FORTY-FIRST ANNUAL MEETING of the American Missionary Association. (continued 2)

2. He is left in ignorance and vice.

Here again I wish not only to admit but to rejoice in the progress made. More than a million of the colored people, of ten years old and upward, can write; but, alas! more than three millions cannot! It is these that awaken our fears, for they are in danger themselves and are a danger to the nation. Owing to their illiteracy they cannot keep the accounts of their earnings in the lowest kinds of employment; they cannot enter upon the higher and more profitable avocations; and they cannot rise to the intellectual dignity of a true manhood. Then, too, they are in bondage to their vices. When they escaped from slavery, many of them did not escape from lying, stealing and licentiousness; when they entered freedom many were captured by idleness, improvidence and intemperance. These are the victims of designing men who take advantage of their ignorance to defraud them, and of their vices to enrich themselves or to gratify their lusts. The danger to the nation is from the contagion of vice which spreads beyond race or locality, and from the schemes of political demagogues who can sway to their own ends the millions of these ignorant voters, who have no property to be taxed and no character to maintain.

3. He is under the ban of caste prejudice.

This lies at the bottom of the whole difficulty. This refuses to see his good qualities, denies his capacity for improvement, shuts to him the doors of knowledge, cheats him at the polls, wrongs him in the courts, and consigns him perpetually to the position of a hewer of wood and a drawer of water, thus enstamping the race distinction broad and permanent, and awakening in his heart either utter discouragement or implacable hatred.

In these three facts—the withholding of the negro’s equal rights, his ignorance and vice, and this caste prejudice—are the elements of a race warfare; they foreshadow another “Impending Crisis”—the next “Irrepressible Conflict.” This becomes the more obvious, because the negro, having been recognized as a man before the law, there is no alternative but to withdraw the recognition or to make it real. There is no middle ground—he must be a slave or a freeman; the equal of his white peers. The “Impending Crisis” is the more imminent from the growth of the blacks in number. In spite of all denials, the time is hastening on when the blacks in the Southern States will outnumber the whites; and when they feel their strength in brawn and muscle—and when especially there arise among them men of education and talent, with ambition aroused and with passion stimulated by a sense of injustice—then will the “Irrepressible Conflict” become as certain as, and, we fear, more implacable than, the last great struggle.

But there is a higher stand-point from which to view this great question—the providential. When the negro ceased to be a slave he became invested with a new significance. Then for the first time began to be seen the meaning of his presence in America—the reason why the black man from Africa—the most degraded part of the world—was selected by Divine Providence as one of the Three Brothers to settle this continent. He was the one by whom God could test the nation and call upon it to exemplify before the world the Brotherhood of Man. The full test could only be made when the highest should recognize the lowest.

The nation cannot shirk this test. Justice to the negro demands it; God, who made of one blood all nations, demands it; Christ, who died for all men, demands it; he cares for the poor and repudiates caste; he was born in poverty and toiled for his living; his mission was announced and attested by miracles of help for the needy and the preaching of the gospel to the poor; he touched the leper when he healed him; he ate with publicans and sinners; in his church there is neither bond nor free, but all are one in him; and in the final judgment his award will depend upon how he himself was treated in the person of one of the least of his brethren. His voice must be heard. To all that call him Lord, and mean to obey his word and follow his example, this whole question must be lifted out of the realm of prejudice into the higher plane of Christian duty, and when placed there, who can doubt the issue? The Brotherhood of Man must be recognized and exemplified.

But the question remains, How shall this next great step in human progress be taken? The question will be settled and the step will be taken in righteousness, for no question is ever settled till it is settled right. As we have seen before, the issue between the American Colonies and the British Government, and that between the North and the South in regard to slavery, might both have been settled peacefully, if righteously; and so the question now before the nation may be settled peacefully, if righteously, by giving the negro his guaranteed rights, lifting him out of his ignorance and vice, and especially by taking him from under the ban of caste prejudice. But it is to be feared that these concessions will not be made, and then the question will be settled by a bloody war of races, involving the North as well as the South.

