Volume 4 — THE CORRESPONDENCE OF JOHN ADAMS.

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.

York, in Pennsylvania, December 3d, 1777.

Dear Sir,

With great pleasure to ourselves we discharge our duty, by enclosing to you your commission for representing these United States at the Court of France. We are by no means willing to admit a thought of your declining this important service, and therefore we send duplicates of the commission, and the late resolves, in order that you may take one set with you, and send the other by another vessel.

These are important papers, and therefore we wish they may be put into the hands of a particular and careful person, with directions to deliver them himself into the hands of the Commissioners. Mr Hancock, before he left this place, said that he intended to send a gentleman to France on some particular business. Cannot we prevail to get this gentleman to undertake the delivery of our packet to the Commissioners, they paying the expense of travel to Paris, and back again to his place of business?

It is unnecessary to mention the propriety of directing these despatches to be bagged with weight proper for sinking them, on any immediate prospect of their otherwise falling into the enemy's hands.

We sincerely wish you a quick and pleasant voyage, being truly your affectionate friends,

R. H. LEE, JAMES LOVELL.

TO HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Braintree, December 23d, 1777.

Sir,

Having been absent on a journey, I had not the honor of receiving your letters until yesterday, when one, of the 28th of November, enclosing a resolution of Congress of the same day, and another of the 3d of December, enclosing a commission for Dr Franklin, Dr Lee, and myself, to represent the United States at the Court of France, were delivered to me in Boston.

As I am deeply penetrated with a sense of the high honor, which has been done me in this appointment, I cannot but wish I were better qualified for the important trust, but as Congress are perfectly acquainted with all my deficiencies, I conclude it is their determination to make the necessary allowances; in the humble hope of which, I shall submit my own judgment to theirs, and devote all the faculties I have, and all that I can acquire, to their service.

You will be pleased to accept of my sincere thanks, for the polite manner in which you have communicated to me the commands of Congress, and believe me to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Braintree, December 24th, 1777.

Gentlemen,

Having been absent from this State, I had not the honor of your favor of December 3d, until the 22d, when it was delivered to me with its enclosures, viz. a letter from the President to the Navy Board at Boston, and a private letter of December 8th, from Mr Lovell. At the same time, I received a packet directed to Benjamin Franklin, Arthur Lee, and John Adams, Commissioners of the United States of America, in France, under seal. I also received a packet unsealed, containing

1. Copy of a letter dated the 2d of December, from the Committee of Foreign Affairs to the Commissioners.

2. A duplicate of a commission of the 27th of November, to the Commissioners.

3. A duplicate of a resolve of December 3d; duplicates of resolves of November 20th and 21st, and duplicates of resolves of November 10th and 22d.

4. Two letters unsealed, to Silas Deane, Paris.

5. Two printed handbills, one containing messages, &c. between the Generals Bourgoyne and Gates; the other, a copy of a letter, &c. from Mr Strickland. The packet under seal, I shall do myself the honor to forward by the first conveyance, and the other shall be conveyed, God willing, with my own hand.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO SAMUEL ADAMS.

Passy, May 21st, 1778.

Dear Sir,

I have never yet paid my respects to you since my arrival in Europe, for which seeming neglect of duty, the total novelty of the scenes about me, and the incessant avocations of business, and ceremony, and pleasure, (for this last, I find in Europe, makes an essential part of both the other two,) must plead my excuse.

The situation of the general affairs of Europe is still critical and of dubious tendency. It is still uncertain whether there will be war between the Turks and the Russians, between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, and indeed between England and France, in the opinion of many people. My own conjecture, however, is that a war will commence, and that soon.

Before this reaches you, you will be informed that a strong squadron of thirteen capital ships and several frigates has sailed from Toulon, and that another squadron is ordered to sail from Spithead. Whatever I may have heard of the destination of the first, I am not at liberty to mention it. We have no intelligence that the latter has sailed.

Chatham the great is no more, but there is so much of his wild spirit in his last speech yet left in the nation, that I have no doubt but the administration will put all to the hazard.

We are happy to hear by the frigate, La Sensible, which has returned to Brest, that the treaty arrived safe at Casco Bay. We hope to have the earliest intelligence of the ratification of it. The Commissioners from England, of the 22d of April, will meet, as we suppose, with nothing but ridicule. The King of Prussia is yet upon the reserve concerning America, or rather forgetting his promise, has determined not to acknowledge our independence at present. His reason is obvious; he wants the aid of those very German princes, who are most subservient to Great Britain, who have furnished her with troops to carry on the war against us, and, therefore, he does not choose to offend them by an alliance with us at present. Spain is on the reserve too, but there is not the least doubt entertained here of her intention to support America. In Holland there is more friendship for us than I was aware of before I came here; at least, they will take no part against us.

Our affairs in this kingdom I find in a state of confusion and darkness, that surprises me. Prodigious sums of money have been expended, and large sums are yet due; but there are no books of account, nor any documents from whence I have been able to learn what the United States have received as an equivalent.

There is one subject which lies heavily on my mind, and that is the expense of the Commissioners. You have three Commissioners at this Court, each of whom lives at an expense of at least three thousand pounds sterling a year, I fear at a greater expense; few men in the world are capable of living at a less expense than I am. But I find the other gentlemen have expended from three to four thousand a year each, and one of them from five to six. And by all the inquiries I have been able to make, I cannot find any article of expense which can be retrenched.[36]

The truth is, in my humble opinion, our system is wrong in many particulars.

1. In having three Commissioners at this Court; one in the character of Envoy is enough. At present, each of the three is considered in the character of a public Minister Plenipotentiary, which lays him under an absolute necessity of living up to this character, whereas, one alone would be obliged to incur no greater expense, and would be quite sufficient for all the business of a public Minister.

2. In leaving the salaries of these Ministers at an uncertainty, you will never be able to obtain a satisfactory account of the public monies while this system continues; it is a temptation to live at too great an expense, and gentlemen will feel an aversion to demanding a vigorous account.

3. In blending the business of a public Minister with that of a commercial agent. The business of various departments is by this means so blended, and the public and private expenses so confounded with each other, that I am sure no satisfaction can ever be given to the public of the disposition of their interests, and I am very confident, that jealousies and suspicions will hereafter arise against the characters of gentlemen, who may, perhaps, have acted with perfect integrity and the fairest intentions for the public good.

My idea is this; separate the offices of public Ministers from those of commercial agents;[37] recall, or send to some other Court, all the public Ministers but one at this Court; determine with precision the sum that shall be allowed to the remaining one for his expenses, for his salary, and for his time, risk, trouble, &c.; and when this is done, see that he receives no more than his allowance. The inconveniences arising from the multiplicity of Ministers and the complication of business are infinite.

Remember me with the most tender affection to my worthy colleagues, and to all others to whom you know they are due.

I am your friend and servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE COMMERCIAL COMMITTEE.

Passy, May 24th, 1778.

Gentlemen,

I find that the American affairs on this side of the Atlantic are in a state of disorder, very much resembling that which is so much to be regretted on the other, and arising, as I suppose, from the same general causes, the novelty of the scenes, the inexperience of the actors, and the rapidity with which great events have succeeded each other. Our resources are very inadequate to the demands made upon us, which are perhaps unnecessarily increased by several irregularities of proceeding.

We have in some places two or three persons, who claim the character of American agents, agent for commercial affairs, and continental agent, for they are called by all these different appellations. In one quarter, one gentleman claims the character from the appointment of Mr William Lee, another claims it from the appointment of the Commissioners at Passy, and a third from the appointment of the Commercial Committee of Congress. This introduces a triple expense, and much confusion and delay. These evils have been accidental, I believe, and unavoidable, but they are evils still, and ought to be removed.

One person at Bordeaux, another at Nantes, and a third perhaps at Havre de Grace, or Dunkirk, would be amply sufficient for all public purposes, and to these persons all orders from Congress, or the Commercial Committee, or the Commissioners at Paris, ought to be addressed. To the same persons all public ships of war, and all other ships belonging to the United States, and their prizes, ought to be addressed; and all orders for the supplies of provisions, clothing, repairs of vessels, &c. as well as all orders for shipping of merchandises, or warlike stores for the United States, ought to go through their hands. We have such abuses and irregularities every day occurring, as are very alarming. Agents of various sorts are drawing bills upon us, and the commanders of vessels of war are drawing upon us for expenses and supplies, which we never ordered, so that our resources will soon fail, if a speedy stop is not put to this career.

