet ord hann sade; Blott hornett i hann stack. 3. Nu slängde han det vida I salen in och qvad, "Skepp ser jag böljan rida; Den färden är ej glad. Män ser jag döden nära, Nu lägga de i land: Ock tvenne jättar bära De bleknade på strand." 4. Utöfver böljans spegel, Från salen Jarl såg ned: "Det är Ellidas segel, Och Frithiof, tror jag, med. På gångan och på pannan, Kånns Thorstens son igen: Så blickar ingen annan I Nordens land som den." 5. Från dryckesbord held modig Sprang Atle Viking då: Svartskåggig Berserk, blodig Ock grym at se uppå. "Nu, sad' han, vil jag pröfva, Hvad rycktet ment dermed, At Frithiof svärd kann döfva; Och alldrig ber om fred." 6. Och upp med honom sprungo Hanns bistra kämpar tolf: Med forhand luften stungo, Och svängde svärd ock kolf. De stormade mot stranden, Hvor tröttadt drakskepp stod. Men Frithiof satt å sanden Ock talte kraft och mod. 7. "Lätt kunde jag dig fälla," Shrek Atle med stort gny. "Vill i ditt val dock ställa, Att kämpa eller fly. Men blott on fred du beder Fastän än kämpe hård, Jag som än vän dig leder, Allt up til Jarlens gård." 8. "Väl är jag trött af färden;" Genmälte Frithiof vred, "Dock må vi pröfva svärden, Förr än jag tigger fred." Då såg man stålen ljunga, I solbrun kämpehand; På Angurvadels tunga, Hvar runa stod i brand. 9. Nu skiftas svärdshugg dryga, Och dråpslag hagla nu; Och begges skjöldar flyga, På samma gång itu. De kämpar utan tadel Stå dock i kredsen fast; Men skarpt bet Angurvadel, Och Atles klinga brast. 10. "Mod svärdlös man jag svänger," Sad Frithiof, "ei mitt svärd." Men lyster det dig länger, Vi pröfva annan färd. Som vågor då on hösten, De begge storma an; Ock stållbeklädda brösten, Slå tätt emot hvarann. 11. De brottades som björnar, Uppå sitt fjäll af snö; De spände hop som örnar, Utöfver vredgad sjö. Rodfästad klippa hölle Vel knappast ut att stå; Ock lummig jernek fölle För mindre tag än så. 12. Från pannan svetten lackar, Och bröstet häfves kallt; Och buskar, sten, ock backar, Uppsparkas öfver allt. Med bäfvän slutet bida Stållklädde män å strand; Det brottandet var vida Berömdt i Nordens land. 13. Til slut dock Frithiof fällde Sin fiende til jord, Hann knät mod bröstet ställde, Och tallte vredens ord, "Blott nu mitt svärd jag hade, Du svarte Berserksskägg, Jag genom lifvet lade, På dig den hvassa ägg. 14. "Det skal ei hinder bringa," Sad Atle stolt i håg, "Gå du, ock ta din klinga, Jag licgar som jag låg. Den ena, som den andra, Skal engång Valhall se: Idag skal jag väl vandra; I morgon du kanske." 15. Ei lange Frithiof dröjde; Den lek han sluta vill: Han Angurvadel höjde; Men Atle låg dock still. Det rörde hjeltens sinne; Sin vrede då hann band; Höll midt i huggett inne, Ock tog den fallnes hand.

THE END.

NOTES

[1] Qu. the people of Euten, in Holstein.

[2] Zeus, p. 591.

[3] From Zeuss, v. v. Frisii, Chauci.

[4] The chief works in the two dialects or languages.

[5] Probably, for reasons, too long to enter upon, those of Grutungs and Tervings; this latter pointing to Thuringia, the present provincial dialect of which tract was stated, even by Michaelis, to be more like the Mœso-Gothic than any other dialect of Germany.

[6] Nearly analogous to Ostro-goth, and Visi-goth.

[7] The meaning of these terms is explained in § 90-92. The order of the cases and genders is from Rask. It is certainly more natural than the usual one.

[8] Compare with the Anglo-Saxon adjectives in § 85.

[9] Compare with the Anglo-Saxon adjectives in § 85.