But this conclusion is too startling to contemplate without instinctively turning to the possibility of a peaceful solution of the problem. Let me suggest:

1. The Northern Brother has a great responsibility in this matter. He, too, enslaved the Black Brother for a time, and gave his consent to the virtual recognition of slavery in the Constitution; and when at length he saw his error and demanded the emancipation of the slave, the South resisted him to the utmost in the terrible war; and when the slave was freed and the North insisted on making him a citizen and on giving him the ballot, the Southern Brother, though he could no longer resist, yet entered his most earnest protest. He said: “I know these negroes; they are not fit for the ballot and will ruin the country if they have it.” But the Northern Brother had the power, and like General Jackson he “took the responsibility.” He cannot now shrink from that responsibility. He cannot, with any better success than Pilate, wash his hands and thus be made guiltless. He brought his innocent Brother into his present trouble and it will be both cowardly and criminal to leave him to his fate. No! if this great problem is ever solved peacefully and righteously, the North must awake fully to its special duty, and perform it at whatever cost of money and self-sacrifice.

2. The Southern Brother has a still deeper interest in this matter. In the first place he owes something to the Black Brother, who always helped and never hindered him, who tilled his land and made his wealth, who, during the war, cared for the plantation and protected the family—though he knew that the master fought to rivet his fetters all the tighter. Then again, the Southern Brother has and must have the Black Brother with him, near him, his immediate neighbor, and whatever discomforts or dangers may arise, he must be the first, and for a time, the only one to suffer. He cannot remand the negro back to slavery, nor even to serfdom—the nineteenth century cannot tolerate the one more than the other—even in Russia, much less in America. Nor can the present anomalous position of the negro long be maintained. It is full of vexations and of dangers; the negro will soon be strong enough to resist it, and the North, as in the contest about slavery, must take sides with the Black man.

Why should the South fight against the inevitable? In a recent number of the Century, a Confederate officer, Col. Alexander, in giving a racy sketch of Pickett’s famous charge at Gettysburg, incidentally refers, in a humorous way, to one of their chaplains who was accustomed to pray that “Providence would consent at last to come down and take a proper view of the situation.” The Colonel, at one auspicious juncture in the preliminary fight, was inclined to believe that the prayer of the good chaplain was about to be answered. But when all was over and the battle was lost, he dryly admits that “Providence had evidently not yet taken a proper view of the situation.” The same admission was equally pertinent at Appomattox—and has been ever since—indeed, is it not time for the South to see that the trouble is not with Providence but with itself—that it should “consent at last to take a proper view of the situation”? Providence did not take its view during the war to sustain slavery, and will not in the struggle to maintain caste, which is now the great issue, as slavery then was. That issue the South is pushing to the front with new energy. For example, the great churches, Methodist and Presbyterian, that had been rent asunder by the anti-slavery agitation before the war, had seemed for a time since to be happily coming together once more, but recently that fair prospect has become darkened, and mainly by the strong exactions in regard to caste-separation demanded by the South. Then as to schools, the South has always been understood to be opposed to the co-education of the races, but the recent demonstrations in one of the States are almost amusingly violent. We stolid Northern people are tempted to smile at the fear that the white young gentlemen and ladies of the South are so eager to marry negroes that they dare not be trusted in the same school together, and that such stringent measures as fines, imprisonment and the chain-gang are deemed necessary to prevent it! But we are glad to find that these severe measures were planned by over-zealous young politicians, and that “the sober second thought of the people” has substituted less barbarous methods, and that other Southern States do not follow the bad example.

But more seriously, the South has never enforced laws against the criminal mingling of the races that has almost bleached the negroes white. Is lawful marriage more criminal than concubinage? But who wants the intermarriage of the races to take place? Not the North, certainly. The Southern whites ought to be able to resist the temptation. Every step in the advancement of the blacks contradicts the charge that they desire it. No! the charge is fictitious, and is only paraded to give force to the plea for caste-distinction and exclusion, which is now the main hindrance to the incoming of the Brotherhood of Man.

But the Southerner pleads strongly against recognizing the political equality of the races. He says, The negro is not my equal in intelligence, property or character. Why should he cast a ballot he cannot read, elect men to make laws which they themselves cannot read, to impose taxes of which he pays almost nothing, and to squander the money for the benefit of demagogues? A most estimable Christian gentleman from South Carolina said to me not long since: “On one point the people of our State are agreed. We will not again be ruled by the negroes. We have tried it and we will not permit it to be repeated.” To all this the ready answer is: It was one thing for ignorant, degraded and unscrupulous negroes at that time to rule—nay, I may say, ruin—the State, and another and very different thing, to permit negroes that are educated, possessed of property and of established character to take their proper share in the administration of the affairs of the State; and this brings me to my final point.