And we find it so difficult to obtain accounts from agents of the expenditure of monies, and of the goods and merchandises shipped by them, that we can never know the true state of our finances, or when and in what degree we have executed the orders of Congress for sending them arms, clothes, medicines, or other things.

In order to correct some of the abuses, and to bring our affairs into a little better order, I have constantly given my voice against paying for things we never ordered, against paying persons who have never been authorised, and against throwing our affairs into a multiplicity of hands in the same place. But the consequence has been so many refusals of demands and requests, that I expect much discontent will arise from it, and many clamors. Whether the appointment by Congress of one or more consuls for this kingdom would remedy these inconveniences, I must submit to their wisdom.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Passy, July 9th, 1778.

My Dear Friend,

I had yesterday the honor of receiving the despatches from Congress, which were sent by the Saratoga from Baltimore, arrived at Nantes, convoyed in by the Boston, Captain Tucker, (who was returning from a short cruise, and who has sent in four prizes,) and those by the Spy, from New London, arrived at Brest, and the inexpressible pleasure of your private letters by the same vessels. You acquaint me, that you had written to me eight or nine times, which has given me some anxiety, as these letters are the first I have received from you or from any member of Congress, since my arrival in France.

The ratification of the treaty gives universal joy to this Court and nation, who seem to be sincerely and deeply rejoiced at this connexion between the two countries.

There is no declaration of war as yet at London or Versailles, but the ships of the two nations are often fighting at sea, and there is not the smallest doubt but war will be declared, unless Britain should miraculously have wisdom given her to make a treaty with the Congress like that which France has made. Spain has not made a treaty, but be not deceived nor intimidated, all is safe in that quarter.

The unforeseen dispute in Bavaria has made the Empress Queen and King of Prussia cautious of quarrelling with Great Britain, because her connexion with a number of the German Princes, whose aid each of those potentates is soliciting, makes her friendship, or at least her neutrality in the German war, of importance to each. But this will do no hurt to America.

You have drawn so many bills of exchange upon us, and sent us so many frigates, every one of which costs us a large sum of money, so many merchandises and munitions of war have been sent, whether arrived or not, and we expect so many more drafts upon us, that I assure you I am very uneasy concerning our finances here. We are laboring to hire money, and have some prospect of success, but I am afraid not for such sums as will be wanted.

Let me entreat you to omit no opportunity of writing me; send me all the newspapers, journals, &c. and believe me your friend and servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO JAMES LOVELL.

Passy, July 26th, 1778.

My Dear Friend,

Your favors of May 16th and 25th, by Captain Barnes reached me yesterday. These, with those by Niles from Connecticut, and those by the Saratoga from Baltimore, are all that I have received from you, or from anybody at Congress; which gives me pain, because your other letters must have miscarried, and I hold your letters in so high esteem, that I cannot be willing to lose one.

The robbery of Folger's packet, by all that I can learn, must have been committed by a traitor, who made his escape to England. But Dr Franklin and Mr Lee, who were acquainted with this transaction, will, I suppose, develope the mystery as far as they are able. One of these gentlemen has some other suspicions, but I believe the fugitive to England was the only thief.

Mr Deane, whom you mention, is no doubt with you before now, but if the Count d'Estaing has not been able to strike a decisive blow before the arrival of Byron, I should fear that some misfortune has befallen him since the junction of Byron and Howe. We are, however, anxious to know the naval manœuvres in America, as well as those of the armies. Mr Deane complains of ill treatment, and claims great merit for his services. I shall not add to the ill treatment, nor depreciate the merit, but it will never do for Congress to dread the resentment of their servants. I have heard a great deal in this country concerning his conduct; great panegyrics and harsh censures. But I believe he has neither the extravagant merit that some persons ascribe to him, nor the gross faults to answer for, which some others impute or suspect. I believe he was a diligent servant of the public, and rendered it useful service. His living was expensive, but whether he made the vast profit to himself that some persons suspect, I know not, or whether any profit at all. One thing I know, that my family will feel that I shall not imitate him in this faculty, if it really was his; for which reason I wish Congress would determine, what allowance we shall have for our time, that I might know whether my family can live upon it or not.

Extravagant claims to merit are always to be suspected. General Gates was the ablest negotiator you ever had in Europe,[38] and next to him, General Washington's attack upon the enemy at Germantown. I do not know, indeed, whether this last affair had not more influence upon the European mind than that of Saratoga. Although the attempt was unsuccessful, the military gentlemen in Europe considered it as the most decisive proof that America would finally succeed.

And you may depend upon it, although your agents in Europe were to plead with the tongues of men and angels, although they had the talents and the experience of Mazarin, or the integrity of d'Asset, your army in America will have more success than they.

I foresee there will be diversities of sentiment concerning this gentleman, (Deane,) and perhaps warm debates. Perhaps there will be as much as there has been about a General in the northern department. All that I request is, that I may not be drawn into the dispute. Europe has not charms enough for me to wish to stay here to the exclusion of abler negotiators, much less at the expense of heat and divisions in Congress. How well united you were in the choice of me I never was informed, and how soon attempts may be made to displace me I know not. But one thing I beg of my friends, and one only, that if any attempt of that kind should be made, they would give me up, rather than continue my residence at the expense of debates in Congress, and by the favor of small majorities.

If I were capable of speculating in English funds, or of conducting private trade, I might find opportunities here to make a private profit, and might have inducements from private considerations to continue here; but this will never be my case, and I am very well persuaded that Congress will never grant me so much for my services here, as I could earn by my profession in Boston, to which I will return with submission to old ocean, old Boreas, and British men of war, the moment I am released from this station. I wish however that Congress would determine what allowance they will grant, that honest men may not be made or suspected otherwise. As to the public, I am fully persuaded that its interests are not at all concerned in my residence here, as there is a great plenty of persons quite as well qualified.

I am, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, July 27th, 1778.

Sir,

I thank you for your kind congratulations on the favorable appearances in our American concerns, and for so politely particularizing one of the most inconsiderable of them, my safe arrival in France, which was after a very inconvenient passage of fortyfive days.

Your letter to Mr Izard I had the pleasure to send to him immediately in Paris, where he resides, the Court of Tuscany being so connected with that of Vienna, as to discourage hitherto his departure for Italy. He did me the honor of a visit yesterday, when we had much conversation upon American affairs.

Your other letter to your daughter-in-law, I have forwarded by a safe opportunity. You may depend upon my conveying your letters to any of your friends by the best opportunities, and with despatch. The more of your commands you send me, the more pleasure you will give me.

War is not declared, that is, no manifesto has been published, but each nation is daily manufacturing materials for the other's manifesto, by open hostilities. In short, Sir, the two nations have been at war ever since the recall of the Ambassadors. The King of France has given orders to all his ships to attack the English, and has given vast encouragement to privateers.

The King of Great Britain and his council have determined to send instructions to their Commissioners in America to offer us independency, provided we will make peace with them, separate from France. This appears to me to be the last effort to seduce, deceive, and divide. They know that every man of honor in America must receive this proposition with indignation. But they think they can get the men of no honor to join them by such a proposal, and they think the men of honor are not a majority. What has America done to give occasion to that King and council to think so unworthily of her.

The proposition is in other words this; "America, you have fought me until I despair of beating you, you have made an alliance with the first power of Europe, which is a great honor to your country and a great stability to your cause, so great that it has excited my highest resentment, and has determined me to go to war with France. Do you break your faith with that power and forfeit her confidence, as well as that of all the rest of mankind forever, and join me to beat her, or stand by neuter and see me do it, and for all this I will acknowledge your independency, because I think in that case you cannot maintain it, but will be an easy prey to me afterwards, who am determined to break my faith with you, as I wish you to do yours with France."

My dear countrymen, I hope you will not be allured upon the rocks, by the syren song of peace. They are now playing a sure game. They have run all hazards, but now they hazard nothing.

I know your application is incessant and your moments precious, and, therefore, that I ask a great favor in requesting your correspondence, but the interests of the public, as well as private friendship, induce me to do it.

I am, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO SAMUEL ADAMS.

Passy, July 28th, 1778.

My Dear Sir,

The Sovereign of Britain and his Council have determined to instruct their Commissioners to offer you independence, provided you will disconnect yourselves from France.

The question arises, how came the King and Council by authority to offer this? It is certain that they have it not.

