CYCLOPÆDIA OF THE BATTLES OF THE WORLD. (continued 7)

The French were now on the point of moving forward to the attack, when the Cardinal de Perigord came up at a full gallop, and making a low reverence, entreated the King to listen to him a moment. “You have here,” he said, “all the flower of your kingdom against a mere handful of English; you may have them on other terms than by a battle. Let me go to the Prince, and remonstrate with him on the dangerous situation he is in.” The King said, “It is very agreeable to us; but make haste back again.”

The Cardinal set off at full speed; and was admitted to the Prince, whom he found on foot in the midst of his army. He said, “Fair son, if you have well considered the great army of the King of France, you will allow me to make up matters between you, if I possibly can.” The Prince said, “Sir, save my own honour, and that of my army, and I will agree to any reasonable terms.” The Cardinal then returned to the French camp, and saw the King; and all that day he rode from one army to the other, trying to bring about an agreement. Many proposals were made, the Prince offered to give up all the towns and castles which he had taken; to release all his prisoners without ransom; and to engage not to take up arms against the King of France for the next seven years. But John refused the offer; demanding that Edward, with an hundred of his knights, should surrender themselves prisoners. “The Prince and his army,” says Froissart, “disdained to accept any such conditions.” Another account says, that Edward exclaimed, “England shall never have to pay a ransom for me!”

Thus Sunday was spent; and the battle was necessarily deferred till the morrow. The English, however, had well employed their time in still further strengthening their positions. But they were short of provisions; and could the French have stooped to defer the attack, and to be content with cutting off all supplies, Edward and his whole force must have submitted themselves before the termination of another week. But such a course would have been humbling to the pride of France. A certain triumph seemed in the power of the French commanders, and they could brook no delay.

Edward, therefore, made up his mind for a struggle for life or liberty on the Monday morning. He remained on the defensive; except that he detached a body of 300 men-at-arms, and as many archers, with orders to make a circuit, and get into the flank and rear of the Duke of Normandy’s battalion; the position of which he could survey from his hill.

“And now,” says Froissart, “the whole army of the Prince, including every one, did not amount to more than 8000; while the French had upwards of 60,000 combatants, among whom were more than 3000 knights. The Prince, seeing all hope of an accommodation at an end, addressed his captains and men, saying:—

“Now, my gallant follows! what though we be but a small body when compared with our enemies; let us not be cast down on that account; for victory is not always with the greater numbers, but God gives it to whom he pleases. If the day shall be ours, great will be the honour of it: if not, I have a father, and you all have friends, who will be sure to avenge our deaths. Stand fast, therefore, and fight like men; and if it please God, you shall see me play the part of a true knight.”

And now came on the French, and soon it was seen that here, as in many other battles of the time, the English bow was a most formidable weapon. The battalion of the French marshals entered the lane by which the English position must be approached; and now the archers began to ply their weapons “in such sort that the horses, smarting under the pain of their wounds, would not advance, but turned about, threw their masters, and created a general confusion. And if a few of the French struggled through and came in sight of the Prince’s battalion, a small party or two of English knights, who waited for them, instantly attacked them and slew them, or made them prisoners.

Thus, in a short time, this battalion of the marshals was defeated. The front line was driven back in confusion on the division immediately behind it. This, unable to advance, began to give ground, impelled by the crowd of fugitives pressing back upon it. But in retreating, this battalion fell back upon the Duke of Normandy’s and soon confusion and terror spread through the whole army. The detachment which the Prince had placed over-night on the flank and rear of the Duke of Normandy’s battalion, now came forth from their ambuscade, and fell vehemently upon the already disordered ranks of the French; “and, in truth,” says Froissart, “the English archers shot so thickly and so well, that the French did not know which way to turn themselves to avoid the arrows.” And now, this battalion, which was broad enough in the front, grew thin and scanty in the rear, for the news of the repulse of the marshals had spread, and the men began to escape in crowds. Meanwhile the English on the hill, perceiving that the first battalion was beaten, and that the Duke of Normandy’s was in great disorder, gave the word, and the knights and men-at-arms were in a moment in their saddles.

“The day is ours,” said Sir John Chandos, and, giving a shout, the 2000 horse pushed down the hill, charging with vehemence the disordered battalion.

“Let us make for the King himself,” said Sir John to the Prince, “for I know that he will not fly, and we shall have him—if it please God.”

And now the battle grew hot; the French were so numerous, and in such disorder, that it was an arduous task that still remained. Edward charged the division of the Duke of Athens, broke it, and drove it before him;—then the battalion of Germans, under the Count of Salzburg, which was soon overthrown and put to flight. Meanwhile “the English archers, advancing with the cavalry, shot so well that none dared to stay within their reach.”

And now three of the King’s sons, the Duke of Normandy, the Earl of Poictiers, and the Earl of Touraine, with 800 lances which had never put spear in rest, took flight and rode off the field.

The King himself stood firm. “If one-fourth of his soldiers,” says Froissart, “had behaved as well as he did, the day would have been his own.” Again he says, “King John himself did wonders, he fought with a battle-axe, with which he defended himself bravely.” The English knew the value of such a prize, and they directed their chief efforts to his capture. The Earl of Tancarville was made prisoner close to him, as were the Earl of Ponthieu, and the Earl of Eu. A little further on, the Lord Charles d’Artois and many other knights were captured by the flank attack. “The English and Gascons poured so fast upon the King’s division that they broke all its ranks,” and now the last show of order was lost, and the whole field was one confused mass. Every one was pressing forwards, eager to seize the King; at last a young French knight, who had been banished and had entered the English service, entreated the king to surrender or he would lose his life. “To whom am I to surrender?” said John, “where is my cousin the Prince of Wales? Who are you?” “I am Denis de Morbeque, knight of Artois,” said the Frenchman, “surrender yourself to me and I will lead you to the Prince.” “Well,” said the King, giving him his glove, “I surrender myself to you.”

Sir John Chandos, who had remained by the Prince’s side all the day, had now advised him to raise his banner on an elevated point, and to pitch his tent, for there was no longer any French army in sight. Accordingly, the banner was raised, a small pavilion was pitched, wine was brought, the Prince took off his helmet, and the trumpets began to sound. But now the Prince addressed the Earl of Warwick and Lord Cobham, saying. “I pray you to mount your horses, and ride over the field, that I may know, if possible, what has become of the King.” These two lords immediately rode forth, and they soon perceived a great crowd of knights and men-at-arms, all striving with a great noise. More than ten knights were loudly claiming the honour of having taken the King. “The two lords then pushed through the crowd by main force, and ordered all to stand aside. They commanded, in the Prince’s name, all to keep their distance, on pain of death. They then, dismounting, approached the King with profound reverence, and conducted him peaceably to the Prince of Wales.” Edward received the King with a low obeisance, and comforted him as well as he was able, ordering wines and refreshments to be brought, which he presented to the King with his own hand. “In the evening a supper was spread in the Prince’s pavilion; and the King, his son Philip, with Bourbon, Artois, the Earl of Tancarville, Estampes, Granville, and others, were seated at an elevated table, while the Prince served the King with his own hands. The French princes, struck with Edward’s courtesy, declared that he would be one of the most gallant knights in Christendom, if it please God to grant him life.”

Meanwhile, the English horse continued its pursuit of the fugitives, up to the very gates of Poictiers. “There was such an horrible spectacle of men slaughtered and trampled down, as it is wonderful to think of. The frightened French, in crowds, surrendered the moment they caught sight of an Englishman.”

The report now given in to the Prince, showed that the King and one of his sons, and 17 Earls, besides a great number of Barons and knights, were prisoners; and that from five to six thousand lay dead on the field.[1] But the victors were troubled what to do with the crowds of captives of all ranks, who were twice as numerous as themselves. They concluded, at last, to ransom them on the spot, and even to take the pledges of those who had no money. As for the booty, it was immense; “there being quantities of gold and silver plate, rich jewels, and trunks full of gold and silver ornaments. As to fine armour, that was in such abundance as to be little regarded.”

The prince and his little army, now undisturbed, continued their march, and in a few days passed the Garonne, and arrived safely at Bourdeaux. “Great was the dismay at Paris, when the fugitives brought word that there was no longer a King nor Barons in France, but all were killed or taken.”

England, very naturally, rejoiced through all her coasts. The Prince, after a short stay, embarked for England with his illustrious prisoner, to whom, for greater ease and comfort, he assigned a separate vessel. He entered London with knightly courtesy, riding a small black horse, while the King of France, royally mounted on a white charger, rode by his side. The palace of the Savoy was made the residence of the captive monarch, and there king Edward and his Queen frequently visited him. John, however, was long detained in England, the enormous sum of 3,000,000 of gold crowns being demanded from France for his ransom. He finally consented to those hard terms; but on returning to his own kingdom, he found so much difficulty in persuading his people to raise this great ransom, that he finally resolved to return to his prison in Westminster. As true as he was brave, he nobly answered his council, who tried to persuade him to be guilty of a breach of his engagement, that “if honour were banished from every other abode, it ought at least to find a home in the breast of Kings.” He returned to his home in the Savoy; where, a few months after, he died. Edward III ordered his obsequies to be performed with royal magnificence, and sent his corpse, with a splendid retinue to France, where it found a place in the burial-place of the Kings, in the abbey-church of St. Denis.”

POLOTSK, BATTLE OF.—Fought, July 30th, 1812, between the French Marshal, Oudinot, and the Russians under Wittgenstein. The Russians were defeated with great loss.