3. It is the duty of the hour and of all concerned to unite in aiding the negro to acquire knowledge, property and character. In the Revolutionary struggle, the two White Brothers stood shoulder to shoulder for one object; in the last sad conflict they fought against each other to the bitter end. It is time that the enmity of the last struggle should be laid aside and the amity of the first should be imitated. Let the two White Brothers unite in directing the general government to make ample provisions on terms satisfactory to both to promote popular education in the South; let the State governments in the South vote means to second the effort. Let the North, as individuals and churches, multiply greatly its generous offerings and increase the number of its consecrated men and women to carry forward the work, and let the South respond in its measure in personal contributions and labors, and especially let its people welcome these Northern teachers, not with suspicion and ostracism, but with co-operation and the respect due to their Christian characters. Let the large religious denominations bury dead issues and unite in lifting up the negro. On what nobler or more Christian platform could they stand? Let them come to him not as the priest and the Levite, but as the Samaritan; and let the Black Brother show more alacrity than ever in responding to these efforts in his behalf. When all this is done, there will be realized the great mission of these Three Brothers in America—the founding of a great empire, the establishing of civil and religious liberty, the granting of personal freedom to all, and last and greatest of all, the crowning glory of illustrating the Brotherhood of Man!

NEED OF INTELLIGENCE IN BENEVOLENCE.

BY SECRETARY POWELL.

What should be done to increase the number of those who intelligently contribute to the support of the American Missionary Association?

Among the reasons for raising this question are the following:

1. A large number of the churches give us no contribution. Last year only 1,698, out of 4,277 total, contributed to our treasury. The State Associations every year, and the National Council every three years, recommend the Association to the churches for their support. Sixty-one per cent. of those churches reply: “We do not accept your advice.” A high estimate they must put upon the reasons which governed their representatives! Yet resolutions of commendation are necessary. The cause that cannot obtain them is doomed. But, though necessary, they are not enough. “Good words butter no parsnips.” Those who say not and do are more to be commended than those who say and do not. The resolutions of National Councils and State Associations need to be translated into the benevolent activities of all the churches. Otherwise they are dead letters.

2. Only a small proportion of those who contribute through the churches do so intelligently. Some give from impulse. When the impulse dies, the contribution dies with it. Some give only when roused by a special appeal. If no appeal is made they give nothing. Some give merely because the contribution box is passed—they are ashamed not to go through the motions of putting something in, and they would be even more ashamed to have the congregation know just what they put in. Look at the contents of the average contribution box as it returns from its excursion among the pews. Notice the exceedingly large number of pennies and nickels and quarters (given probably by as many individuals) in comparison with the gifts of larger denomination! It is often the case, even in large congregations, that one, two, three or four contributors—and they not always the most able to give—contribute more than all the rest put together. It is not forgotten that many of the small gifts are the widows’ mites—the offerings of the poor, that, in the arithmetic of heaven, count more than they all. Nevertheless, it remains true a very large proportion of those who put money into the contribution box as it is passed do not know anything about what they are giving for, care still less, and who, if not in church when the contribution is taken, give nothing. Woe to the cause whose annual contribution comes on a rainy Sunday.

3. The total contributions from the churches and individuals represent a sadly low average for the total church membership. The receipts last year from churches and individuals, exclusive of legacies, were $189,483.39. Divided among the church membership of the country it represents an average contribution of only 44 cents per member; and if the contributions of those who give annually all the way from $1.00 up to $1,000 were subtracted, the average would fall from 50 to 75 per cent. below this. Surely the spirit of Christian benevolence abroad in the churches is not what it ought to be. Did Christians give as they pray, their benevolence would reach a higher mark. They are apt to be more honest in the expression of their views of duty at the throne of grace than they are through the expression of their conduct.

The pride of consistency, as we remember the confessed doctrines of the churches, should make us all intensely dissatisfied with this record of unfaithfulness on the part of so many church members.