In the next place, is the treaty of alliance between us and France now binding upon us? I think there is not room to doubt it; for declarations and manifestos do not make the state of war, they are only publications of the reasons of war. Yet the message of the King of Great Britain to both houses of Parliament, and their answers to that message were as full a declaration of war as ever was made, and accordingly hostilities have been frequent ever since. This proposal, then, is a modest invitation to a gross act of infidelity and breach of faith. It is an observation that I have often heard you make, that "France is the natural ally of the United States." This observation is, in my opinion, both just and important. The reasons are plain. As long as Great Britain shall have Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Floridas, or any of them, so long will Great Britain be the enemy of the United States, let her disguise it as much as she will.

It is not much to the honor of human nature, but the fact is certain, that neighboring nations are never friends in reality. In the times of the most perfect peace between them, their hearts and their passions are hostile, and this will certainly be the case forever between the thirteen United States and the English colonies. France and England, as neighbors and rivals, never have been and never will be friends. The hatred and jealousy between the nations are eternal and irradicable. As we, therefore, on the one hand, have the surest ground to expect the jealousy and hatred of Great Britain, so on the other we have the strongest reasons to depend upon the friendship and alliance of France, and no one reason in the world to expect her enmity or her jealousy, as she has given up every pretension to any spot of ground on the Continent. The United States, therefore, will be for ages the natural bulwark of France against the hostile designs of England against her, and France is the natural defence of the United States against the rapacious spirit of Great Britain against them. France is a nation so vastly eminent, having been for so many centuries what they call the dominant power of Europe, being incomparably the most powerful at land, that united in a close alliance with our States, and enjoying the benefit of our trade, there is not the smallest reason to doubt, but both will be a sufficient curb upon the naval power of Great Britain.

This connexion, therefore, will forever secure a respect for our States in Spain, Portugal, and Holland too, who will always choose to be upon friendly terms with powers, who have numerous cruisers at sea, and indeed in all the rest, of Europe. I presume, therefore, that sound policy as well as good faith will induce us never to renounce our alliance with France, even although it should continue us for some time in war. The French are as sensible of the benefits of this alliance to them as we are, and they are determined as much as we to cultivate it.

In order to continue the war, or at least that we may do any good in the common cause, the credit of our currency must be supported. But how? Taxes, my dear Sir, taxes. Pray let our countrymen consider and be wise; every farthing they pay in taxes is a farthing's worth of wealth and good policy. If it were possible to hire money in Europe to discharge the bills, it would be a dreadful drain to the country to pay the interest of it. But I fear it will not be. The house of Austria has sent orders to Amsterdam to hire a very great sum, England is borrowing great sums, and France is borrowing largely. Amidst such demands for money, and by powers who offer better terms, I fear we shall not be able to succeed.

Pray write me as often as you can, and believe me your friend and servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO JAMES WARREN.

Passy, August 4th, 1778.

My Dear Sir,

Your kind favor of July the 1st was brought here yesterday from Bordeaux, where Captain Ayres has arrived, but was not delivered to me till this day. This is the second only received from you. I have infinite satisfaction in learning from all parts of America the prosperous train of our affairs, and the unanimity and spirit of the people. Every vessel brings us fresh accessions of ardor to the French, and of depression to the English, in the war that is now begun in earnest.

The resolutions of Congress upon the Conciliatory Bills, the address to the people, the ratification of the treaty, the answer to the Commissioners, the President's letter, the message of G. Livingston, and the letter of Mr Drayton, are read here with an avidity that would surprise you. It is not one of the least misfortunes of Great Britain, that she has to contend with so much eloquence; that there are such painters to exhibit her atrocious actions to the world, and transmit them to posterity. Every publication of this kind seems to excite the ardor of the French nation, and of their fleets and armies, as much as if they were Americans.

While American orators are thus employed in perpetuating the remembrance of the injustice and cruelty of Great Britain towards us, the French fleet has been giving such a check to her naval pride, as she has not experienced before for many ages. The vessel, which is to carry this, will carry information of a general engagement between d'Orvilliers and Keppel, which terminated in a disgraceful flight of the English fleet. We hope soon to hear of d'Estaing's success, which would demonstrate to the universe, that Britain is no longer mistress of the ocean. But the events of war are always uncertain, and a misfortune may have happened to the French fleet in America. But even if this should be the case, which I do not believe, still Britain is not mistress of the sea, and every day will bring fresh proofs that she is not. The springs of her naval power are dried away.

I have hitherto had the happiness to find that my pulse beat in exact unison with those of my countrymen. I have ventured with some freedom to give my opinion, as to what Congress would do with the Conciliatory Bills, with the Commissioners, with the treaty, &c. &c. and every packet brings us proceedings of Congress, according in substance, but executed in a manner infinitely exceeding my abilities. Nothing has given me more joy, than the universal disdain that is expressed both in public and private letters, at the idea of departing from the treaty and violating the public faith. This faith is our American glory, and it is our bulwark. It is the only foundation on which our union can rest securely, it is the only support of our credit both in finance and commerce; it is our sole security for the assistance of foreign powers. If the British Court with their arts could shake it, or the confidence in it, we should be undone forever. They would triumph over us, after all our toil and danger. They would subjugate us more entirely than they ever intended. The idea of infidelity cannot be treated with too much resentment or too much horror. The man who can think of it with patience is a traitor in his heart, and ought be execrated as one, who adds the deepest hypocrisy to the blackest treason.

Is there a sensible hypocrite in America, who can start a jealousy, that religion may be in danger? From whence can this danger arise? Not from France, she claims no inch of ground upon your continent. She claims no legislative authority over you, no negative upon your laws, no right of appointing you bishops, nor of sending you missionaries. Besides, the spirit of crusading for religion is not in France. The rage for making proselytes, which has existed in former centuries, is no more. There is a spirit more liberal here in this respect, than I expected to find. Where has been the danger to the religion of the Protestant cantons of Switzerland, from an alliance with France, which has subsisted with entire harmony for one hundred and fifty years, or thereabouts? But this subject is fitter for ridicule than serious argument, as nothing can be clearer than that in this enlightened tolerant age, at this vast distance, without a claim or color of authority, with an express acknowledgment and warranty of sovereignty, this, I had almost said tolerant nation, can never endanger our religion.

The longer I live in Europe, and the more I consider our affairs, the more important our alliance with France appears to me. It is a rock upon which we may safely build. Narrow and illiberal prejudices, peculiar to John Bull, with which I might perhaps have been in some degree infected when I was John Bull, have now no influence over me. I never was, however, much of John Bull. I was John Yankee, and such I shall live and die. Is Great Britain to be annihilated? No such thing. A revolution in her government may possibly take place. But whether in favor of despotism or republicanism, is the question. The scarcity of virtue, and even the semblance of it, seems an invincible obstacle to the latter. But the annihilation of a nation never takes place. It depends wholly on herself to determine whether she shall sink down into the rank of the middling powers of Europe, or whether she shall maintain the second place in the scale. If she continues this war, the first will be her fate, if she stops short in her mad career and makes peace, she may still be in the second predicament. America will grow with astonishing rapidity, and England, France, and every other nation in Europe will be the better for her prosperity. Peace, which is her dear delight, will be her wealth and her glory, for I cannot see the seed of a war with any part of the world in future, but with Great Britain, and such States as may be weak enough, if any such there should be, to become her allies. That such a peace may be speedily concluded, and that you and I may return to our farms to enjoy the fruits of it, spending our old age in recounting to our children the toils and dangers we have encountered for their benefit, is the wish of your friend,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

Passy, August 5th, 1778.

My Dear Sir,

Your letter of the 20th of June, by Captain Ayres, from Boston, had a quick passage. He sailed on the 4th of July, and your letters were brought to Passy from Bordeaux, where she arrived the 3d of August.

I thank you, Sir, for the kind expressions of your obliging anxiety for me. The uncertainty in which you remain so long, concerning the fate of the Boston, must have been occasioned by the capture of many vessels by which the news was sent, together with many bundles of English newspapers and pamphlets. The prompt ratification of the treaties, as well as the dignity with which you have received the letters from the British Commissioners, has given great satisfaction here. The two articles, the Count de Vergennes agreed, when we presented your instructions to him on that head, should be given up.