PONDICHERRY.—India.—Settled by the French in 1674; taken by the Dutch in 1693; besieged by the British in 1748, and taken by our forces in January, 1761, but restored in 1763. Again taken in October, 1778, and restored in 1783. Again captured by the British, August 23rd, 1793, and finally in 1803.

PORTOBELLO.—South America.—Taken from the Spaniards by Admiral Vernon, November 22nd, 1739. Again taken by the British, who destroyed the fortifications, in 1742.

PRAGA, BATTLES OF.—Fought, October 10th, 1794, between the Poles and Russians; 30,000 Poles were butchered in this battle by the merciless Suwarrow. A second battle, fought March 31st, 1831, between the same countries, resulted with defeat of the Russians who lost 4000 killed and wounded, and 6000 prisoners and 12 pieces of cannon.

PRESCOTT, BATTLE OF.—Upper Canada.—Fought, November 27th, 1838, between the Canadian Rebels and the British, under Major Young, and on the following day by Lieut.-Colonel Dundas, who, after a desperate resistance, succeeded in dispersing the insurgents, several of whom were killed and many taken prisoners; the troops also suffered considerably. After the attack the remainder of the rebels surrendered. In these engagements the rebels were aided by the Americans, who invaded the Canadian territory in great numbers.

PRESTON, BATTLE OF.—Fought, November 12th, 1715, between the Scotch insurgents, under Forster, and the British, under General Willis. The first attack was successful, on the side of the Jacobites, but the Royal forces being augmented by the arrival of General Carpenter, Preston was invested on every side, and the Scots at length laid down their arms, and their nobles and leaders were secured. Some were shot as deserters, and others sent off to London, pinioned and bound together, to frighten their party.

PRESTON-PANS, BATTLE OF.—Fought, September 21st, 1745, between Prince Charles the Pretender and the Royal forces.

“In the meantime Sir John Cope, who had pursued the rebels through the Highlands, but had declined meeting them in their descent, being now reinforced by two regiments of dragoons, resolved to march towards Edinburgh and give the enemy battle. The young Adventurer, whose forces were rather superior, though undisciplined, attacked him near Preston-Pans, about twelve miles from the capital, and in a few minutes put him and his troops to flight. This victory, by which the King lost 500 men, gave the rebels great influence; and had the Pretender taken advantage of the general consternation, and marched directly for England, the consequence might have been fatal to freedom. But he was amused by the promise of succours which never came; and thus induced to remain at Edinburgh, to enjoy the triumphs of an important victory, and to be treated as a monarch.”

PULTOWA, BATTLE OF.—Fought, July 8th, 1709, between Charles XII of Sweden and Peter the Great of Russia. In this celebrated battle the Czar entirely defeated the Hero of Sweden, and forced him to flee to Turkey. This battle was lost on account of Charles having been wounded just before, being obliged to issue his orders from a litter, his soldiers thus having no opportunity of seeing their loved commander.

PULTUSK, BATTLES OF.—One between the Saxons and Swedes, in which the former were defeated, 1703; and the other between the French, under Napoleon, and the Russian and Prussian armies. Both sides claimed the victory, but it inclined in favour of the French.

PYRAMIDS, BATTLE OF THE.—Fought between the French and Turks, 1798. “The sight of the Pyramids, and the anxious nature of the moment, inspired the French General with even more than usual ardour; the sun glittered on those immense masses, which seemed to arise in height every step the soldiers advanced, and the army, sharing his enthusiasm, gazed, as they marched, on the everlasting monuments. “Remember,” said he, “that from the summit of those Pyramids forty centuries contemplate your actions.”

With his usual sagacity, the General had taken extraordinary precautions to ensure success against the formidable cavalry of the Desert. The divisions were all drawn up as before, in hollow squares six deep, the artillery at the angles, the general and baggage in the centre. When they were in mass, the two sides advanced in column, those in front and rear moved forward in their ranks, but the moment they were charged, the whole were to halt, and face outward on every side. When they were themselves to charge, the three front ranks were to break off and form the column of attack, those in the rear remaining behind, still in square, but three deep only, to constitute the reserve. Napoleon had no fears for the result, if the infantry were steady; his only apprehension was, that his soldiers, accustomed to charge, would yield to their impetuosity too soon, and would not be brought to the immovable firmness which this species of warfare required.

Mourad Bey, no sooner perceived the lateral movement of the French army, than, with a promptitude of decision worthy of a skilful general, he resolved to attack the columns while in the act of completing it. An extraordinary movement was immediately observed in the Mameluke line, and speedily 7000 horsemen detached themselves from the remainder of the army, and bore down upon the French columns. It was a terrible sight, capable of daunting the bravest troops, when this immense body of cavalry approached at full gallop the squares of infantry. The horsemen, admirably mounted and magnificently dressed, rent the air with their cries. The glitter of spears and cimeters dazzled the sight, while the earth groaned under the repeated and increasing thunder of their feet. The soldiers, impressed, but not panic-struck, by the sight, stood firm, and anxiously waited, with their pieces ready, the order to fire. Desaix’s division being entangled in a wood of palm-trees, was not completely formed when the swiftest of the Mamelukes came upon them; they were, in consequence, partially broken, and thirty or forty of the bravest of the assailants penetrated, and died in the midst of the square, at the feet of the officers: but before the mass arrived the movement was completed, and a rapid fire of musketry and grape drove them from the front round the sides of the column. With matchless intrepidity, they pierced through the interval between Desaix’s and Regnier’s divisions, and riding round both squares, strove to find an entrance; but an incessant fire from every front mowed them down as fast as they poured in at the opening. Furious at the unexpected resistance, they dashed their horses against the rampart of bayonets, and threw their pistols at the heads of the grenadiers, while many who had lost their steeds crept along the ground and cut at the legs of the front rank with their cimetars. In vain thousands succeeded, and galloped round the flaming walls of steel; multitudes perished under the rolling fire which, without intermission, issued from the ranks, and at length the survivors, in despair, fled towards the camp from whence they had issued. Here, however, they were charged in flank by Napoleon at the head of Dugua’s division, while those of Vial and Bon, on the extreme left, stormed the intrenchments. The most horrible confusion now reigned in the camp; the horsemen, driven in disorder, trampled under foot the infantry, who, panic-struck at the rout of the Mamelukes, on whom all their hopes were placed, abandoned their ranks, and rushed in crowds towards the boats to escape to the other side of the Nile. Numbers saved themselves by swimming, but a great proportion perished in the attempt. The Mamelukes, rendered desperate, seeing no possibility of escape in that direction, fell upon the columns who were approaching from the right, with their wings extended in order of attack; but they, forming square again with inconceivable rapidity, repulsed them with great slaughter, and drove them finally off in the direction of the Pyramids. The intrenched camp with all its artillery, stores, and baggage fell into the hands of the victors. Several thousands of the Mamelukes were drowned or killed; and of the formidable array which had appeared in such splendour in the morning, not more than 2500 escaped with Mourad Bey into Upper Egypt. The victors hardly lost 200 men in the action; and several days were occupied after it was over in stripping the slain of their magnificent appointments, or fishing up the rich spoils which encumbered the banks of the Nile.”

PYRENEES, BATTLE OF THE.—Fought, July 28th, 1813, between the British army, commanded by Wellington, and the French, commanded by Marshal Soult. The French were defeated, with great slaughter. After the battle of Vittoria, fought, June 21st, Napoleon sent Soult to supersede Jourdan, with instructions to drive the British across the Ebro; a duty which he could not accomplish; for he was obliged to retreat into France, which was entered by the British, and he lost 20,000 men, in a series of engagements in the Pyrenees, which separate France from Spain, from July 25th to August 2nd, same year.

Q.

QUARTRE BRAS, BATTLE OF.—Fought, June 16th, 1815, between the French and English. The French were commanded by Marshal Ney, and the British by the Duke of Brunswick, the Prince of Orange, and Sir Thomas Picton. It was fought two days before Waterloo. The British fought, to maintain their position, with wonderful intrepidity, notwithstanding their inferiority in number, and the fatigue of marching all the preceding night. The gallant 42nd Regiment of Scotch Highlanders, or the Black Watch, suffered very severely in pursuit of a French division repulsed early in the morning, by cuirassiers being posted in ambush behind growing corn as high as the shoulders of the tallest men. In this battle, the Duke of Brunswick fell, whose death is alluded to in the well-known lines of Byron on the field of Waterloo.

QUEBEC.—Has been five times assaulted. Founded by the French in 1605. Reduced by the English, with all Canada, in 1626, and restored in 1632. Besieged again by the English, but without success, in 1711, but was taken, under Wolfe, September 13th, 1759. The following is a good account of the capture of the city, under the immortal Wolfe. Quebec was again besieged by the American General Montgomery, who was slain before it, December 31st, 1775, and the siege was raised early next year. Appended is also an account of the siege and death of the American General.

“Wolfe’s army, amounting to about 8000, was conveyed to the vicinity of Quebec by a fleet of vessels of war and transports, and landed, in two divisions, on the island of Orleans, on the 27th of June. The Marquis de Montcalm made vigorous preparations for defending Quebec. His armed force consisted of about 13,000 men, of whom six battalions were regulars, and the remainder well disciplined Canadian militia, with some cavalry and Indians. He ranged these forces from the River St. Charles, to the Falls of Montmorency, with the view of opposing the landing of the British.