[10] The syllables vulg-, and Belg-, are quite as much alike as Teuton-, and Deut-sch; yet how unreasonable it would be for an Englishman to argue that he was a descendant of the Belgæ because he spoke the Vulgar Tongue. Mutatis mutandis, however, this is the exact argument of nine out of ten of the German writers.

[11] Tacitus, De Mor. Germ. 40.

[12] And on the west of the Old Saxons is the mouth of the river Elbe and Friesland; and then north-west is the land which is called Angle and Sealand, and some part of the Danes.

[13] He sailed to the harbour which is called Hæðum, which stands betwixt the Wends (i.e. the Wagrian Slaves, for which see § 42) and Saxons, and Angle, and belongs to Denmark ... and two days before he came to Hæðum, there was on his starboard Gothland, and Sealand, and many islands. On that land lived Angles, before they hither to the land came.

[14] Zeus, in voc.

[15] Zeus, in voc.

[16] Zeus, in voc.

[17] See G. D. S. Vol. ii. II.

[18] Zeus, p. 492.

[19] As in Amherst and inherent.

[20] The meaning of the note of interrogation is explained in § 148.

[21] Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine.

[22] Natural History of Man.

[23] This list is taken from Smart's valuable and logical English Grammar.

[24] As in Shotover Hill, near Oxford.

[25] As in Jerusalem artichoke.

[26] A sort of silk.

[27] Ancient Cassio—"Othello."

[28] This class of words was pointed out to me by the very intelligent Reader of my first edition.

[29] V. Beknopte Historie van't Vaderland, i. 3, 4.

[30] Hist. Manch. b. i. c. 12.

[31] Dissertation of the Origin of the Scottish Language.—Jamieson's Etymological Dictionary, vol. i. p. 45, 46.

[32] Sir W. Betham's Gael and Cymry, c. iii.

[33] Scripturæ Linguæque Phœniciæ Monumenta, iv. 3.

[34] To say, for instance, Chemist for Chymist, or vice versâ; for I give no opinion as to the proper mode of spelling.

[35] Mr. Pitman, of Bath, is likely to add to his claims as an orthographist by being engaged in the attempt to determine, inductively, the orthoepy of a certain number of doubtful words. He collects the pronunciations of a large number of educated men, and takes that of the majority as the true one.

[36] Gesenius, p. 73.

[37] Write one letter twice.

[38] Rev. W. Harvey, author of Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ Vindex Catholicus.

[39] Murray's Grammar, vol. i. p. 79.

[40] Used as adverbs.

[41] Used as the plurals of he, she, and it.

[42] Different from ilk.

[43] Guest, ii. 192.

[44] Or call-s.

[45] Thou sangest, thou drankest, &c.—For a reason given in the sequel, these forms are less unexceptionable than sungest, drunkest, &c.

[46] Antiquated.

[47] As the present section is written with the single view of illustrating the subject, no mention has been made of the forms τυπῶ (typô), and ἔτυπον (etypon).

[48] Obsolete.

[49] Obsolete.

[50] Obsolete.

[51] The forms marked thus^[51] are either obsolete or provincial.

[52] Obsolete.

[53] Sounded wun.

[54] Obsolete.

[55] Præterite, or Perfect.

[56] Philological Museum, ii. p. 387.

[57] Vol. ii. p. 203.

[58] Found rarely; bist being the current form.—Deutsche Grammatik, i. 894.

[59] Over, under, after.—These, although derived forms, are not prepositions of derivation; since it is not by the affix -er that they are made prepositions. He went over, he went under, he went after—these sentences prove the forms to be as much adverbial as prepositional.

[60] In the first edition of this work I wrote, "Verbs substantive govern the nominative case." Upon this Mr. Connon, in his "System of English Grammar," remarks, "The idea of the nominative being governed is contrary to all received notions of grammar. I consider that the verb to be, in all its parts, acts merely as a connective, and can have no effect in governing anything." Of Mr. Connon's two reasons, the second is so sufficient that it ought to have stood alone. The true view of the so-called verb substantive is that it is no verb at all, but only the fraction of one. Hence, what I wrote was inaccurate. As to the question of the impropriety of considering nominative cases fit subjects for government it is a matter of definition.