The confederation is an important object, and nothing is more wished for in Europe than its completion, and the finishing of the separate governments. The eagerness to complete the American code, and the strains of panegyric in which they speak and write of those parts of it, which have been published in Europe, are very remarkable, and seem to indicate a general revolution in the sentiments of mankind upon the subject of government. Our currency cannot engage our attention too much. And the more we think of it, the more we shall be convinced, that taxation, deep and broad taxation, is the only sure and lasting remedy. Loans in Europe will be very difficult to obtain. The powers at war, or at the eve of war, have such vast demands, and offer terms so much better than ours, that nothing but sheer benevolence to our cause can induce any person to lend us. Besides a large foreign debt would be a greater evil, for what I know, than a paper currency. Moreover, your large drafts upon the Commissioners here, from various quarters, are like to consume more money than we can borrow. We shall do however all we can.

I have hitherto had the good fortune to preserve a good understanding with the gentleman you mention, and shall endeavor to continue it. I have long known him to be employed very ably and usefully for our country, and his merits and services, his integrity and abilities, will induce me to cultivate his friendship, as far as I can, consistently with the public service. I wish I could converse with you freely upon this subject, but it would lead me into too long a detail. It has given me much grief, since my arrival here, to find so little harmony among many respectable characters; so many mutual jealousies, and so much distrust of one another. As soon as I perceived it, I determined neither to quarrel with any man here, because he had quarrelled with another, or because another had quarrelled with him; nor to make any man my bosom friend, because he was the bosom friend of any other; but to attend solely to the public service, and give my voice upon all occasions, as I should think that justice and policy required, whether it agreed with the opinion of one man or another. I cannot be more particular. If I were to take every man's word, I should think there was not one disinterested American here, because it is very certain, that there is nobody here, that everybody speaks well of. There is no doubt to be made, that private interest has some influence here upon some minds, and that our mercantile affairs and competitions have occasioned some altercation. But there is, I think, rather more of mutual reproaches of interested views and designs, rather more of animosity among the Americans here, than I remember to have seen anywhere else. I will have nothing to do with any of these things. I will have nothing to do with designs and endeavors to run down characters, to paint in odious colors indifferent actions, to excite or propagate suspicions without evidence, or to foment or entertain prejudices of any kind, if I can possibly avoid it. I am really ashamed to write to you in this enigmatical manner, which is not natural to me; but I know not how to write clearer at present. I sometimes differ in sentiment from each of my colleagues, and sometimes agree with each; yet I do not trim, or at least I think I do not. It has been and shall be my endeavor to heal and reconcile, to the utmost of my power, Yet I fear, that some gentlemen are gone over to America, heated with altercation and inflamed with prejudice. Others still remain here, it is to be feared, in the same temper of mind, and probably many letters are gone over loaded. These things will probably make you uncomfortable, as they have and will make us. I really wish, however, that you would remove the cause of this, and appoint consuls to do the mercantile business. If you do not, however, I am determined to go on, giving my voice clearly and without equivocation, and at the same time without wrangling or ill will.

We expect on Sunday, the 9th, the English accounts of the sea fight between d'Orvilliers and Keppel, which happened on the 27th ult. in which the former obtained the laurels, whatever representation the latter may make of it. There are so many facts, attested by so many respectable witnesses, that there is no room to doubt, but that the Britons lost the day; a terrible loss indeed to a nation, who have the empire of the sea to maintain, in order almost to preserve their existence. It is not being equal to France at sea; they must support a clear and decided superiority, not only to France, but to France and Spain in conjunction, not to mention our States, in order to preserve their rank among the powers of Europe. My tenderest respects to all good men.

I am, dear Sir, affectionately yours,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO HENRY LAURENS, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, August 27th, 1778.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose the last gazettes, by which Congress will see the dearth of news in Europe at present. We expect an abundance of it at once soon, as we have nothing from America since the 4th of July.

The French fleet went out again from Brest the 17th, but we have not yet heard that the English fleet is out. While the two fleets were in the harbor, the British East India fleet, and another small West India fleet, got in; a misfortune of no small moment, as the British finances will receive by means of it a fresh supply of money for the present, and their fleet a considerable reinforcement of seamen.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, September 7th, 1778.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to Congress all the newspapers I have by me, enough to show that we have nothing very important here at present. The French and British fleets are again at sea, and we hourly expect intelligence of a second battle; but our expectations from America are still more interesting and anxious, having nothing from them since the 3d of July, except what is contained in the English gazettes.

Events have probably already passed in America, although not known in Europe, which will determine the great question, whether we shall have a long war or a short one. The eyes of all Europe are fixed upon Spain, whose armaments by sea and land are vastly expensive and extremely formidable, but whose designs are a profound, impenetrable secret; time, however, will discover them. In the meantime, we have the satisfaction to be sure, that they are not inimical to America. For this, we have the word of a King, signified by his Ministers, a King, who they say never breaks his word, but, on the contrary, has given many striking proofs of his sacred regard to it.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest esteem, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, September 11th, 1778.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to Congress the latest gazettes. We have no other intelligence, than is contained in them.

Since the 11th of July, the date of Lord Howe's announcing the arrival of the Count d'Estaing off Sandy Hook, we have not a syllable from America, by the way of England. In France, we have nothing from America since July 3d. This long interval leaves a vast scope for imagination to play, and, accordingly, there is no end to the speculations prompted by the hopes and fears of the nations of Europe. We are weary of conjectures, and must patiently wait for time to end them.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO M. RAY DE CHAUMONT.

Passy, September 15th, 1778.

Sir,

As our finances are, at present, in a situation seriously critical, and as I hold myself accountable to Congress for every part of my conduct, even to the smallest article of my expenses, I must beg the favor of you to consider what rent we ought to pay you for this house and furniture, both for the time past and to come. Every part of your conduct towards me, and towards our Americans in general, and in all our affairs, has been polite and obliging, as far as I have had an opportunity of observing, and I have no doubt it will continue so; yet it is not reasonable, that the United States should be under so great an obligation to a private gentleman, as that two of their representatives should occupy, for so long a time, so elegant a seat, with so much furniture and so fine accommodations without any compensation; and in order to avoid the danger of the disapprobation of our constituents on the one hand, for living here at too great or at too uncertain an expense, and on the other, the censure of the world for not making sufficient compensation to a gentleman, who has done so much for our convenience, it seems to me necessary that we should come to an eclaircissement upon this head.

As you have an account against the Commissioners, or against the United States, for several other matters, I should also be obliged to you, if you would send it in as soon as possible, as every day renders it more and more necessary for us to look into our affairs with the utmost precision.

I am, Sir, with much esteem and respect, your most obedient, humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

M. RAY DE CHAUMONT TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Passy, September 18th, 1778.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me on the 15th inst, making inquiry as to the rent of my house, in which you live, for the past and the future. When I consecrated my house to Dr Franklin, and his associates, who might live with him, I made it fully understood that I should expect no compensation, because I perceived that you had need of all your means to send to the succor of your country, or to relieve the distresses of your countrymen escaping from the chains of their enemies. I pray you, Sir, to permit this arrangement to remain, which I made when the fate of your country was doubtful. When she shall enjoy all her splendor, such sacrifices on my part will be superfluous, or unworthy of her, but, at present, they may be useful, and I am most happy in offering them to you.

There is no occasion for strangers to be informed of my proceeding in this respect. It is so much the worse for those, who would not do the same if they had the opportunity, and so much the better for me, to have immortalized my house by receiving into it Dr Franklin and his associates.

I have the honor to be, Sir, with the most perfect respect, &c.

LE RAY DE CHAUMONT.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, September 20th, 1778.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose the latest gazettes, which contain all the news of Europe. The news from America by the way of London, which are contained in the Courier de l'Europe of the 15th instant, have raised our expectations and increased our anxiety. We are not without apprehensions, that the Count d'Estaing may fall in with the combined fleets of Howe and Byron.

The English are beginning to elevate their heads a little, and to renew their old insolent language, both in coffee houses and in daily papers. The refugees from America, unable to bear the thought of being excluded forever from that country, and still less that of soliciting for pardon from their injured countrymen, and returning to see established principles, which they detest, and forms of government, against which they have ever combated, are said to be indefatigable in instilling hopes into the King and Ministers, that by persevering another campaign, and sending twenty thousand more men to America, the people will be worn out, and glad to petition for dependence upon them.