“Wolfe first attempted the entrenchment of Montmorency, landing his troops under cover of the fire from the ships of war, but he was gallantly repulsed by the French. In consequence of this repulse, he sent dispatches to England, stating that he had doubts of being able to reduce Quebec during that campaign. His prospects, indeed, were not encouraging: the great stronghold kept up an incessant fire from its almost inaccessible position, bristling with guns, defended by a superior force, and inhabited by a hostile population. Above the city, steep banks rendered landing almost impossible; below, the country for eight miles was embarrassed by two rivers, many redoubts, and watchful Indians. A part of the fleet lay above the town, the remainder in the north channel, between the island of Orleans and Montmorency.

“Soon after this repulse, however, Wolfe roused his brave and vigorous spirit, called a council of war, and proposed, it is generally said, at the instigation of his second in command, General Townsend, to gain the heights of Abraham behind and above the city, commanding the weakest part of the fortress. The council acceded to this daring proposal, and their heroic commander commenced his preparations; in the meanwhile, making such active demonstrations against Montcalm’s position, that the French still believed it to be his main object.

“On the 11th of September, the greater part of the troops landed, and marched up the south shore opposite Quebec,—forded the river Etchemin—and embarked on board the men of war and transports which lay above the town. On the 12th, the ships of war sailed nine miles up the river, to Cap Rouge. This feint deceived Montcalm, and he detached De Bougainville, who, with his army of reserve, proceeded still farther up the river to prevent the English from landing. During the night, the English troops dropped silently down the river, with the current, in boats, and at four o’clock in the morning began to land.

“It is surprising how the troops contrived to land, as the French had posted sentries along the shore, to challenge boats and give the alarm. The first boat was questioned, when Captain Donald M‘Donald, one of Frazer’s Highlanders, who was perfectly well acquainted with the French language and customs, answered to “Qui vive?” which is their challenge, the word “La France”—when the sentinel demanded “A quel régiment?” the captain replied, “De la Reine,” which he knew by accident to be one of those commanded by De Bougainville. The soldier took it for granted that it was an expected convoy, and saying “Passe,” the boats proceeded without further question. One of the sentries more wary than the rest, running down to the water’s edge called out, “Pourquoi est-ce que vous ne parlez pas plus haut?” to which the captain answered in a soft tone of voice, “Tais-toi, nous serons entendus.” Thus cautioned, the sentry retired, and the boats proceeded without further altercation, and landed at the spot now celebrated as “Wolfe’s Cove.”

“General Wolfe was one of the first on shore, and on seeing the difficulty of ascending the precipice, observed familiarly to Captain M‘Donald, “I don’t believe there is any possibility of getting up, but you must do your endeavour.” Indeed the precipice here was so steep, that there seemed no possibility of scaling it, but the Highlanders, grasping the bushes which grew on its face ascended the woody precipice with courage and dexterity. They dislodged a small body of troops that defended a narrow path-way up the bank; and a few more mounting, the General drew up the rest in order as they arrived. With great exertion they reached the summit, and in a short time, Wolfe had his whole army drawn up in regular order on the plains above.

“Montcalm, struck with this unexpected movement, concluded, that unless Wolfe could be driven from this position, Quebec was lost. Hoping probably that only a detachment had as yet reached it, he lost his usual prudence and forbearance, and finding that his opponent had gained so much by hazarding all, he, with an infatuation for which it is difficult to account, resolved to meet the British army.

“He crossed the St. Charles on the 13th, sallying forth from a strong fortress without field artillery—without even waiting the return of Bougainville, who, with 2000 men, formed a corps of observation,—before he could concentrate his forces, advanced with haste and precipitation, and commenced a most gallant attack, when within about 250 yards of the English line. The English moved forward regularly, firing steadily, until within thirty or forty yards of the French, when they gave a general volley which did great execution. The English had only a light cannon, which the sailors had dragged up the heights with ropes. The sabre, therefore, and the bayonet decided the day. The agile Scotch Highlanders, with their stout claymores, served the purposes of cavalry, and the steady fire of the English Fusiliers compensated, in some degree, for the want of artillery.

“The heroism of Montcalm was as conspicuous as that of his illustrious opponent,—both headed their men,—both rushed with eagerness where the battle raged most fiercely. Often by their personal prowess and example did they change the fortune of the moment. Both were repeatedly wounded, but still fought on with enthusiasm. And, at last, both those gallant commanders fell mortally wounded, whilst advancing to the last deadly charge at the head of their respective columns.

“Wolfe was first wounded in the wrist. He immediately wrapped a handkerchief round his arm, and, putting himself at the head of his grenadiers, led them on to the charge. He was then struck with a second ball, but still pressed on, when, just as the enemy were about to give way, he received a third ball in the breast and groin, and sank. When they raised him from the ground, he tried with his faint hand to clear the death-mist from his eyes. He could not see how the battle went, and was sinking to the earth, when the cry “They run!” “They run;” arrested his fleeting spirit. “Who run?” asked the dying hero. “The French,” replied his supporter, “they give way everywhere.” “What!” said he, “do they run already? now God be praised; I die happy!” and so saying, the youthful victor breathed his last. Such was the death of Wolfe, at the early age of thirty-five, when but few men begin even to appear on the theatre of great events.”

DEATH OF GENERAL MONTGOMERY, ETC.

“The first Congress of what is now called “The United States,” met in Philadelphia, on the 5th of September, 1774. It is remarkable that one of their first objects, after obtaining their own independence, was to attempt to seize on the country they had assisted England to conquer. It is a singular fact that the money, which it was endeavoured to levy upon the New Englanders and their fellow-colonists, and which, in a great measure, caused the rupture, was for the express purpose of defraying the great expenses incurred by England in the capture of Canada.

Having resolved to invade Canada, the Americans entered it in the fall of 1775, in two directions—by Lake Champlain and by the sources of the Kennebec River. The first division, under General Montgomery, was very successful. After obtaining possession of Ticonderoga, Crown Point, and St. Johns, he advanced towards Montreal. His force was very considerable, while there were but few British soldiers in Canada. General Carleton, who succeeded General Murray in the military command, had been repulsed at Longueuil; so that Montgomery had only to take possession of the city, which he did on the 19th of November. The naval force in the river, and all the military stores and provisions, were surrendered into his hands, and General Prescott, with the volunteers and soldiers, became prisoners of war. Finding plenty of woollen cloth in the city, General Montgomery took the opportunity of new-clothing his troops, who had suffered much from the severity of the weather. The second division of the American army, under General Arnold, reached the St. Lawrence on the 9th of November. They had traversed, with dreadful fatigue, the forests and swamps in the District of Maine, and arrived at Point Levi, opposite Quebec, worn out and dispirited. Quebec was at this time defenceless; and had General Arnold been able to cross the river, that capital, and with it the territory of Canada, must have passed into the hands of the Americans. Fortunately all the shipping had been removed to the other side, and it was not until the 14th that he was able to cross over. He landed 500 men at Wolfe’s Cove, and waited near that place in the hope of being joined by Montgomery from Montreal. General Carleton, the British Governor, was at this time occupied, with his troops near Montreal, in endeavouring to repulse Montgomery. The latter wished to effect a junction with General Arnold, that they might unitedly attack the fortress. Perceiving that the safety of the country depended upon the possession of Quebec, Carleton effected a masterly movement to reach that place. In this, he was assisted by Captain Bouchette, R.N., who conveyed him through the American forces by night, in a canoe with muffled paddles. He arrived at the citadel of Quebec on the 19th, whilst the Americans thought him busily engaged with Montgomery, near Montreal.

General Carleton’s arrival at Quebec was hailed with great joy by the Canadians, who vied with the oldest British soldiers in preparations for defence. The force under his command amounted to only 1800 men. Not more than 350 were regulars—of whom 230 were Frazer’s Highlanders, who had settled in the country, and were re-embodied under Colonel McLean. The remainder were 450 seamen, and a gallant band composed of Canadian militia and artificers. The American Generals had now effected a junction of their forces, and summoned the fortress to surrender. This was at once rejected. After pushing the siege during the month of December, without any prospect of success, Montgomery determined upon making a night-attack. This intention soon became known to General Carleton, who made every preparation to defeat the enemy. The Governor, with the officers and gentlemen off duty, took up their quarters for several days at the Recollet Convent, where they slept in their clothes. During this month’s siege, the American riflemen kept up an unintermitting fire upon the sentinels, and threw from forty to fifty shells every night into the city. The inhabitants became so accustomed to the occurrences of a siege that they ceased to regard them with alarm, all joining cheerfully in bearing arms and performing the duty of soldiers. Two strong parties were formed on the 31st of December—one under Montgomery, the other under Arnold, whose local knowledge of Quebec was accurate. They were to advance from opposite sides and meet at the foot of Mountain street; then force Prescott gate and reach the Upper Town.