[61] The paper On certain tenses attributed to the Greek verb has already been quoted. The author, however, of the doctrine on the use of shall and will, is not the author of the doctrine alluded to in the Chapter on the Tenses. There are, in the same number of the Philological Museum, two papers under one title: first, the text by a writer who signs himself T. F. B.; and, next, a comment, by the editor, signed J. C. H. (Julius Charles Hare). The usus ethicus of the future is due to Archdeacon Hare; the question being brought in incidentally and by way of illustration.

The subject of the original paper was the nature of the so-called second aorists, second futures, and preterite middles. These were held to be no separate tenses, but irregular forms of the same tense. Undoubtedly this has long been an opinion amongst scholars; and the writer of the comments is quite right in stating that it is no novelty to the learned world. I think, however, that in putting this forward as the chief point in the original paper, he does the author somewhat less than justice. His merit, in my eyes, seems to consist, not in showing that real forms of the aoristus secundus, futurum secundum, and præteritum medium were either rare or equivocal (this having been done before), but in illustrating his point from the English language; in showing that between double forms like συνελέχθην and συνελέγην, and double forms like hang and hanged, there was only a difference in degree (if there was that), not of kind; and, finally, in enouncing the very legitimate inference, that either we had two preterites, or that the Greeks had only one. "Now, if the circumstances of the Greek and English, in regard to these two tenses, are so precisely parallel, a simple and obvious inquiry arises, Which are in the right, the Greek grammarians or our own? For either ours must be wrong in not having fitted up for our verb the framework of a first and second preterite, teaching the pupil to say, 1st pret. I finded, 2d pret. I found; 1st pret. I glided, 2d pret. I glode: or the others must be so in teaching the learner to imagine two aorists for εὑρίσκω, as, aor. 1, εὕρησα, aor. 2, ἑῦρον; or for ἀκούω, aor. 1, ἤκουσα, aor. 2, ἤκοον."—p. 198.

The inference is, that of the two languages it is the English that is in the right. Now the following remarks, in the comment, upon this inference are a step in the wrong direction:—"The comparison, I grant, is perfectly just; but is it a just inference from that comparison, that we ought to alter the system of our Greek grammars, which has been drawn up at the cost of so much learning and thought, for the sake of adapting it to the system, if system it can be called, of our own grammars, which are seldom remarkable for anything else than their slovenliness, their ignorance, and their presumption? Is the higher to be brought down to the level of the baser? is Apollo to be drest out in a coat and waistcoat? Rather might it be deemed advisable to remodel the system of our own grammars."

This, whether right or wrong as a broad assertion, was, in the case in hand, irrelevant. No general superiority had been claimed for the English grammars. For all that had been stated in the original paper they might, as compared with the Greek and Latin, be wrong in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred. All that was claimed for them was that they were right in the present instance; just as for a clock that stands may be claimed the credit of being right once in every twelve hours. That the inference in favour of altering the system of the Greek grammars is illegitimate is most undeniably true; but then it is an inference of the critic's not of the author's. As the illustration in question has always seemed to me of great value,—although it may easily be less original than I imagine,—I have gone thus far towards putting it in a proper light.

Taking up the question where it is left by the two writers in question, we find that the difficulties of the so-called second tenses in Greek are met by reducing them to the same tense in different conjugations; and, according to the current views of grammarians, this is a point gained. Is it so really? Is it not rather the substitution of one difficulty for another? A second conjugation is a second mode of expressing the same idea, and a second tense is no more. Real criticism is as unwilling to multiply the one as the other. Furthermore, the tendency of English criticism is towards the very doctrines which the Greek grammarian wishes to get rid of. We have the difficulty of a second conjugation: but, on the other hand, instead of four past tenses (an imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, and aorist), we have only one (the aorist). Now, when we find that good reasons can be given for supposing that the strong preterite in the Gothic languages was once a reduplicate perfect, we are at liberty to suppose that what is now the same tense under two forms, was, originally, different tenses. Hence, in English, we avoid the difficulty of a second conjugation by the very same process which we eschew in Greek; viz., the assumption of a second tense. But this we can do, as we have a tense to spare.

Will any process reconcile this conflict of difficulties? I submit to scholars the following hypotheses:—

1. That the true second future in Greek (i.e., the future of verbs with a liquid as a characteristic) is a variety of the present, formed by accentuating the last syllable; just as I beát you=I will beat you.

2. That this accent effects a change on the quantity and nature of the vowel of the penultimate.

3. That the second aorist is an imperfect formed from this secondary present.

4. That the so-called perfect middle is a similar perfect active.

[62] Transactions of Philological Society. No. 90, Jan. 25, 1850.