They flatter themselves and others with hopes, that Spain will remain neuter, and that by intriguing in France, they can get the French Ministry changed, and then that they shall have little trouble from this quarter. Nothing can be more whimsical, more groundless or ridiculous, than all this. Yet it is said to amuse and please the credulous multitude in that devoted island. Those, who pretend to know the bosoms of the persons highest in power in that kingdom, say, that they delight themselves with the thought, that if it is not in their power to reduce America once more to their yoke, yet they are able to harass, to distress, and to render miserable those whom they cannot subdue. That they have some little compunction at the thought, that they shall be ranked in history with the Philips and Alvas, the Alberts and Gislers of this world; but this, instead of producing repentance and reformation as it ought, engenders nothing but rage, envy, and revenge. This revenge, however, is impotent. Their marine and their finances are in so bad a condition, that it is with infinite difficulty they can cope with France alone, even at sea; and it seems to be the intention of Providence, that they shall be permitted to go on with their cruelties, just long enough to wean the affection of every American heart, and make room for connexions between us and other nations, who have not the ties of language, of acquaintance, and of custom to bind us.

I am, with the most perfect respect, Sir, your most obedient, humble servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO RALPH IZARD.

Passy, September 25th, 1778.

Sir,

I have received with much pleasure your favor of yesterday's date. No apology was necessary for the delay of so few days to answer a letter, the contents of which did not, from any public consideration, require haste. My most fervent wishes mingle themselves with yours, that the happy time may soon arrive when we may enjoy the blessings of peace, uninterrupted by disputes with any power whatever. But alas! my apprehensions are very strong, that we are yet at a distance from so great a felicity.

You will readily acknowledge the impropriety of my entering into the question concerning the duty of the Commissioners here, to have made the communications of the treaty, which you mention. But of this you may be assured, that I shall at all times hold myself obliged to you for the communication of your sentiments upon any public affair. I am therefore sorry, that in your letter you have confined yourself to that part of the treaty, upon which I particularly requested your sentiments. And I now take the liberty to request your sentiments upon every part of the treaty, which you conceive liable to doubtful construction, or capable of producing discontent or dispute, for I have the honor to be fully of your opinion, that it is of very great importance to be upon our guard, and avoid every cause of controversy with France as much as possible. She is, and will be, in spite of the obstacles of language, of customs, religion, and government, our natural ally against Great Britain as long as she shall continue our enemy, and that will be at least as long as she shall hold a foot of ground in America, however she may disguise it, and whatever peace or truce she may make.

Your sentiments of the fishery, as a source of wealth, of commerce and naval power, are perfectly just, and therefore this object will and ought to be attended to with precision, and cherished with care. Nevertheless, agriculture is the most essential interest of America, and even of the Massachusetts Bay, and it is very possible to injure both, by diverting too much of the thoughts and labor of the people from the cultivation of the earth to adventures upon the sea. And this, in the opinion of some persons, has been a fault in the Massachusetts Bay. Experience has taught us in the course of this war, that the fishery was not so essential to our welfare as it was once thought. Necessity has taught us to dig in the ground instead of fishing in the sea for our bread, and we have found that the resource did not fail us.

The fishery was a source of luxury and vanity, that did us much injury; yet this was the fault of the management, not of the fishery. One part of our fish went to the West India Islands for rum, and molasses to be distilled into rum, which injured our health and our morals; the other part went to Spain and Portugal for gold and silver, almost the whole of which went to London, sometimes for valuable articles of clothing, but too often for lace and ribands. If, therefore, the cessation of the fishery for twenty years to come was to introduce the culture of flax and wool, which it certainly would do as far as would be necessary for the purposes of decency and comfort, if a loss of wealth should be the consequence of it, the acquisition of morals and of wisdom would perhaps make us gainers in the end.

These are vain speculations I know. The taste for rum and ribands will continue, and there are no means for the New England people to obtain them so convenient as the fishery, and therefore the first opportunity will be eagerly embraced to revive it. As a nursery of seamen, and a source of naval power, it has been, and is an object of serious importance, and perhaps indispensably necessary to the accomplishment and the preservation of our independence. I shall therefore always think it my duty to defend and secure our rights to it with all industry and zeal, and shall ever be obliged to you for your advice and co-operation.

Pardon the length of this letter, and believe me, with much esteem, your friend and servant,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO RALPH IZARD.

Passy, October 2d, 1778.

Sir,

I have the pleasure of yours of the 28th, and agree with you in sentiment, that if the money, which has heretofore been squandered upon articles of luxury, could for the future be applied to discharge our national debt, it would be a great felicity. But is it certain that it will? Will not the national debt itself be the means, at least a temptation to continue, if not increase the luxury? It is with great pleasure that I see you mention sumptuary laws. But is there room to hope that our Legislatures will pass such laws? Or that the people have, or can be persuaded to acquire those qualities, that are necessary to execute such laws? I wish your answer may be in the affirmative, and that it may be found true in fact and experience. But much prudence and delicacy will be necessary, I think, to bring all our countrymen to this just way of thinking upon this head. There is such a charm to the human heart in elegance, it is so flattering to our self-love to be distinguished from the world in general by extraordinary degrees of splendor, in dress, in furniture, equipage, buildings, &c. and our countrymen, by their connexion with Europe, are so much infected with the habit of this taste and these passions, that I fear it will be a work of time and difficulty, if not quite impracticable, to introduce an alteration; to which the late condition of our trade and currency, besides the great inequality of fortune, and the late enterprises introduced by privateers, are dangerous enemies.

You ask my opinion, whether the reasons in your last letter are well founded. It is observable, that the French Court were not content with the treaty proposed by Congress, which contained all, in my opinion, which is contained in the article as it now stands in the treaty of the 6th of February. What motive they had for inserting the words, "indefinite and exclusive," is left to conjecture.[39] The suspicion, that they meant more than the treaty proposed by Congress expressed, arises from a fact, which you remember, viz. that the French at the time of the last peace claimed more. I wish to know if there is any letter or memorial extant, in which such a claim is contained, or whether it was only a verbal claim made by their Ambassadors. Whether any of the magazines of that time mention and discuss any such claim. If the fact is incontestible, that they made such a claim, it is possible that it may be revived under the words "indefinite and exclusive." But I hope it will not, and I hope it was not intended when these words were inserted. Yet I confess I cannot think of any other reason for inserting them. The word indefinite is not amiss, for it is a right of catching fish and drying them on land, which is a right indefinite enough. But the word exclusive is more mysterious. It cannot mean that Americans and all other nations shall be "excluded" from the same right of fishing and drying on land, between the same limits of Bonavista and Riche. It would be much easier to suppose, that the following words, "in that part only, and in no other besides that," gave rise to the word "exclusive;" that is, that right of fishing and drying within those limits, for which we have excluded ourselves from all others. I will undertake to show better reasons, or at least as good, for this sense of the word exclusive, as the most subtle interpreter of treaties can offer for the other, although I think them both untenable.

My opinion further is this, that as contemporaneous exposition is allowed by all writers on the law of nations to be the best interpreter of treaties, as well as of all other writings, and as neither the treaty of Utrecht, or the treaty of Paris in 1763, ever received such an interpretation as you are apprehensive may hereafter be contended for, and as the uninterrupted practice has been against such a construction, so I think that the treaty of Paris of the 6th of February, 1778, is not justly liable to such a construction, and that it cannot be attempted with any prospect of success. I agree with you, however, that as we are young States, and not practised in the art of negotiation, it becomes us to look into all these things with as much caution and exactness as possible, and furnish ourselves with the best historical light, and every other honest means of securing our rights. For which reason I requested your sentiments upon this subject in writing, and continue to desire in the same way your observations on other parts of the treaty. Reduced to writing, such things remain in letters and letter books, as well as more distinctly in the memory, and the same men or other men may recur to them at future opportunities, whereas transient conversations, especially among men who have many things to do and to think of, slip away and are forgotten. I shall make use of all the prudence I can, that these letters may not come to the knowledge of improper persons, or be used to the disadvantage of our country, or to you or me in our present capacity.

I am, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, October 2d, 1778.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose the latest gazettes, by which Congress will perceive, that we have no intelligence from America since the departure of the Count d'Estaing from Sandy Hook; our anxiety is very great, but we hope that a few hours will relieve it. In the midst of a war in Germany, and between France and England, there was scarcely ever a greater dearth of news in a profound peace.