The besiegers approached the city with the most careful silence, aided by the raging of a furious storm. Advancing by the road which winds round the face of the rock, the army was crowded into the narrow pass which led to the gate. Notwithstanding every precaution the confused noise of the approaching troops rose above the conflict of the elements, and struck the watchful ear of the outer sentinel, who, receiving no answer to his challenge, roused the British guard. The party who defended the battery, consisted of Canadian militia, with nine British seamen to work the guns. They kept a close watch, and, as soon as the day broke, discovered the troops marching in the snow. Orders were given to make no movement; and the Americans, having halted at the distance of fifty yards, sent forward an officer to reconnoitre. On his return the troops marched forward with a quickness and precision deserving the highest praise. The English then opened a tremendous fire from the artillery which commanded the path; the groans which succeeded plainly revealed the enemy; and it was not until every sound in answer to their fire had died away, that they ceased their cannonade. The enemy having retired, thirteen bodies were found in the snow. Montgomery’s orderly sergeant, desperately wounded, but yet alive, was found and brought into the guard-room. On being asked if the General himself had been killed, he evaded the question by replying that he had not seen him for some time. This faithful sergeant died in about an hour afterwards. It was not ascertained that the American General had been killed, until General Carleton, anxious to learn the truth, sent to inquire if any of the prisoners would identify the body. An officer consenting accompanied the aide-de-camp to the “Près de Ville” guard, and pointed out the body, pronouncing over it a glowing eulogium on Montgomery’s bravery. His two aides-de-camp were also recognised among the slain. This brave man had fought by the side of Wolfe on the Plains of Abraham; but, marrying an American lady, the daughter of Judge Livingston, he imbibed the politics of his father-in-law’s family, and joined the cause of the colonists against the Mother Country. The excellence of his qualities and disposition procured him an uncommon share of private affection and esteem. After his death the Continental Congress ordered a magnificent cenotaph to be erected to his memory in St. Paul’s Church, N.Y. Thither his remains were removed in 1818, by the desire of his widow, and with the permission of the then British Governor, Sir John Sherbrooke. In the meantime, Arnold, who had been repulsed at the opposite side of the town, took the command, and attempted still to maintain his ground; but the dispirited state of his men rendered him unable to keep up more than an imperfect blockade at a distance of three miles, which he at last abandoned. In the whole attack upon Quebec the Americans lost about 100 killed and wounded, and six officers of Arnold’s division, inclusive of the loss at Près de Ville. The British had one officer and seventeen men killed and wounded. The number of those who surrendered was 426.”

QUEENSTON.—Upper Canada.—This town, on the River Niagara, was taken by the United States troops in the American war of 1812, October 13th, but was retaken by the British, who defeated the Americans with loss. The following is a succinct account of the battle and death of general Brock, the Hero of Upper Canada:

WAR OF 1812 AND DEATH OF GEN. BROCK.

“The American Government assembled at the Niagara frontier a force of 6300 men; of this force, 3170 (900 of whom were regular troops) were at Lewiston, under the command of General Van Rensselaer. In the American reports this army is set down at 8000 strong, with 15 pieces of field ordnance. To oppose this force Major General Brock had part of the 41st and 49th regiments, a few companies of militia, and about 200 Indians, in all 1500 men; but so dispersed in different posts at and between Fort Erie and Fort George, that only a small number was available at any one point. Before daylight on the morning of the 13th of October, a large division of General Van Rensselaer’s army, numbering between 1300 and 1400, under Brigadier General Wadsworth, effected a landing at the lower end of the village of Queenston (opposite Lewiston), and made an attack upon the position, which was defended with the most determined bravery by the two flank companies of the 49th regiment, commanded by Captains Dennis and Williams, aided by such of the militia forces and Indians as could be collected in the vicinity. Captain Dennis marched his company to the landing place opposite Lewiston, and was soon followed by the light company of the 49th, and the few militia who could be hastily assembled. Here the attempt of the enemy to effect a passage, was for some time successfully resisted, and several boats were either disabled or sunk by the fire from the one-gun battery on the heights, and that from the masked battery, about a mile below. Several boats also were, by the fire from this battery, so annoyed, that falling before the landing place, they were compelled to drop down with the current and recross to the American side. A considerable force, however, effected a landing some distance above, and succeeded in gaining the summit of the mountain. No resistance could now be offered to the crossing from Lewiston, except by the battery at Vromont’s Point, half a mile below, and from this a steady and harassing fire was kept up, which did considerable execution.

At this juncture Sir Isaac Brock arrived. He had for days suspected this invasion, and on the preceding evening he called his staff together and gave to each the necessary instructions. Agreeable to his usual custom he rose before daylight, and hearing the cannonade, awoke Major Glegg, and called for his horse Alfred, which Sir James Craig had presented to him. He then galloped eagerly from Fort George to the scene of action, and with two Aides-de-Camp passed up the hill at full gallop in front of the light company, under a heavy fire of artillery and musketry from the American shore. On reaching the 18-pounder battery at the top of the hill, they dismounted and took a view of passing events, which at that moment appeared highly favourable. But in a few minutes a firing was heard, which proceeded from a strong detachment of American regulars under Captain Wool, who, as just stated, had succeeded in gaining the brow of the heights in rear of the battery, by a fisherman’s path up the rocks, which being reported as impossible, was not guarded. Sir Isaac Brock and his Aides-de-Camp had not even time to remount, but were obliged to retire precipitately with the twelve men stationed in the battery, which was quickly occupied by the enemy. Captain Wool having sent forward about 150 regulars, Captain Williams’ detachment of about 100 men advanced to meet them, personally directed by the General, who, observing the enemy waver, ordered a charge, which was promptly executed; but as the Americans gave way, the result was not equal to his expectations. Captain Wool sent a reinforcement to his regulars, notwithstanding which, the whole was driven to the edge of the bank. Here some of the American officers were on the point of hoisting a white flag with an intention to surrender, when Captain Wool tore it off and reanimated his dispirited troops. They now opened a heavy fire of musketry, and, conspicuous from his cross, his height, and the enthusiasm with which he animated his little band, the British Commander was soon singled out, and he fell about an hour after his arrival.

The fatal bullet entered his right breast, and passed through his left side. He had but that instant said, “Push on the York Volunteers!” and he lived only long enough to request that his fall might not be noticed, or prevent the advance of his brave troops, adding a wish which could not be distinctly understood, that some token of remembrance should be transmitted to his sister. He died unmarried, and on the same day, a week previously, he had completed his 43rd year. The lifeless corpse was immediately conveyed into a house close by, where it remained until the afternoon, unperceived by the enemy. His Provincial Aide-de-Camp, Lieutenant Colonel McDonell, of the militia, and the Attorney General of Upper Canada, a fine promising young man, was mortally wounded soon after his chief, and died the next day, at the early age of twenty-five years. Although one bullet had passed through his body, and he was wounded in four places, yet he survived twenty hours, and during a period of excruciating agony his thoughts and words were constantly occupied with lamentations for his deceased commander and friend. He fell, while gallantly charging up the hill, with 190 men, chiefly York Volunteers, by which charge the enemy was compelled to spike the 18-pounder in the battery there.

THE BATTLE OF QUEENSTON HEIGHTS.

At this time, about two in the afternoon, the whole British and Indian force thus assembled was about 1000 men, of whom 600 were regulars. In numbers the Americans were about equal—courage they had, but they wanted the confidence and discipline of British Soldiers. After carefully reconnoitering, General Sheaffe, who had arrived from Fort George, and who had now assumed the command, commenced the attack by an advance of his left flank, composed of the light company of the 41st, under Lieutenant McIntyre, supported by a body of militia and Indians. After a volley, the bayonet was resorted to, and the American right driven in. The main body now advanced under cover of the fire from the two 3-pounders, and after a short conflict forced the Americans over the first ridge of the heights to the road loading from Queenston to the Falls. The fight was maintained on both sides with courage truly heroic. The British regulars and militia charged in rapid succession, until they succeeded in turning the left flank of the enemy’s column, which rested on the summit of the hill. The Americans who attempted to escape into the woods were quickly driven back by the Indians; and many cut off in their return to the main body, and terrified by the sight of these exasperated warriors, flung themselves wildly over the cliffs, and endeavoured to cling to the bushes which grew upon them; but some, losing their hold, were dashed frightfully on the rocks beneath; while others, who reached the river, perished in their attempts to swim across it. The event of the day no longer appeared doubtful.

Major-General Van Rensselaer, commanding the American army, perceiving his reinforcements embarking very slowly, recrossed the river to accelerate their movements; but, to his utter astonishment, he found that at the very moment when their services were most required, the ardour of the unengaged troops had entirely subsided. He rode in all directions through the camp, urging his men by every consideration, to pass over. Lieutenant-Colonel Bloome, who had been wounded in the action and recrossed the river, together with Judge Peck, who happened to be in Lewiston at the time, mounted their horses and rode through the camp, exhorting the companies to proceed, but all in vain. Crowds of the United States militia remained on the American bank of the river, to which they had not been marched in any order, but ran as a mob; not one of them would cross. They had seen the wounded recrossing, they had seen the Indians; and they had seen the “Green Tigers,” as they called the 49th, from their green facings, and were panic struck. There were those to be found in the American ranks who, at this critical juncture, could talk of the Constitution, and the right of the militia to refuse crossing the imaginary line which separates the two countries. General Van Rensselaer having found that it was impossible to urge a single man to cross the river to reinforce the army on the Heights, and that army having nearly expended its ammunition, boats were immediately sent to cover their retreat; but a desultory fire which was maintained upon the ferry from a battery on the bank at the lower end of Queenston, completely dispersed the boats, and many of the boatmen relanded and fled in dismay. Brigadier-General Wadsworth was, therefore, compelled, after a vigorous conflict had been maintained for some time upon both sides, to surrender himself, all his officers, and 900 men, between three and four o’clock in the afternoon. The loss of the British army was 16 killed and 69 wounded; while that on the side of the Americans was not less than 900 men, made prisoners, and one gun and two colours taken, and 90 killed and about 100 wounded. But amongst the killed of the British army, the government and the country had to deplore the loss of one of their bravest and most zealous Generals, in Sir Isaac Brock, and one whose memory will long live in the warmest affections of every Canadian and British subject. The country had also to deplore the loss of the eminent services and talents of Lieutenant-Colonel McDonell, whose gallantry and merit rendered him worthy of his chief.