[63] Notwithstanding the extent to which a relative may take the appearance of conjunction, there is always one unequivocal method of deciding its true nature. The relative is always a part of the second proposition. A conjunction is no part of either.

[64] Unless another view be taken of the construction, and it be argued that ἔδωκε is, etymologically speaking, no aorist but a perfect. In form, it is almost as much one tense as another. If it wants the reduplication of the perfect, it has the perfect characteristic κ, to the exclusion of the aorist σ; and thus far the evidence is equal. The persons, however, are more aorist than perfect. For one of Mathiæ's aorists (μεθῆκε) a still better case might be made, showing it to be, even in etymology, more perfect than aorist.

[65] It is almost unnecessary to state that the sentence quoted in the text is really a beautiful couplet of Withers's poetry transposed. It was advisable to do this, for the sake of guarding against the effect of the rhyme. To have written,

would have made the grammar seem worse than it really was, by disappointing the reader of a rhyme. On the other hand, to have written,

would have made the grammar seem better than it really was, by supplying one.

[66] In the first edition of the present work I inaccurately stated that neither should take a plural and either a singular verb; adding that "in predicating something concerning neither you nor I, a negative assertion is made concerning both. In predicating something concerning either you or I, a positive assertion is made concerning one of two." This Mr. Connon (p. 129) has truly stated to be at variance with the principles laid down by me elsewhere.

[67] Latin Prose Composition, p. 123.

[68] Quoted from Guest's English Rhythms.

[69] To the definition in the text, words like old and bold form no exception. At the first view it may be objected that in words like old there is no part preceding the vowel. Compared, however, with bold, the negation of that part constitutes a difference. The same applies to words like go and lo, where the negation of a part following the vowel is a point of identity. Furthermore, I may observe, that the word part is used in the singular number. The assertion is not that every individual sound preceding the vowel must be different, but that the aggregate of them must be so. Hence, pray and bray (where the r is common to both forms) form as true a rhyme as bray and play, where all the sounds preceding a, differ.

[70] For prosópa. The Greek has been transliterated into English for the sake of showing the effect of the accents more conveniently.

[71] For the sake of showing the extent to which the accentual element must be recognised in the classical metres, I reprint the following paper On the Doctrine of the Cæsura in the Greek senarius, from the Transactions of the Philological Society, June 23, 1843:—

"In respect to the cæsura of the Greek tragic senarius, the rules, as laid down by Porson in the Supplement to his Preface to the Hecuba, and as recognized, more or less, by the English school of critics, seem capable of a more general expression, and, at the same time, liable to certain limitations in regard to fact. This becomes apparent when we investigate the principle that serves as the foundation to these rules; in other words, when we exhibit the rationale, or doctrine, of the cæsura in question. At this we can arrive by taking cognizance of a second element of metre beyond that of quantity.

"It is assumed that the element in metre which goes, in works of different writers, under the name of ictus metricus, or of arsis, is the same as accent, in the sense of that word in English. It is this that constitutes the difference between words like týrant and resúme, or súrvey and survéy; or (to take more convenient examples) between the word Aúgust, used as the name of a month, and augúst, used as an adjective. Without inquiring how far this coincides with the accent and accentuation of the classical grammarians, it may be stated that, in the forthcoming pages, arsis, ictus metricus, and accent (in the English sense of the word), mean one and the same thing. With this view of the arsis, or ictus, we may ask how far, in each particular foot of the senarius, it coincides with the quantity.

First Foot.—In the first place of a tragic senarius it is a matter of indifference whether the arsis fall on the first or second syllable; that is, it is a matter of indifference whether the foot be sounded as týrant or as resúme, as Aúgust or as augúst. In the following lines the words ἡκω, παλαι, εἰπερ, τινας, may be pronounced either as ἡ´κω, πα´λαι, ει´περ, τι´νας, or as ἡκω´, παλαι´, ειπερ´, τινα´ς, without any detriment to the character of the line wherein they occur.

or,

Second Foot.—In the second place, it is also a matter of indifference whether the foot be sounded as Aúgust or as augúst. In the first of the four lines quoted above we may say either νε´κρων or νεκρω´ν, without violating the rhythm of the verse.