Captain Mc Neil, the bearer of this, makes the most conversation, having taken and destroyed, I think, thirteen vessels in the course of his last cruise, six of which have safely arrived in France, the others, not destroyed, he sent to America. His cruise will prove a great disappointment to the enemy, having deprived them of a great quantity of naval stores, upon which they depended.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, October 28th, 1778.

Sir,

While we officially communicate to you the enclosed resolve, the foundation of which you cannot remain a stranger to, we must entreat you to be assiduous in sending to those Commissioners who have left France, and gone to the Courts for which, they were respectively appointed, all the American intelligence, which you have greater opportunity than they of receiving from hence, particularly to Mr Izard and Mr William Lee. We do not often send more than one set of gazettes by one opportunity; and we hear of several vessels which have miscarried.

Congress must and will speedily determine upon the general arrangement of their foreign affairs. This is become, so far as regards you, peculiarly necessary, upon a new commission being sent to Dr Franklin. In the meantime we hope you will exercise your whole extensive abilities on the subject of our finances. The Doctor will communicate to you our situation in that regard.

To the gazettes, and to conversation with the Marquis de Lafayette, we must refer you for what relates to our enemies, and close with our most cordial wishes for your happiness.

Your affectionate friends,

R. H. LEE, JAMES LOVELL.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, December 3d, 1778.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to Congress the latest newspapers. As they contain the speech at the opening of Parliament, and some of the debates in both Houses, upon the addresses in answer to it, they are of very great importance. I learn by some newspapers and private letters, that an opinion has been prevalent in America, that the enemy intended to withdraw from the United States; and considering the cruel devastations of the war, and the unfortunate situation of our finances, nothing would give me so much joy, as to see reasons to concur in that opinion, and to furnish Congress with intelligence in support of it. But I am sorry to say the reverse is too apparent. We may call it obstinacy or blindness, if we will, but such is the state of parties in England, so deep would be the disgrace, and perhaps so great the personal danger to those who have commenced and prosecuted this war, that they cannot but persevere in it at every hazard, and nothing is clearer in my mind, than that they never will quit the United States until they are either driven or starved out of them. I hope, therefore, Congress will excuse me for suggesting, that there is but one course for us to take, which is to concert every measure, and exert every nerve, for the total destruction of the British power within the United States.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

Passy, December 5th, 1778.

Dear Sir,

It is necessary that you should be minutely informed of the minutest and most secret springs of action here, if it is possible. Yet the danger is so great of our letters being taken, and getting into English newspapers, that it is very discouraging to a free correspondence. I will, however, take all the precaution in my power to have the letters sunk, but if all these fail, and my letters become public, the world must take them as they find them, and I hope they will do more good upon the whole than harm.

This Court and nation appear to me, to be well convinced of the utility to their interests of the American alliance. But notwithstanding this, they appear to me to have too much diffidence of us, too much diffidence of the people of America, and too much reserve towards the Commissioners here. I am not satisfied in the cause of this. Whether they think, that the obstacles of language, religion, laws, customs and manners, are obstacles in the way of a perfect friendship, which cannot be removed, and therefore that they shall lose our connexion as soon as Britain comes to her senses; or whether they are embarrassed by the conduct of Spain, and are acting in this reserved manner, and with an appearance of irresolution in hopes of her coming in; or whether they have any prejudices against the personal characters of the Commissioners, and are loth to be unreserved with them, for fear they shall communicate either indiscreetly or by design anything to the English, or to anybody here, who might convey it to England; or whether all these motives together have a share in it, I know not. Thus much is certain, that ever since I have been here, I have never seen any disposition in any Minister of State to talk with any of the Commissioners, either upon intelligence from Spain or England, upon the designs or negotiations of either, or any other Court in Europe, or upon the conduct of the war by sea or land, or upon their own plans or designs of policy or war. If this reserve was ever thrown off to any one, I should think, that putting it on to others had some personal motive. But it is exactly equal and alike to all three.

Each Commissioner here, before I came, had his own set of friends, admirers, and dependents, both among the French and Americans. Two households united in some degree against one, very unjustly, I fear, and very impolitically. But this set the friends of the two to injuring the third in conversation, and they cannot forbear to do it, to this day. This dissension, I suspect, has made the Ministry cautious, lest in the course of altercations, improper use should be made of free communications. For my own part, however odd you may think it in me to say it, I have no friends, much less dependents, here, and am determined to have none, for I am convinced, that competitions among these have done the evil; but I am determined, if I am continued here, to have free communication with the Ministry upon these subjects and to search them to the bottom. The Ministry are candid men and sensible, and I am sure, that some eclaircissements would do good.

However, I am reckoning without my host, for by the bruits, which Mr Deane's letters have scattered, I may expect, that the first vessel will bring my recall or removal to some other Court. But wherever I am, my heart will ever be anxious for the good of our country, and warm with friendship for her friends, among whom you will ever be reckoned in the foremost rank, by your most obedient,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, December 6th, 1778.

Sir,

I have had the honor to enclose to Congress the speech at the opening of the British Parliament by several opportunities, but as it opens the intention of the enemy, and warns us to be prepared for all the evils, which are in their power to inflict, and not in our power to prevent, I enclose it again in another form.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO ROGER SHERMAN.

Passy, December 6th, 1778.

Dear Sir,

From the long series of arduous services in which we have acted together, I have had experience enough of your accurate judgment, in cases of difficulty, to wish very often that I could have the benefit of it here. To me it appears, that there will be no more cordial friendship, nor for many years to come any long peace between Great Britain and America, and therefore the French alliance is and will be an important barrier to us, and ought to be cultivated with perfect faith and much tenderness. But still it is a delicate and dangerous connexion. There is danger to the simplicity of our manners, and to the principles of our constitution, and there may be danger that too much will be demanded of us. There is danger, that the people and their representatives may have too much timidity in their conduct towards this power, and that your ministers here may have too much diffidence of themselves, and too much complaisance for the Court. There is danger, that French councils, and emissaries, and correspondents may have too much influence in our deliberations.

I hope that this Court will not interfere, by attaching themselves to persons, parties, or measures in America. It would be ill policy, but no Court is always directed by sound policy, and we cannot be too much upon our guard. Some Americans will naturally endeavor to avail themselves of the aid of the French influence, to raise their reputation, to extend their influence, to strengthen their parties, and in short to promote the purposes of private ambition and interest. But these things must be guarded against.

I wish for a letter from you as often as you can, and that you would believe me your friend,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, December 8th, 1778.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to Congress one other copy of the speech at the opening of Parliament, together with the debates in consequence of it.

The hints in those debates, especially those given out by Lord Suffolk, are confirmed by the general strain of intelligence from London. Letters from persons, who are supposed to know, announce the determination of the cabinet to be, that Clinton and Byron, with their fleet and army, shall ravage the coast, and bombard and pillage the towns, that their army in Canada shall be reinforced, and that parties of regulars, with such tories and Indians as they can persuade to join them, shall ravage, burn, and massacre on the frontiers of Massachusetts Bay, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Virginia and the Carolinas.

Their magnificent menaces we know it is not in their power to execute entirely, yet we may depend they will do as much as they can. They will neither acknowledge our independence, nor withdraw their fleets and armies, nor shall we get rid of them, but by destroying them, or making them prisoners, until the nation is so exhausted, and their credit so sunk, that the Minister can raise no more money.

It has been usual to consider this as a ministerial war, but I have ever thought, they would some time or other discover it to be a national war; the few men of the nation, who think seriously of the business, see clearly in the long train of consequences of American independence the loss of their West India Islands, a great part of their East India trade, the total loss of Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas, all the American fisheries, a diminution of their naval power, as well as national bankruptcy, and a revolution in their government in favor of arbitrary power. And the nation in general has a confused dread of all these things upon its spirits.

The inference they draw from all this is to go on with the war, and make it more cruel, which is the way in the opinion of impartial persons to make all their gloomy visions realities, whereas the only way to prevent them is to make peace now, before a total alteration takes place on both sides. However, all we can do is to be prepared for the worst they can do.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN PAUL JONES.

Passy, May 25th, 1778.

Sir,

Your favors of May 9th and 16th from Brest, we duly received. We congratulate you on your success, and safe arrival at Brest, as well as on the honor you have acquired by your conduct and bravery in taking one of the King's ships.