The gratitude of the people of Canada to the memory of Brock was manifested in an enduring form. They desired to perpetuate the memory of the hero who had been the instrument of their deliverance, and they were not slow in executing their design; and whilst his noble deeds were still fresh in the memory of all, the Provincial Legislature erected a lofty column on the Queenston Heights, near the spot where he fell. The height of the monument, from the base to the summit, was 135 feet; and from the level of the Niagara River, which runs nearly under it, 485 feet. The monument was a Tuscan column, on rustic pedestal with a pedestal for a statue; the diameter of the base of the column was 17½ feet and the abacus of the capital was surmounted by an iron railing. The centre shaft, containing the spiral staircase, was 10 feet in diameter.

On Good Friday, the 17th of April, 1840, a vagabond of the name of Lett, introduced a quantity of gunpowder into the monument with the fiendish purpose of destroying it, and the explosion, effected by a train, caused so much damage us to render the column altogether irreparable. Lett had been compelled to fly into the United States for his share in the rebellion of 1837, and well knowing the feeling of attachment to the name and memory of General Brock, which pervaded all classes of Canadians, he sought to gratify his malicious and vindictive spirit, and at the same time to wound and insult the people of Canada by this atrocious deed.

He afterward met with some meed of his deserts in the State Prison at Auburn, New York.

After the first monument had remained in the dilapidated condition, to which it was reduced, for some years, a new and beautiful column was a short time ago raised on its site. It is thus described: “Upon the solid rock is built a foundation 40 feet square and 10 feet thick of massive stone; upon this, the structure stands in a grooved plinth or sub-basement 38 feet square and 27 feet in height, and has an eastern entrance by a massive oak door and bronze pateras, forming two galleries to the interior 114 feet in extent, round the inner pedestal on the North and South sides of which, in vaults under the ground floor, are deposited the remains of General Brock, and those of his Aide-de-Camp, Colonel McDonell, in massive stone sarcophagi. On the exterior angles of the sub-basement are placed lions rampant 7 feet in height, supporting shields with the armorial bearings of the hero: The column is of the Roman composite order, 95 feet in height, a fluted shaft, 10 feet diameter at the base; the loftiest column known of this style; the lower part enriched with laurel leaves, and the flutes terminating on the base with palms.”

The height from the ground to the top of the statue is 190 feet, exceeding that of any monumental column, ancient or modern, known, with the exception of that on Fish-street Hill, London, England, by Sir Christopher Wren, architect, in commemoration of the great fire of 1666, 202 feet high, which exceeds it in height by 12 feet.”

QUESNOY, BATTLE OF.—Fought, September 11th, 1773, between the French and British, in which the British were defeated, with some loss. Taken by the Austrians in 1793, but recovered by the French the following year. It surrendered to Prince Frederick of the Netherlands, after the battle of Waterloo.

QUIBERON BAY.—A British force landed here in 1736, and was repulsed. In this Bay Admiral Hawke gained a complete victory over the French, under Conflans. This most perilous and important action defeated the French invasion, November 10th 1758. Taken by some French regiments in pay of the British, July 3rd, 1795; but on July 21st, retaken by the French Republicans. About 900 of the troops and near 1500 Royalist inhabitants effected their escape on board the ships.

R.

RAMILIES, BATTLE OF.—Between the English and Allies, commanded by Marlborough, on the one side, and the French, commanded by the Elector of Bavaria and the Marshal de Villeroy. The French, having no confidence in their Commander, were soon seized with a panic, and a general rout ensued. About 4000 of the Allied army were slain. Fought on Whitsunday, May 26th, 1706.

“The year following the victory of Blenheim was, for the most part, wasted in the struggles of Marlborough with his enemies at home, and with the dilatory and uncertain course of the allies of England abroad. He succeeded in forcing the French lines in Flanders; but the fruits of this great achievement were snatched from him by the constant backwardness of the Dutch Generals, who opposed every measure which was urged by him. So grieved was he by their continual opposition, that on one occasion, when the opportunity of a brilliant success was thus lost, he exclaimed, “I feel at this moment ten years older than I was four years ago.” In fact, towards the end of what he had hoped to make a glorious campaign, but which through this opposition had been lost in disputes, he fell seriously ill, and was obliged to retire for a time from active employment.

Meanwhile, the Imperial government had begun to show signs of jealousy and uneasiness that this great General should be employed in Flanders, and in the defence of Holland, instead of recovering the Austrian possessions on the Rhine, and liberating Lorraine. Pressing applications were made that the Duke, instead of prosecuting the war in Belgium, would return to the Moselle, and co-operate with the Imperial forces in that quarter. Taking his departure from the army at the end of October, 1705, Marlborough set out for Vienna, which he reached on the 12th of November. Here the Emperor Joseph created him a Prince of the Empire, and conferred on him the lordship of Mindelheim. But which gave him far more satisfaction, he succeeded in reconciling all differences, and in cementing the alliance, which seemed in danger of dissolution, between Austria, Prussia, and the Netherlands, against the ambitious designs of France. He then returned to the Hague, which he reached on the 11th of December, proceeding thence to London, which he reached early in the new year.

On the 25th of April, 1706, he again arrived at the Hague for the active duties of the approaching campaign. This year’s warfare began at an earlier period than the previous ones, for the French General, with commendable zeal and activity, took the field in the spring, forced the German lines on the Motter, reduced Dreisenheim and Hagenau, and threatened the Palatinate. The Duke, therefore, left the Hague on the 9th May, the Dutch being now anxious to retain him with them, and offering him uncontrolled power over their forces. Accompanied by Overkirk, he passed through Rimemont, and reached Maestricht on the 12th. Here he reviewed the Dutch troops, and began to take measures for an attack on Namur. But Villeroy received orders from Paris rather to risk a battle than to give up this important place. Hence, in the third week in May, the two armies began to approach each other.

Villeroy and the Elector of Bavaria passed the Dyle, and approached Tirlemont. Their combined forces amounted to about 62,000 men. The Duke, with his English, joined the Dutch at Bilsen on the 20th of May, and on the 22nd he had intelligence of the arrival of the Danish contingent, which raised the strength of his army to about 60,000 men. His first desire, now, was to learn the position of the enemy, and how best to come in contact with them. The field of battle ultimately proved to be in an elevated part of the plain of Brabant, lying between Maestricht, Louvain, and Namur. The village of Ramilies itself is but a few miles to the east of Wavre, the position of Marshal Blucher on the morning of the day of Waterloo.

On the 23rd of May, then, in 1706, the English, Dutch, and Danish army, commencing their march early in the morning, came in sight, about eight o’clock, of the Franco-Bavarian outposts. A fog for some time made everything obscure, but about ten o’clock the two armies stood in presence of each other. The French commander had formed his order of battle with the skill which experience generally gives; but he was opposed by a greater commander, whose eye speedily detected the weaknesses of his position.

The French and Bavarians were drawn up on ground which, by its nature, gave their order of battle a concave form. Thus the attacking enemy would have the advantage of being able to bring his men more rapidly from one side to the other, as required. The left wing of the French, also, though strongly posted, was in a position from which it could not easily move. Marlborough, therefore, was not long in forming his plan, which was, to turn the enemy’s right wing; to seize an elevated position in the rear of that wing, and from that position to outflank the whole army.

He therefore began a feigned attack, by his own right wing, upon the left of the French. Villeroy immediately met this, as Marlborough intended, by sending for fresh troops from his centre, and by weakening his right. Pausing in his apparent attack, Marlborough promptly moved to the left all the infantry that were out of sight of the French, and fell upon the enemy’s right wing, which was posted in Tavieres.

The attack succeeded, and Tavieres was carried. Villeroy, finding out his mistake, hurried his squadron of dragoons to the succour of his right wing; but these squadrons were met by the Danish cavalry emerging from Tavieres, and they were all cut to pieces, or driven into the Mehaigne.

And now Ramilies itself, in the centre, became the object of attack. The Duke ordered up from his own right wing every available squadron, and exposed himself much in leading the attack. He was, at one moment, thrown from his horse, and in danger of being made prisoner. While he was remounting, a cannon-ball killed his equerry, Captain Bingfield, who was assisting him.

But now the allied cavalry had reached the height of Ottomond, in the rear of the French position, and the success of the attack was secured. The French were in utter confusion in all parts of the field, and Ramilies itself was carried. There remained only the left wing of Villeroy’s army; and this, attacked now by the reserves on Marlborough’s right, and by the victorious troops which had cleared Ramilies, gave way as evening drew on, rushed in crowds down the descent behind their position, and fled for Judoigne. The cannon and baggage fell into the hands of the victors, who pursued the flying French and Bavarians until two o’clock in the morning. The allied army did not halt in its pursuit till past midnight, when it had advanced to Meldert, five leagues from the field of battle, and two from Louvian.

This battle cost the Franco-Bavarian army 13,000 men, in killed, wounded, and prisoners: among whom were the Princes of Soubise and Rohan, and a son of Marshal Tallard. The spoils of the day consisted of 80 colours and standards taken from the French; nearly all their artillery, and all the baggage which was in the field. The loss of the Allies was 1066 killed, and 2567 wounded. The vast difference between this, and the loss sustained at Blenheim, shows that the victory of Ramilies was gained by the Duke’s masterly manœuvres; and was not owing merely to the courage of the soldiers.