Third Foot.—In this part of the senarius it is no longer a matter of indifference whether the foot be sounded as Aúgust or as augúst; that is, it is no longer a matter of indifference whether the arsis and the quantity coincide. In the circumstance that the last syllable of the third foot must be accented (in the English sense of the word), taken along with a second fact, soon about to be exhibited, lies the doctrine of the penthimimer and hepthimimer cæsuras.

The proof of the coincidence between the arsis and the quantity in the third foot is derived partly from a posteriori, partly from a priori evidence.

1. In the Supplices of Æschylus, the Persæ, and the Bacchæ, three dramas where licences in regard to metre are pre-eminently common, the number of lines wherein the sixth syllable (i. e., the last half of the third foot) is without an arsis, is at the highest sixteen, at the lowest five; whilst in the remainder of the extant dramas the proportion is undoubtedly smaller.

2. In all lines where the sixth syllable is destitute of ictus, the iambic character is violated: as

These are facts which may be verified either by referring to the tragedians, or by constructing senarii like the lines last quoted. The only difficulty that occurs arises in determining, in a dead language like the Greek, the absence or presence of the arsis. In this matter the writer had satisfied himself of the truth of the two following propositions:—1. That the accentuation of the grammarians denotes some modification of pronunciation other than that which constitutes the difference between Aúgust and augúst; since, if it were not so, the word ἄγγελον would be sounded like mérrily, and the word ἀγγέλων like disáble; which is improbable, 2. That the arsis lies upon radical rather than inflectional syllables, and out of two inflectional syllables upon the first rather than the second; as βλε´π-ω, βλεψ-α´σ-α, not βλεπ-ω´, βλεψ-ασ-α´. The evidence upon these points is derived from the structure of language in general. The onus probandi lies with the author who presumes an arsis (accent in the English sense) on a non-radical syllable. Doubts, however, as to the pronunciation of certain words, leave the precise number of lines violating the rule given above undetermined. It is considered sufficient to show that wherever they occur the iambic character is violated.

The circumstance, however, of the last half of the third foot requiring an arsis, brings us only half way towards the doctrine of the cæsura. With this must be combined a second fact, arising out of the constitution of the Greek language in respect to its accent. In accordance with the views just exhibited, the author conceives that no Greek word has an arsis upon the last syllable, except in the three following cases:—

1. Monosyllables, not enclitic; as σφω´ν, πα´ς, χθω´ν, δμω´ς, νω´ν, νυ´ν, &c.

2. Circumflex futures; as νεμω´, τεμω´, &c.

3. Words abbreviated by apocope; in which case the penultimate is converted into a final syllable; δω´μ', φειδεσ´θ', κεντει´τ', εγω´γ', &c.

Now the fact of a syllable with an arsis being, in Greek, rarely final, taken along with that of the sixth syllable requiring, in the senarius, an arsis, gives as a matter of necessity, the circumstance that, in the Greek drama, the sixth syllable shall occur anywhere rather than at the end of a word; and this is only another way of saying, that, in a tragic senarius, the syllable in question shall generally be followed by other syllables in the same word. All this the author considers as so truly a matter of necessity, that the objection to his view of the Greek cæsura must lie either against his idea of the nature of the accents, or nowhere; since, that being admitted, the rest follows of course.

As the sixth syllable must not be final, it must be followed in the same word by one syllable, or by more than one.

1. The sixth syllable followed by one syllable in the same word.—This is only another name for the seventh syllable occurring at the end of a word, and it gives at once the hepthimimer cæsura: as

2. The sixth syllables followed by two (or more) syllables in the same word. This is only another name for the eighth (or some syllable after the eighth) syllable occurring at the end of a word; as

Now this arrangement of syllables, taken by itself, gives anything rather than a hepthimimer; so that if it was at this point that our investigations terminated, little would be done towards the evolution of the rationale of the cæsura. It will appear, however, that in those cases where the circumstance of the sixth syllable being followed by two others in the same words, causes the eighth (or some syllable after the eighth) to be final, either a penthimimer cæsura, or an equivalent, will, with but few exceptions, be the result. This we may prove by taking the eighth syllable and counting back from it. What follows this syllable is immaterial: it is the number of syllables in the same word that precedes it that demands attention.

1. The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by nothing.—This is equivalent to the seventh syllable at the end of the preceding word: a state of things which, as noticed above, gives the hepthimimer cæsura.