As we have some expectation of obtaining an exchange of prisoners from England, we would advise you to keep those you have made securely confined, though in a manner most consistent with humanity, till we have an answer from thence. For if we can get an equal number of our own seamen to man the Drake, she will be an additional strength to you in a future expedition. Whereas sending her with the prisoners to America, will not only weaken you by the hands you must spare to navigate her, and to keep the prisoners in subjection, but will also hazard their being retaken. We should have been happy to have been early informed of the particulars of your cruise, and of the prizes you have made, of which we have no authentic advice to this hour.

Your bill of exchange in favor of M. Bussolle for twentyfour thousand livres, which you inform us you mean to distribute among the brave officers and men to whom you owe your late success has been presented to us by M. Chaumont. We are sorry to inform you, that we have been under the disagreeable necessity of refusing payment, and that for several reasons; first, because your application should have been made to M. Schweighauser, who is the person regularly authorised to act as Continental Agent at Brest, and we are determined that all American concerns, within our department, shall go through his hands, as long as he shall continue in the character of American Agent, or at least until we shall find it necessary to order otherwise. Secondly, because the bill is drawn for an expense, which we have no right or authority to defray. We have no authority to make presents of the public money to officers or men, however gallant and deserving, for the purpose of providing their families with clothing, or for any other purpose, nor to advance them money upon the credit of their share of prizes, nor have we authority to advance them any part of their pay or bounties; all these things belong to Congress alone, and must be done by the proper Boards in America. Our authority extends no further than to order the necessary repairs to be made to your ship, to order her to be furnished with necessary victuals, which we are ready to order M. Schweighauser to do as soon as we shall be informed by you what repairs and victuals are wanted, with an estimate of the amount of the expenses.

There is one thing further, which we should venture to do for the benefit of your men. Upon a representation from you of the quantity of slops necessary for them, we should order M. Schweighauser to furnish your ship with them; not more however than one suit of clothes for each man, that you may take them on board of your ship, and deliver them out to the men as they shall be wanted, charging each man upon the ship's books with what he shall receive, that it may be deducted out of his pay.

Lieutenant Simpson has stated to us your having put him under arrest for disobeying orders. As a court martial must, by order of Congress, consist of three captains, three lieutenants, and three captains of marines, and these cannot be had here, it is our desire that he may have a passage procured for him by the first opportunity to America, allowing him whatever may be necessary for his defence. As the consequences of an arrest in foreign countries are thus extremely troublesome, they should be well considered before they are made. If you are in possession of any resolution of Congress, giving the whole of ships of war when made prizes to the captors, we should be obliged to you for a copy of it. We should also be obliged to you for a particular account in whose hands the prizes made by you are, and in what forwardness is the sale of them. We have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

THE COMMISSIONERS TO JOHN PAUL JONES.

Passy, June 3d, 1778.

Sir,

We have received sundry letters from Lieutenant Simpson, and sundry certificates from officers and others, concerning his behavior in general, and particularly upon that occasion in which he is charged with disobedience of orders. Without giving or forming any decided opinion concerning his guilt or innocence of the crime laid to his charge, we may venture to say, that the certificates we have received are very favorable to his character, and at least afford reason to hope, that he did not mean to disobey his orders. Be this however as it may, we are constrained to say, that his confinement on board of any other ship than the Ranger, and much more his confinement in a prison on shore, appears to us to carry in it a degree of severity, which cannot be justified by reason or law. We therefore desire you would release Mr Simpson from his imprisonment, and permit him to go at large upon his parole to go to Nantes, there to take his passage to America by the first favorable opportunity, in order to take his trial by a court martial.

We request you to transmit to us as soon as possible, an account of what is due to Lieutenant Simpson, according to the ship's books, for wages.

An application has been made to us in behalf of Mr Andrew Fallen, one of the prisoners lately made by you, and his case represented with such circumstances as have induced us to request you to let Mr Fallen go where he will, after taking his parole in writing, that he will not communicate any intelligence, which may be prejudicial to the United States, that he will not take arms against them during the war, and that he will surrender himself prisoner of war, whenever called upon by Congress, or their Ministers at Paris. We are, Sir, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

THE COMMISSIONERS TO LIEUT. SIMPSON, OF THE RANGER.

Passy, June 3d, 1778.

Sir,

We have received several letters from you, and several certificates from officers and others, respecting your behavior in general, as well as particularly relative to the charge of disobedience of orders, for which you have been confined. It would be improper for us to give any opinion concerning this charge, which is to be determined only by a court martial. But we have requested Captain Jones to set you at liberty upon your parole to go to Nantes, there to take your passage to America by the first favorable opportunity, in order to take your trial by a court martial.[40]

We are, Sir, your humble servants,

B. FRANKLIN, ARTHUR LEE, JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

Passy, February 1st, 1779.

Gentlemen,

I had yesterday the honor of your favor of the 28th of October, enclosing a resolution of Congress, of the 22d of the same month, to which I shall give all the attention in my power.[41] I have much satisfaction in the reflection, that I have hitherto endeavored with much sincerity to conform to the spirit of it. What you recommend to me, viz. to communicate to the Ministers of other Courts such intelligence as I may receive, will not in future be so much in my power; but as far as I can, while I stay in Europe, I shall endeavor to comply. Indeed, it is a long time that we have had no intelligence to communicate. Three vessels we know have been taken, each of which had many letters, and two of them public despatches; one that sailed from Philadelphia the 4th of November, another that sailed from the same port the 24th, and another that sailed from Boston on the 20th. These letters and despatches were all sunk, and we fear that others are lost.

It would be agreeable to me, indeed, if I were able to throw any light on the subject of finances. As to a loan in Europe, all has been done that was in our power to this end, but without the desired effect. Taxation and economy comprehend all the resources that I can think of.

We expect the honor of a visit from the Marquis de Lafayette this morning, whom we shall receive with gratitude for his gallant and glorious exertions in one of the best causes in which a hero ever fought.

Be pleased to accept my thanks for your kind wishes for my happiness, and believe me to be your affectionate friend,

JOHN ADAMS.

TO SAMUEL ADAMS.

Passy, February 14th, 1779.

My Dear Sir,

The Marquis de Lafayette did me the honor of a visit yesterday, and delivered me your favor of the 25th of October. I am not sorry, as things have been ordered, that mine of May 24th did not reach you till the 24th of October, because, as the new arrangement[42] was previously made, it cannot be said that I had any hand in accomplishing it. Yet I am glad the letter has arrived, because it will show that the new system is quite agreeable to me, that is, the appointment of a single Minister here. Believe me, Sir, it was become very necessary.

How Congress will dispose of me, I do not know. If it is intended that I shall return, this will be very agreeable to me; and I think that this is the most probable opinion, because Mr Deane's "Address" was on the 5th of December. Congress soon after resolved to enter on foreign affairs and go through them. The Alliance sailed on the 14th of January, and there is no resolution arrived here respecting me. I think, therefore, that it is my duty to return, and that is my present determination; but whether I shall go to Amsterdam, and from thence to St Eustatia, or to Spain, and thence home, or in a French man-of-war to Martinique, or an American frigate to America, I have not decided. Some hint that I am to go to Holland, others to Spain. This last implies the removal of Mr Lee, which would give me much pain on many accounts. I think him a faithful man and able. Yet what the determination will be upon the complaint of Mr Deane, I cannot say. This is a subject which I cannot write or talk about; I would not feel such another sensation to be made a prince. I confess I expected the most dismal consequences from it, because I thought it would render business and confidence between us three totally impracticable; that it would destroy all confidence between this Court and us, and that it would startle Spain; that it would alienate many in Holland from us, and that it would encourage the Ministry in England and disconcert opposition so much, that they would even make another vigorous campaign, besides all the evils it would produce among you. But the arrival of Dr Franklin's commission has relieved me from many of these fears. This Court have confidence in him alone. But I think they were cautious, even of him, when he had two colleagues, to whom he was obliged to communicate everything, one of whom was upon as bad terms with him as with Mr Deane. I have had a kind of a task here, as Mr Lovell expresses himself; determined to be the partizan of neither, yet to be the friend of both, as far as the service would admit. I am fixed in these two opinions, that leaving the Doctor here alone is right, and that Mr Lee is a very honest and faithful man.