The results of the battle of Ramilies were very great. Louvain instantly surrendered; Brussels received the Duke with open arms on the 28th. Mechlin, Alost, and Lierre, quickly followed. All Brabant was gained by this one victory. Nor was this all. Flanders caught the infection. Ghent opened its gates on the 1st of June; and Antwerp surrendered a few days afterwards. Ostend fell on the 6th of July; and in its harbour were taken two men-of-war, and 45 smaller vessels.”

RATHMINES, BATTLE OF.—In Ireland.—Colonel Jones, Governor of Dublin Castle, made a sally, August 2nd, 1649, and routed the Marquis of Ormond, killed 4000 men and took 2517 prisoners, with their cannon, baggage and ammunition. This battle, and other successes, completely discomfited the rebels in this part of Ireland.

RAVENNA, BATTLE OF.—Fought, April 11th, 1512, between the French, under the great Gaston de Foix, Duke of Nemours, and nephew of Louis XII, and the Spanish and Papal armies. De Foix, gained this memorable battle, but perished in the moment of victory, and the French fortunes in Italy were thus closed. The confederate army was cut to pieces. The Duke had performed prodigies of valor, but being too eager in his pursuit of the Spaniards, who were retiring in good order, he was slain.

REVOLUTION.—The Great Revolution which overturned the old Monarchy of France occurred at the close of the last century. The 2nd, the one here described sent Charles X into exile and was somewhat like that of 1848 which also exiled Louis Philippe.

SECOND FRENCH REVOLUTION.

“The political history of 1830 commenced on March 2nd, by a speech from the throne, announcing war against Algiers for the insults offered to the French flag, and a wish for a reconciliation with the Bragazana family.

This caused great dissatisfaction; the funds fell, the Chamber of Deputies were against the measure, and on the 19th were convoked till August 3rd, and several fires took place, evidently the work of incendiaries.

On the 25th July, Polignac addressed a report to the king on “legitimate power,” and which formed the ground-work of three memorable ordinances, which were signed on that day by Charles, and countersigned by the ministers.

The first ordinance abolished the freedom of the press; the second dissolved the Chamber of Deputies; and the third abrogated the most important rights of the elective franchise.

On the publication of the Moniteur on the following morning, all Paris was astounded by the mystifying report of the ministers of Charles X and the king’s arbitrary decrees. The Rentes fell, and the bank stopped payment.

All work was now abandoned, every manufactory closed, and detachments of artisans with large sticks traversed the streets. Troops of gendarmes patrolled the streets at full gallop to disperse the accumulating crowds. The people were silent; and at an early hour the shops were closed. Early on the 27th, troops of the royal guard and soldiers of the line came pouring in. The people looked sullen and determined. The chief points of rendezvous were the Palais Royal, the Palais de Justice, and the Bourse. Here were simultaneous cries of “Viva la Charte!”—“Down with the absolute king!” but no conversation—no exchange of words with each other. The King was at the Tuilleries. In the Place Carousel there was a station of several thousands of the military, including the lancers of the royal guard, with a great number of cannon. At the Place Vendome a strong guard of infantry was stationed around the column, to guard the ensigns of royalty upon it from being defaced. Crowds of people assembled, and several skirmishes took place.

On Wednesday morning, July 28th, the shops of Paris were closely shut, and the windows fastened and barred, as if the inhabitants of the city were in mourning for the dead, or in apprehension of approaching calamity. The tocsin sounded, and the people flocked in from the fauxbourgs and different quarters of the city. That determined enemy to oppression, the press, had been at work during the night. Handbills were profusely distributed, containing vehement philippics against the king and his ministers, and summoning every man to arm for his country, and to aid in ejecting the Bourbons. Placards were constantly posted up and eagerly read. During the preceding night an organisation of the people had been arranged. All the arms that could be found at the theatres, and remaining in the shops of armourers that had not been visited the evening before, were seized and distributed. Every other kind of property, however, was respected.

Strong detachments guarded the different hotels of the ministers. Loud cries and shouts were constantly heard, of “Down with the Jesuits!”—“Down with the Bourbons!” “Death to the Ministers!” Each man strove to provide himself with a musket, a pistol, a sword, a pole with a knife, or some cutting instrument to form a weapon of offence. Troops continually arrived from St. Denis, St. Cloud, and other military stations. Rude barricades were hastily thrown up in different places, to prevent the attacks of cavalry. Several telegraphs, including that on the Church des Petits Peres, were dismounted. Groups of the people, armed with sticks, bayonets, pikes, and muskets, removed or effaced all the insignia and emblems of royalty. A red flag was hoisted on the gate of St. Denis, amidst the shouts of the people. Tri-coloured flags were promenaded in the streets, and tri-coloured cockades and breast-knots were worn, not only by the French, but by the English and foreigners of all nations. The royal arms, and other ensigns of the government of Charles X that were moveable, were burned in the Place Publique. All Paris was in insurrection. Every movement of the people portended a terrible conflict. The government reposed in security upon a blind and implacable dignity.

M. Lafitte had an interview with Polignac, who said “that the ministers could enter into no compromise or concession.” “We have, then, civil war,” said Lafitte. The prince bowed, and Lafitte retired.

As soon, however, as Polignac’s answer was made known, that “ministers would enter into no compromise or concession,” war, and war to the knife, commenced; and never were witnessed more heroic acts of personal bravery, and more generous disregard of selfish feelings, than were displayed by the citizens of Paris on this memorable day and night. The drums of the national guards soon beat “to arms!” The populace answered the call amid the incessant ringing of the tocsin, and the struggle began in earnest. About two o’clock a cannon on the bridge near the Marche aux Fleurs raked with grape-shot the quay, while the troops were resolutely attacked by the people, and numbers of the guards led off, killed or wounded.

There was a tremendous conflict in La Halle, the great market-place of the Rue St. Denis. The royal guard were early in possession of it. All the outlets were speedily closed by barricades, from behind which, from the corners of the various streets, and from the windows of the houses, the people fired on the guards, and there was a terrible slaughter on both sides. The hottest engagement seems to have been in the Rue St. Honoré, opposite the Palais Royal, where the military were assembled in great force, and the people resisted their assailants with desperate determination.

At the Place de Grêve they fiercely contended with the household troops, the Swiss guards, and compelled them to fly with great loss. In the Rue Montmartre an attack was made by the duke of Ragusa in person. During part of the day the Place des Victoires was occupied by some troops, among whom was a part of the fifth regiment of the line, who had gone over to the national guards established at the Petits Peres. About two o’clock the duke de Ragusa arrived at the place at the head of fresh troops. He drew them up opposite the Rues du Mail, des Fosses, Montmartre, Croix des Petits Champs, and Neuve des Petits Champs. He immediately commanded a charge, and on both sides hundreds of men were killed. The marshal directed his troops down the Rue du Mail, and they scoured the Rue Montmartre without much difficulty till they reached the Rue Joquelet, where the people were prepared. Each house was armed and guarded. The black flag was displayed on the Porte St. Denis and other edifices.

As soon as the firing ceased, the people made preparations for the next day by strengthening the barricades and increasing their number. They were assisted by women and even children. The remainder of the afternoon and evening, and the whole of the night, was spent in raising these important obstacles to the evolutions of cavalry. Excellent materials were at hand in the paving-stones; they were dug up and piled across the streets in walls breast high, and four or five feet thick. These walls were about fifty paces distant from each other. Hundreds of the finest trees were cut down for blockades. Nothing could be more effective for the defence of a large open town like Paris, traversed in every direction by long narrow streets, overlooked by houses of six, seven, and eight stories, than such barriers, scientifically constructed. All the means that industry and ingenuity could devise, in so short a time, were carried into execution, for the energetic stand and assault determined to be made against the military in the morning.

At day-break on Thursday the tocsin sounded “To arms;” and the people began to assemble rapidly and in great crowds. The military, whose guard-houses had been destroyed, were chiefly quartered at the Louvre and the Tuilleries, the Swiss and the royal guards being posted in the houses of the Rue St. Honoré and the adjacent streets. At the same time, the students of the Polytechnic School joined the citizens nearly to a man; they then separated, proceeding singly to different parts to take the command of the people, and nobly repaid the confidence reposed in them. The garden of the Tuilleries was closed. In the Place du Carousel were three squadrons of lancers of the garde royale, a battalion of the third regiment of the guards, and a battery of six pieces, also belonging to the guards.

About one o’clock in the afternoon, a party of the royal guards and of Swiss, to the number of nearly 800 men, appeared on the Place de Grêve. A brisk fire commenced, but the national guards not being in sufficient strength, were obliged to give ground and to suffer the royal guards to take possession of their post. The royal guards had scarcely made themselves masters of the Hotel de Ville, when they were assailed on all sides with a shower of bullets from the windows of the houses on the Place de Grêve and in the streets abutting on the quay. The royal guards resisted vigorously, but were ultimately compelled to retreat along the quay; their firing by files and by platoons succeeding each other with astonishing rapidity. They were soon joined by fresh troops of the royal guard and of Swiss, including 100 cuirassiers of the guard and four pieces of artillery, each of them escorted by a dozen of artillerymen on horseback. With this terrible reinforcement they again advanced on the Hotel de Ville, and a frightful firing began on all sides. The artillery debouching from the quay, and their pieces charged with cannister shot, swept the Place de Grêve in a terrific manner. They succeeded in driving the citizens into the Rues de Matriot and du Mouton, and entered for the second time that day into their position at the Hotel de Ville. But their possession of it did not continue long; for they were soon again attacked with a perseverance and courage which was almost irresistible. Their artillery ranged before the Prefecture of the Seine and the Hotel de Ville threatened death to thousands.