2. The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by one syllable.—This is equivalent to the sixth syllable at the end of the word preceding; a state of things which, as noticed above, rarely occurs. When however it does occur, one of the three conditions under which a final syllable can take an arsis must accompany it. Each of these conditions requires notice.

α). With a non-enclitic mono-syllable the result is a penthimimer cæsura; since the syllable preceding a monosyllable is necessarily final.

No remark has been made by critics upon lines constructed in this manner, since the cæsura is a penthimimer, and consequently their rules are undisturbed.

β). With poly-syllabic circumflex futures constituting the third foot, there would be a violation of the current rules respecting the cæsura. Notwithstanding this, if the views of the present paper be true, there would be no violation of the iambic character of the senarius. Against such a line as

there is no argument a priori on the score of the iambic character being violated; whilst in respect to objections derived from evidence a posteriori, there is sufficient reason for such lines being rare.

γ). With poly-syllables abbreviated by apocope, we have the state of things which the metrists have recognised under the name of quasi-cæsura; as

3. The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by two syllables.—This is equivalent to the fifth syllable occurring at the end of the word preceding: a state of things which gives the penthimimer cæsura; as

4. The eighth syllable preceded in the same word by three or more than three syllables.—This is equivalent to the fourth (or some syllable preceding the fourth) syllable occurring at the end of the word preceding; a state of things which would include the third and fourth feet in one and the same word. This concurrence is denounced in the Supplement to the Preface to the Hecuba; where, however, the rule, as in the case of the quasi-cæsura, from being based upon merely empirical evidence, requires limitation. In lines like

or (an imaginary example),

there is no violation of the iambic character, and consequently no reason against similar lines having been written; although from the average proportion of Greek words like επεικασαι and ασπιδηστροφοισιν, there is every reason for their being rare.

After the details just given, the recapitulation is brief.

1. It was essential to the character of the senarius that the sixth syllable, or latter half of the third foot, should have an arsis, ictus metricus, or accent in the English sense. To this condition of the iambic rhythm the Greek tragedians, either consciously or unconsciously, adhered.

2. It was the character of the Greek language to admit an arsis on the last syllable of a word only under circumstances comparatively rare.

3. These two facts, taken together, caused the sixth syllable of a line to be anywhere rather than at the end of a word.

4. If followed by a single syllable in the same word, the result was a hepthimimer cæsura.

5. If followed by more syllables than one, some syllable in an earlier part of the line ended the word preceding, and so caused either a penthimimer, a quasi-cæsura, or the occurrence of the third and fourth foot in the same word.

6. As these two last-mentioned circumstances were rare, the general phænomenon presented in the Greek senarius was the occurrence of either the penthimimer or hepthimimer.

7. Respecting these two sorts of cæsura, the rules, instead of being exhibited in detail, may be replaced by the simple assertion that there should be an arsis on the sixth syllable. From this the rest follows.

8. Respecting the non-occurrence of the third and fourth feet in the same word, the assertion may be withdrawn entirely.

9. Respecting the quasi-cæsura, the rules, if not altogether withdrawn, may be extended to the admission of the last syllable of circumflex futures (or to any other polysyllables with an equal claim to be considered accented on the last syllable) in the latter half of the third foot.

[72] Sceolon, aron, and a few similar words, are no real exceptions, being in structure not present tenses but preterites.

[73] Quarterly Review, No. clxiv.

[74] Quarterly Review, No. clxiv.

[75] From the Quarterly Review, No. cx.

[76] From the Quarterly Review, No. cx.

[77] Apparently a lapsus calami for spede.

[78] J. M. Kemble, "On Anglo-Saxon Runes," Archæologia, vol. xxviii.

[79] But not of Great Britain. The Lowland Scotch is, probably, more Danish than any South-British dialect.

[80] In opposition to the typical Northumbrian.

[81] Quarterly Review—ut supra.

[82] The subject is a Lincolnshire tradition; the language, also, is pre-eminently Danish. On the other hand, the modern Lincolnshire dialect is by no means evidently descended from it.

[83] For some few details see Phil. Trans., No. 36.

[84] Transactions of the Philological Society. No. 93.

[85] Philological Transactions. No. 84.

[86] Transactions of the Philological Society, No. 92.

[87] Quarterly Review, vol. xliii.