You say that France should be our polar star in case war should take place. I was, I confess, surprised at this expression. Was not war sufficiently declared in the King of England's speech, and in the answers of both Houses, and in the recall of his Ambassador? Has it not been sufficiently declared by actual hostilities in most parts of the world? I suspect there will never be any other declaration of war. Yet, there is in fact as complete a war as ever existed, and it will continue, for you may depend upon it, the King of France is immovably fixed in your support, and so are his Ministers. Every suspicion of a wavering disposition in this Court concerning the support of American independence is groundless, is ridiculous, is impossible. You may remember, that several years ago, several gentlemen were obliged to reason, to show that American independence was the interest of France. Since my arrival in this Kingdom, I never yet found one man, nor heard of more than one, who doubted it. If the voice of popularity is anything, I assure you that this voice was never so unanimous in America in favor of our independence as it is here. It is so much so, that if the Court were to depart from its present system in this respect, it is my clear opinion it would make this nation very unhappy, and the Court too; but I again repeat, that the Court is as fixed as the nation. And this union of sentiment arises out of such principles in nature, as, without a miracle, cannot alter. Common sense in America supported independence; common sense in France supports the alliance, and will support it to the last. Nay, the common sense of Europe supports the common sense of France.

By the way, my regards to Mr Paine, and tell him, that I do not agree with him in his ideas about natural enemies. It is because England is the natural enemy of France, that America in her present situation is her natural friend; at least, this is one cause, although there are many others. Some of them are more glorious, for human nature.

France scarcely ever made a war before, that was popular in Europe. There is not a State, that I can hear of, but applauds her, and wishes her success. And in point of finance and naval strength, and in skill and bravery of officers, she seems to be superior to England. You may be surprised to hear me say naval strength, yet if you consider the wretched state of the British Navy, as to masts, yards, rigging, and men, you will not wonder, although their number of ships may be superior. I therefore think, that all is safe. We may have further trouble, and trials of our faith and patience. But trouble is to you and me familiar, and I begin to think it necessary for my health.

There is one thing in my letter to you exaggerated; the expenses of the Commissioners. I had been here but a short time, and wrote according to the best guess I could make, from what I had heard; but I now think I put it much too high, yet I cannot say exactly.[43]

February 20th. There is not the least appearance of the embarkation of troops for America, nor any intelligence of transports taken up. The national discontent is great, and tumults have arisen in Edinburgh and London. According to present appearances, they will have occasion for so many of their troops to keep their populace in order, as to be able to spare few for America. Their proclamations are all alike from Burgoyne's to those of the Commissioners. The weaker they are, the more they puff.

I am, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, February 16th, 1779.

Sir,

Last evening I had the honor of your letter of the 13th of this month, in answer to mine of the 11th.[44]

I thank your Excellency for the politeness with which you have agreed to my proposition, of a conference upon the subject of Mr Deane's "Address to the People of the United States."

At the time when my letter of the 11th was written and sent to your Excellency, there were three Commissioners here, representatives of Congress, between whom it appeared to me Mr Deane's Address had a tendency to destroy all confidence, as well as between your Excellency and them, for which reason I thought it my duty to endeavor, by a conference with your Excellency, to lessen those evils as far as should be in my power.

But within a few hours after my letter of the 11th was sent, the Aid-de-Camp of the Marquis de Lafayette arrived, with despatches from Congress to Dr Franklin, and from their Committee of Foreign Affairs to me, informing me of the new arrangement by which Dr Franklin is constituted Minister Plenipotentiary here, and I am restored to the character of a private citizen; by which, so wholly changed are the scene and the characters here, that I now think I have no right to do what, if I had continued in the character of a Commissioner, I should have thought it my indispensable duty to do.

This masterly measure of Congress, which has my most hearty approbation, and of the necessity of which I was fully convinced before I had been two months in Europe, has taken away the possibilities of those dissensions, which I so much apprehended. I shall not, therefore, give your Excellency any further trouble, than to take an opportunity of paying my respects in order to take leave, and to assure you, that I shall leave this kingdom with the most entire confidence in his Majesty's benevolence to the United States, and inviolable adherence to the treaties between the two powers, with a similar confidence in the good disposition of his Majesty's Ministers of State and of this nation towards us, and with a heart impressed with gratitude for the many civilities which I have received, in the short space I have resided here, at Brest, in the city, and in the country, and particularly from your Excellency.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

Passy, February 21st, 1779.

My dear Marquis,

The conversation with which you honored me last evening, has induced me to give you the trouble of this letter upon the same subject.

It is certain that a loan of money is very much needed to redeem the redundancy of our paper bills, and without it, it is impossible to foresee what will be the consequence to their credit, and therefore every service, that may be rendered in order to obtain it from this kingdom, from Spain, or Holland, will be a most acceptable service.

But without some other exertions, even a loan perhaps would be but a temporary relief; with them a smaller loan might suffice. You know perfectly well, that the enemy in America are at present very weak, and in great distress in every part. They are weak in Canada, weak in Halifax, weak in Rhode Island, weak in New York, weak in the Floridas, and weak in every one of the West India Islands. A strong armament of ships of the line, with five thousand troops, directed against Halifax, Rhode Island, or New York, must infallibly succeed. So it must against the Floridas, so it must against Canada, or any one of the West India Islands.

You are very sensible, that in this state of weakness, the British possessions in America depend upon each other for reciprocal support. The troops and ships derive such supplies of provisions from Canada and Nova Scotia, that if these places or either of them were lost, it would be difficult, if not impossible, for the other to subsist. The West India Islands derive such supplies from the Floridas, that if they were lost the others could hardly subsist. Their fleets and armies in Canada, Halifax, Rhode Island, New York, and the Floridas, receive supplies of rum, sugar, molasses, &c. from the West India Islands, without which they could scarcely subsist. Every part of their possessions in America, both on the continent and in the islands, receives constant supplies from Europe, from England, Scotland, and Ireland, without which they must fall. You perceive, therefore, that their dominions in America at present form such a chain, that the links mutually support each other in such a manner, that if one or two were taken away, the whole, or at least the greater part, must fall. In this state of things then, the obvious policy is to send a strong squadron of ships of the line to co-operate with the Count d'Estaing and the American army, in some expedition directed against New York, Rhode Island, Halifax or perhaps all of them in course. Five or six thousand troops would be quite enough. Above all, it is indispensably necessary to keep a clear naval superiority, both on the coast of the continent, and in the West Islands. This together with French and American privateers would make such havoc among the enemy's transports, passing from one of their possessions to another, as must ruin their affairs. The French have a great advantage in carrying on this kind of war in America, at present. The British ships are badly manned and in bad repair. They cannot send them into the American seas, without the utmost terror for their own coasts. And when they are in America, they have not such advantages for supplies of provisions, naval stores, &c. as the French.

The devastation, which was made among their ships of the line, frigates, transports, and traders, in the American seas the last summer, shows how much might be done, if a stronger force were sent there. As long as the enemy have possession of New York and Rhode Island, so long it will be necessary for us to keep up large armies, to watch their motions, and defend the country against them, which will oblige us to emit more paper, and still further to increase the depreciation. Now as long as they maintain the dominion of those seas, their troops will be protected by the cannon of their ships, and we could not dislodge them with an army, however large, at least we could not keep possession of those places. But if their force was captivated in those seas, as it might easily be by a sea force, co-operating with the land forces, we might reduce our army and innumerable other articles of expense. We need not emit any more paper, and that already out would depreciate no further. I should be happy to have further conversation with you, Sir, upon these subjects, or to explain anything by letter, which may be in my power.

With the highest sentiments of esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS.

Translation.

Versailles, February 21st, 1779.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you have done me the honor to write me on the 16th of this month. Although you are to be henceforth without a public character in France, be persuaded that the esteem and consideration, which you have justly acquired, are by no means diminished, and I flatter myself, Sir, that you will not deprive me of the pleasure of assuring you of it by word of mouth, and being at the same time the interpreter of the favorable sentiments with which the King honors you. They are the consequence of the particular satisfaction, which his Majesty has received from the wise conduct you have held during the whole time of your commission, as well as the zeal you have constantly displayed, both for the cause of your country, and for the support of the alliance which attaches it to his Majesty.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

DE VERGENNES.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

Passy, February 27th, 1779.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write me on the 21st of this month. This testimony from your Excellency of those indulgent sentiments, with which his Majesty is pleased to honor my sincere intentions, cannot fail to be preserved by me and my posterity as a most precious monument; and what is of infinitely more importance, it cannot fail to give great satisfaction to my country, to find that a servant of theirs, who has been honored with no small share of their confidence in the most dangerous of times, and most critical circumstances, has been so happy as not to forfeit the confidence of their illustrious ally.