Hundreds of the constitutionalists were killed by the fire of the Swiss guard from the windows of this edifice. It was erected in 1600, and though it does not appear to possess any of the characteristics of strength in a military sense of the word, yet its gates, being of immense thickness, furnished a good defence from the musketry of the attacking parties. The Hotel de Ville was afterwards employed as the head-quarters of La Fayette and the provisional government.

The Rue St. Honoré, for two days, was a perpetual scene of slaughter. The Louvre, except the picture-gallery, was on all sides attacked and defended at the same moment, and for hours. In the court of the Louvre a field-piece was planted, which commanded the Pont des Arts, being exactly opposite the Institute. Here the fighting was so dreadful and so maintained, that the front of the building of the Institute was completely covered with muskets and grape shot. One cannon ball smashed a portion of the wall, and from its elevation did dreadful execution in sweeping the bridge. The attack on the Tuilleries was over in two or three hours. A young man marched with a tri-coloured flag at the head of the attacking bourgeois. A thousand balls, fired from the front of the chateau, whistled by him without touching him. He continued to march with perfect sangfroid, but with, at the same time, an air of importance, up to the triumphal arch, and remained until the end of the battle.

While the people and the military were combating at the Place de Grêve, the Louvre, and the Tuilleries, troops were arriving by the Champs Elysees. A great party of the people, and many national guards, with two pieces of cannon, were hastening along near the Place Louis XVI towards the Barrier St. Etoile, when a largo troop of dragoons arrived, made a desperate charge, and cut down the people without mercy who made a very bold stand. Many of the soldiers solemnly vowed that they would not continue to obey orders to massacre their brothers and sons. Their numbers were thinned, they were fatigued, disheartened, discomfited, beaten, and fled. At Chaillot, a district of Paris, verging on the route to St. Cloud, the inhabitants, though few in number, sustained the fire of five regiments of the guards, who attempted to effect their retreat by the barrier of Passy. At length, all the royal troops left the capital by the way of the Champs Elysees, and in their retreat were fired upon by the people.

At night, part of the town was illuminated, particularly the streets of St. Denis, St. Martin, St. Jacques, and the neighbourhood of the Hotel de Ville. Perfect tranquillity prevailed throughout the city. Strong patroles silently paraded the streets, passed gently from barricade to barricade, and disarmed individuals whom fatigue and the heat of the weather, more than wine, had rendered incapable of employing their weapons usefully.

A deputation from Charles X at St. Cloud, arrived at the Hotel de Ville early in the morning. It consisted of the marquis de Rastoret, chancellor of France; M. Semonville; and count d’Argout, peer of France. They announced that Charles had named the duke de Mortemart president of the council, and that he was willing to accept a ministry chosen by him.

At eleven o’clock, the deputies and peers then in Paris assembled in their respective halls, and established regular communications with each other. The duke de Mortemart was introduced to the chamber of deputies, and delivered four ordinances, signed, the previous day, by Charles X. One of them recalled the fatal ordinances of the 25th; another convoked the chambers on the 3rd; the third appointed the duke de Mortemart president of the council, and the fourth appointed count Gerard minister of war, and M. Casimir-Perier minister of finance. The reading of these ordinances was listened to with the greatest attention. At the termination profound silence continued;—no observation was made;—the deputies passed to other business.—The duke de Mortemart returned to acquaint his master that he was no longer acknowledged as king of France. The manner in which the duke and his communications were received by the deputies, was an announcement that Charles X had ceased to reign.

On the 31st, the deputies published a proclamation, declaring that they had invited the duke of Orleans to become Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. At noon of the same day, Louis Philippe d’Orleans issued a proclamation, declaring that he had hastened to Paris, wearing the “glorious colours” of France, to accept the invitation of the assembled deputies to become Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. A proclamation of the same date appointed provisional commissaries for the different departments of government. The king, with his family, escaped to St. Cloud.

On the 3rd of August the chambers met, when the abdication of Charles was announced; and on the 9th, Louis Philippe, having taken the prescribed oath, was created king, under the title of “King of the French.”

Thus terminated this desperate struggle for popular rights, and which has no parallel in the annals of history. The Parisians left their homes to fight, without organization and almost without arms, against some of the best troops in the world;—and for what? Were they a rabble driven by hunger, or a rebellious nobility endeavouring to wrest new privileges from the monarch? No: they were men who, animated with an ardent desire to be free, would not suffer themselves to be stripped of their civil rights, but firmly and manfully defended them with their lives. It was in this respect a great moral revolution, and forms a brilliant epoch in the annals of the world.”

RETREAT OF THE GREEKS.—Whoever has read the beautiful descriptions of Xenophon, has read of the memorable retreat of the 10,000 Greeks. It happened B.C. 401, after the battle of Cunaxa; Xenophon was chosen commander. He rose superior to danger, and though under continual alarms from the sudden attacks of the Persians, he was enabled to cross rapid rivers, penetrate through vast deserts, gain the tops of mountains, till he could rest secure for a while, and refresh his tired companions. At last they returned home, after a retreat of 1155 parasangs or leagues, which was performed in 215 days,—and after an absence of 15 months.

RIDGEWAY, BATTLE OF, OR LIME RIDGE.—Fought, Saturday, June 2nd, 1866, between the Canadian Volunteers of Toronto and Hamilton, and the Fenians, a lawless band of predatory scoundrels, who wantonly invaded Canada, and were driven back by Canada’s brave sons. The following succinct account is from the pen of the Rev. D. Inglis, D.D., of Hamilton, who was present in the engagement.

“Rev. Mr. Burwash and myself were appointed by a number of the ministers of this city to join the 13th Battalion of Hamilton volunteers, and to render them such assistance as might be in our power. The shadows of night had just given way to the bright light of that June morning when we reached Port Colborne and joined the battalion in the cars, a few minutes before the train left for Ridgeway. Much has been written on the proper rations and equipments for the men, and I only refer to this with the view of noticing the want of shoulder-straps with which to fasten the overcoats on the back of the soldiers, and the fact that they were obliged to roll them up and sling them over their right shoulders, under their left arm-pits, an expedient which afterwards greatly impeded them in aiming and firing, and caused them to abandon their overcoats when going into battle.

The train proceeded slowly to Ridgeway, where the men left the cars and were drawn up on the Stevensville road. The Queen’s Own were in the front, then came the 13th Battalion, and a company of riflemen from Caledonia forming the rear-guard. The men were in good spirits, and I could not look without admiration upon the coolness and intrepidity with which these volunteer soldiers, many of them mere lads, prepared for the advance. The ammunition was distributed to the men, the order given to load with ball cartridge, and then followed an interval of suspense and waiting. The sensation of relief was great when after some minutes of anxiety and impatience the order to advance was given. The position assigned to the waggon containing the ammunition, &c., in which Mr. Burwash and myself were riding, was immediately behind the main body, and in front of the rear guard. When about a mile and a half from Ridgeway several companies of the Queen’s Own were ordered into the fields and woods to clear them of Fenians—and in a short time the first shot was fired—and then in a rapid succession we saw small clouds of blue smoke issuing from the woods, telling us of a rapid discharge of musketry before the reports reached our ears. The sergeants in charge concluded to halt with their waggon, and Mr. Burwash and myself hurried on in the rear of our main body. The Fenian skirmishers fell back upon the main body of their force, who were drawn up in an entrenched position along the Fort Erie road. They had converted a stone wall and the ordinary snake-fences into barricades, and held a strong position; but on the advance of our forces, fearing lest our skirmishers should out-flank them, they retired in good order, and amid rapid firing, to a slightly elevated piece of ground covered with thick woods, some distance in their rear. It was in this advance that Ensign McEachren was mortally wounded. It has been stated that Colonel Booker rushed to the rear calling for a surgeon. I am in a position positively to deny this; the cry for a surgeon was heard by me, but it did not come from the Colonel. Mr. McEachren was borne to the rear by some men of his company, accompanied by the Captain, a noble fellow, whose name I do not know, to whom I at once introduced myself as a minister, and offered to do all I could for his friend. He thanked me with tears in his eyes, and hastened back to the post of danger. Dr. May was in attendance; but a glance at the wound shewed that it was mortal—and it fell to me to inform him of the fact. He received the intelligence as a Christian soldier—informing me that his faith rested in the Lord Jesus Christ. I prayed with him, and after a few moments’ conversation I mentioned Mr. Burwash’s name, and finding that he was an old parishioner of Mr. Burwash, I left him mainly to his care—though I several times spent a few moments with him afterwards. I then returned to the battle-field to see if I could be of use there. Our forces had advanced, throwing out their skirmishers right and left of the skirmishers—Queen’s Own—to the extreme right—13th battalion—the distance was probably a little more than three-quarters of a mile. Not a Fenian was to be seen, but as our brave soldiers advanced, nearer and nearer, there came again first a single shot, and then a rapid discharge of fire-arms along the whole line. From their elevated position, or from what other cause, I know not, the shots went over the heads of our men, and I could see them striking the field behind. I hastened back to the hospital with feelings of admiration for the brave fellows who, exposed to a terrible fire from an unseen foe, so nobly stood their ground, while the sharp crack of their rifles assured me that the gallant fellows were doing their duty amidst those showers of bullets, in spite of all the manifest disadvantages of their position; but I could not rid myself of a feeling of depression and anxiety when I thought of the result.