4. The increase in contributions does not keep pace with the growth of the churches in membership and wealth. The total wealth of the United States, as officially reported for the year 1870, was $30,068,518,507. In 1880 it was $43,642,000,000. Since 1880 the gain has been in all probability even in larger ratio; and in this gain the Congregational churches have had undoubtedly their full share. Ten years ago the membership of the churches was 365,595. Last year it was 436,379. Ten years ago the church contributions and individual donations to our treasury, exclusive of legacies, were $186,166.62. Last year, from the same sources, they were $189,483.39. That is to say: During the past ten years the churches have increased in wealth 31 per cent., and over; in membership, 19 per cent., and over; but in their contributions they have increased only a little less than 2 per cent. Had the gain kept pace with the increase in church membership, our receipts last year would have been $32,055.67 more than they were. Had they kept pace with the presumable increase of wealth they would have been $54,394.69 more than they were. “Freely ye have received, freely give,” was the emphatic command of our Lord to his disciples as he sent them out on errands of mercy among the sick and suffering and sorrowing poor. “Upon the first day of the week let every one of you lay by him in store as God hath prospered him,” was the explicit injunction of Paul to the churches concerning their collections for the poor. And here are our churches organized on purpose to carry out the teachings of Christ and his apostles; increasing in numbers and increasing in wealth year by year; yet relatively to that increase falling behind in their contributions to a society whose chief and crowning distinction is that it labors among the poor and the despised and the neglected. Will a man rob God? was a question asked in ancient times. Modern times have not outgrown the pertinency of its asking.

5. The Association should be relieved from a perpetual struggle to get out of debt. From a business standpoint the struggle is not healthy. From a religious standpoint it is not right. Thank God we come to this annual meeting free from debt. It is four years since we enjoyed that privilege before. We would like, if it please the churches, to indulge in the luxury of singing the doxology at shorter intervals. Well, then, don’t get into debt. Easily said. Had we a fixed and certain income; had we the authority to levy upon the churches a specified tax and the power to collect it; had we the ability to foresee just how much was coming from legacies, we could then show a clean balance every year. But in all these respects we are in a field of limitless uncertainties. The gifts to our treasury are purely voluntary. No certain dependence can be placed on legacies. One year it may be deluge; the next it may be drought. What are we to do? What can we do? We can only calculate probabilities and trust our friends. What? Can you not trust God? Yes—blessed trust—we can trust Him. But trust must be intelligent. God’s ordination is that missionary work shall be carried on by his children, and that they shall pay the bills. We have no right to expect that He will work miracles in one direction to defeat what He has ordained in another. Presumption is not piety. Fanaticism is not faith. We have a vast work committed to our care. We have a great number of missionaries to support. We have large money investments in church and school property to guard. We must plan to conserve all these interests. A sentimental trust in God will not pay taxes and missionaries’ salaries, nor save religion from being dishonored by broken pledges. The churches, whose servant the Association is, should save its officers from the worry and anxiety of constant fear lest through lack of funds the work shall be endangered and the interests of Christ’s kingdom made to suffer.

The above are some of the reasons for raising the question, What should be done to increase the number of those who intelligently contribute to the support of the American Missionary Association?

Now for the answer.

1. Our theological seminaries should provide for a course of lectures in which the history and claims of the American Missionary Association, together with those of the other six missionary societies, should be presented and discussed. Systematic theology, church polity, homiletics and ecclesiastical history would lose nothing, but on the contrary they would gain much in interest and power by the inspiration of such lectures. To train the churches in support of these societies is a part of ministerial life, and they need to be trained. The initial letters by which these societies are recognized by the few who are acquainted with them would be as mysterious and puzzling to the great majority of our congregations as the hieroglyphics of an Egyptian tomb!

Now this is all wrong. These societies are the organized assertions of great truths. They are the expressions of great principles. They represent the heart of the gospel reaching out through the churches for the world’s salvation! The people should be instructed in reference to their duty toward them, and not left in ignorance as to their names and meaning. If our theological seminaries have been established to train men for the work of the gospel ministry, they should train them for its work all round and not merely for its work on a few sides. James was an Apostle as well as Paul. You would scarcely dream it from the teaching of some theologies. The preaching that trains the people to clear intellectual conceptions of truth is good; but the preaching that in addition to this trains them to go out and put their belief into practice is better, and that because it is more Christian. The roundness and fullness of truth demand it. Theory—practice. Sympathy—benevolence. Let them not be divorced either in the teaching of our seminaries or in the preaching of our pulpits.