In the hospital I found a few men slightly wounded. One of them told me there were no litters with which to bear the wounded from the field. I set the men who were on guard to work to make litters with some poles which we found near—and such sheets and blankets as I could lay my hands on—and returned to the field with the men carrying the litters. I took my old position, from which I had a full view of the whole field, and was startled to notice strange movements going on among our men. They had halted—the whole line trembled—I do not mean that the brave men trembled, but there was a movement along their line which I find no other word to describe. The order to receive cavalry was given, and an effort was made to obey it. Then another and another order. The only one which the men seemed eager to obey was the one to advance, and then came the fatal bugle’s notes that told them to retreat, and our men began to fall back. I hurried to the hospital and told the Doctor and Mr. Burwash that I feared the day was against us, but said I would return to the field while they made the necessary preparations to remove the sick and wounded from a place which should soon be the very centre of the battle. When I again reached my old post of observation a shower of bullets fell around me, and before I got back to the hospital, a number of men belonging to the Queen’s Own had got between me and the house. These were quickly followed by a large number of the 13th Battalion, and I was forced to leave without again communicating with my friends. I soon found, however, that the Doctor and his wounded men, as well as Mr. Burwash, had got safely out of that terrible fire.

The descriptions given of the retreat, are, for the most part greatly exaggerated. Some men, it is true, ran away in terror, but the main body, though in confusion, were not panic-stricken. The feeling was one of vexation, and at the very moment when they expected victory, all had unaccountably gone wrong with them. Tears were shed, but they were tears wrung from brave men at the bitter thought of being called to retreat before their foes. In the rear, Major Skinner, with a number of men belonging to the 13th and the Queen’s Own, kept in good order, and so effectually covered our retreat, that the enemy were unaware of the disorder in which the main body were retiring. Beyond all doubt, we were at this point saved from further disaster by the coolness and steadiness of Major Skinner, and the officers and men who were with him.

At Ridgeway the confused and scattered mass of men who got into order through the exertions of a Toronto officer whose name I have been told is Captain Arthurs, and who certainly discharged his duty in a way that marked him out as a man able to control and lead others.

I have refrained from all criticism of the conduct of the officers on whom the responsibilities of this matter lie. I know nothing of military tactics, and it does not become me to say anything of why this little band of volunteers should have been led into a conflict with superior numbers of trained and veteran soldiers without support from artillery or the regulars—it is not my part to say what the commanding officer should or should not have done. This only I am bound to say, that the officers and men of the Queen’s Own and 13th Battalion, behaved throughout the battle with coolness and gallantry—and even the unfortunate retreat only brought out more clearly that, with few exceptions, they were men of unflinching courage. The hospital, no less than the battle-field proved the noble courage of our men, and it would have moved the stoutest heart to tears, to see those boy-heroes suffering as they did, without a murmur or a groan.

Major Gilmore, of the Queen’s Own, and Major Skinner, of the 13th, distinguished themselves greatly, their words of command inspiring their men with courage—while they themselves were steady as rocks under the hottest fire. Indeed, but for Major Skinner’s coolness and power over the men under his command, the retreat of Ridgeway must have resulted in fearful consequences.”

RIFLE PITS, CONTEST AT THE.—Crimean war. “The bombardment was re-opened on Easter Monday, the 9th April, soon after daybreak. Heavy rain fell all day, and the dense atmosphere prevented our men from observing the effect of the fire. This time the fleets did not share in the bombardment. At the close of the day, it was evident that our weight of metal, though greatly superior to that employed on the occasion of the first bombardment in October, was yet inadequate to the task of destroying the colossal works of the enemy. In vain our artillery pounded the earthworks and batteries. In vain showers of shell were poured into the town. The Russian engineers proved themselves consummate masters of their art, and every morning fresh guns poured forth a deadly reply from the repaired embrasures. Their resources seemed literally inexhaustible, and their courage was fully equal to the occasion. For more than a week the tremendous bombardment continued, and notwithstanding the intensity of the fire from the French and English batteries, comparatively little effect was produced. In the meanwhile both armies worked assiduously at the trenches. The French succeeded in carrying their parallels yet nearer to the Mamelon, a large rounded hill in front of the Malakoff Tower, and covered with rifle pits and earthworks; while the English gradually extended their lines towards the formidable Redan. Their great difficulty lay in forming a trench which should connect the zigzags leading on the right towards the Malakoff, and on the left towards the Redan. In order to obstruct the formation of this work, the enemy established a series of rifle-pits which enfiladed the new parallel, and whence considerable loss was inflicted upon our working parties. In addition to the fire from the rifle-pits, the enemy brought down a 12-pounder gun which swept our trenches, and effectually hindered the progress of the work. It became necessary, therefore, to attempt to drive the Russians from their vantage-ground; and on the night of the 19th of April, Colonel Egerton, at the head of 250 men of the Light Division, attempted the exploit, dashed from the breastwork, and, taking the enemy by surprise, drove him out. The successful English immediately established themselves in the pits, but the Russians were too sensible of the value of the position to permit the advantage to remain undisputed, and marched down a column 1000 strong, to attempt the recovery of the pits. Our troops met them with a well-directed volley, which shook their ranks and then closed with them in a deadly contest. The enemy was, after an obstinate fight, completely routed, and the British had secured an important advantage, though not without the loss of the gallant Colonel. On the following night, the second line of rifle-pits was also carried, after a feeble resistance; and our working parties were thus enabled to pursue their labours without annoyance, and in comparative security.”

ROADS, LORD COCHRANE AT BASQUE.—“Our fire-ships were sent in, each conducted by a lieutenant and five men; the ships were sixteen in number, and some very heavy. When they got in, the French ships cut and slipt, nine sail of the line got on shore on the Isle of Aix, and the next morning we discovered them: the fire-ships having done little good, the small craft and frigates were ordered in to attempt to destroy them. The place where they lay was like Portsmouth harbour, under the fire of the two batteries, each of which had three tiers of guns, of twenty-nine each, all heavy metal: the navigation to get at them was very difficult, in some places there being only four fathoms water. Just as we were sitting down to dinner on board the Revenge, our signal was made to go in and assist the gun and mortar vessels; our ship was cleared for action in fifteen minutes, and in half an hour we were alongside of three sail of the line, when we opened a dreadful cannonade on them, which continued for an hour and a quarter, the Warsaw, a fine 80-gun ship, and the Aquilon, struck to us. We were now in a very critical state ourselves, being in only five fathoms water, which was ebbing very fast; the batteries on shore, having got our length, struck us almost every shot for the last quarter of an hour; luckily, a breeze springing up, we got off into deeper water, and out of reach of their guns, when we anchored again, and sent our boats to take out the prisoners, and set them on fire, about seven, p.m. At nine they were all in flames, and at two in the morning they blew up with a tremendous explosion; the French set fire to the Tonniere, and the Imperieuse to the Calcutta; three other ships of the line were on shore, very much mauled by the frigates and boom-ships; some of them were on their beam-ends, and but little chance of getting off again. The captain of the Warsaw was on board our ship; he said, they were bound out to relieve Martinique with troops and provisions. I went on board his ship after she struck, and the decks were strewed with dead and dying, a most dreadful slaughter. We also lost several killed and wounded, and our ship was much cut up in sails and rigging.

Lord Cochrane caused about 1500 barrels of gunpowder to be started into puncheons, which were placed end upwards: upon the tops of these were placed between 3 and 400 shells, charged with fuses; and again, among and upon these were between 2 and 3000 hand-grenades. The puncheons were fastened to each other by cables wound round them, and jammed together with wedges; and moistened sand was rammed down between these casks, so as to render the whole, from stem to stern, as solid as possible, that the resistance might render the explosion the more violent.

In this tremendous instrument of destruction, Lord Cochrane committed himself, with only one lieutenant and four seamen; and after the boom was broken, his lordship proceeded with this explosion-ship towards the enemy’s line. Let it be recollected, that at this moment the batteries on shore were provided with furnaces to fire red-hot shot, and then his lordship’s danger in this enterprize may be properly conceived.

The wind blew a gale, and the tide ran three knots an hour. When the blue lights of the fire-ships were discovered, one of the enemy’s line made the signal for fire-ships; which being also a blue light, the enemy fell into great confusion, firing upon her with very injurious effect, and directly cut their cables.

When lord Cochrane had conducted his explosion-ship as near as was possible, the enemy having taken the alarm, he ordered his brave little crew into the boat, and followed them, after putting fire to the fuse, which was calculated to give them fifteen minutes to get out of reach of the explosion. However, in consequence of the wind getting very high, the fuse burnt too quickly; so that, with the most violent exertion against wind and tide, this intrepid little party was six minutes nearer than they calculated to be, at the time when the most tremendous explosion that human art ever contrived took place, followed by the bursting at once in the air of nearly 400 shells and 3000 hand-grenades, pouring down a shower of castmetal in every direction. But fortunately our second Nelson was spared, the boat having reached, by unparalleled exertion, only just beyond the extent of destruction. Unhappily, this effort to escape cost the life of the brave lieutenant, whom his noble captain saw die in the boat, partly under fatigue, and partly drowned with waves that continually broke over them. Two of the four sailors were also so nearly exhausted, that their recovery was for some time despaired of.

The repetition of his explosions was so dreaded by the enemy, that they apprehended an equal destruction in every fire-ship, and, immediately crowding all sail, ran before wind and tide so fast, that the fire-ships, though at first very near, could not overtake them, before they were high and dry on shore, except three seventy-fours, besides the Calcutta, which were afterwards engaged, taken, and burned.