2. There should be an annual presentation of the Association’s claims in every church. This may seem like a wild proposition in view of the large number of non-contributing churches. But duty should be affirmed even if no one performs it. For some reason or other a large number of our ministers do not bring the claims of the American Missionary Association before their congregations. It cannot be that they are ignorant of the Society and its work. They have the Year Book. They must know of the resolutions of the National Council and the State Associations. They are presumably readers of the denominational papers, and I know they all have their pure minds stirred up periodically by way of remembrance by circulars and other agencies. Are their churches small and poor? There is no church so small and so poor, if it have any right to be in existence, but that it can do a little and in doing that little receive in return for itself and minister, both spiritual and temporal blessing. If there is a church so small and so poor that it cannot do this then it had better make haste to glorify God by its death than continue to dishonor him by its life. Are there so many objects asking help that they cannot respond? There are only seven societies in our denominational family claiming their support. Can it be that any minister of the gospel feels that seven contributions for benevolent objects during the twelve months of the year are too many for his church to make?—are more than his church ought to make? And if he allow outside objects to come in, however worthy they may be, and thereby crowd out any of the National Societies, is that quite just to those societies? Generosity is indeed a virtue, but exercised at the expense of those who have a prior claim, it can hardly be called a Christian virtue. An Apostle has written it: “If any provide not for his own and specially for those of his own house, he hath denied the faith and is worse than an infidel.” The American Missionary Association is an adopted child of the Congregational churches of the United States. It is a lawful member of our denominational household. It is there by virtue of every law which governs in the fellowship of the churches. It is not a beggar asking alms—it is not a stranger crowding for hospitality—it is a child having all the rights and privileges of a child in its own home, and if beggars and strangers are allowed to enter and rob it of that which is its legitimate portion it has a right to be heard in earnest protest against the wrong it suffers. As the accredited agent of the churches for the prosecution of missionary work in the field it occupies it has rightful claim to their unanimous support.

3. A committee should be appointed in each local conference to see to it that during the year every church in the conference has the cause presented and a contribution taken. A committee thus appointed can write to each church, reminding it of its duty to make an annual offering to the American Missionary Association as one of our national societies. Where there are pastors who do not care to present the cause themselves every year, and where there are churches that have no pastors, certain brethren can be requested to prepare a presentation, and by a system of exchanges secure its delivery in all the churches, so that not one of them shall be allowed to go a single year uninstructed in regard to this duty. All that is needed is for some one man to take hold of this matter with earnestness and place it clearly before the local conference, and it will be done. Has this language the sound of authority about it—a flavor of presbyterial or prelatic law? It is only a sound and a flavor; nothing more. There is nothing legislative about it. It is simply the churches themselves through their own chosen representatives in conference devising the most effective method for carrying out a work in which, by the very genius of their church polity, they are all equally interested. The only law that there is about it is the foundation principle on which they were organized and recognized as churches, and on which they have established their local conference.

4. There should be an assigned place in every missionary concert for a paper or a report on some branch of the Association’s work, prepared by some one previously designated to do it. It is to be deplored that some churches take little interest in the missionary concert. It is a mistake, in its effects injurious to the church as well as to the cause of missions. The missionary concert by a little care and painstaking can be made one of the most interesting and profitable meetings that the church holds. Its influence as an educational power transcends measurement. The geography, government, history, social life and customs of the country where missions are located, are more or less brought out in the consideration of what the missionaries are doing. If our eyes are only sharp enough to read it the story of missions is rich in everything that interests the human mind. Romance, tragedy, heroism, sacrifice, pathos, wit and humor, are all intermingled in that wonderful story. If our ears are only sensitive enough to hear them there come appeals from missionary experiences that stir to their profoundest depths everything that is noble and good within us. The American Missionary Association is peculiarly affluent in topic and incident for use in the missionary concert. A summary of the contents of the current number of the Missionary will always be in order as a report; while for papers and addresses and discussions, there is no assignable limit to the topics furnished by the history and development of the Association and its work. Its lines reach out in their relations to all the ends of the earth. In its anti-slavery agitations it joined hands with the great emancipation advocates of Europe. By its labors in behalf of the Chinese on the Pacific slope it has become a factor in the great movement of Christian missions for the evangelization of Asia. Through its special championship and heroic efforts in behalf of the negro its records have already become a part of that which shall be written when the history of redeemed Africa is completed; and in what it has done for the North American Indian and is doing; in what it has done for human rights and liberty, and in defense of a pure Christianity, and is doing, it has become an integral part of those mighty forces that will one day redeem America from the dominance of false principles and bring in the reign of justice, equity and truth throughout the length and breadth of the land. Within the vast circle surrounding all these racial questions that this Association touches in its work of the past and in its outlook for the future there lie subjects and topics for thought and discussion absolutely inexhaustible! There is no need of any missionary concert’s being dull or uninteresting, and certainly there is no need of its being unprofitable while such a missionary society as this is in the field. It should have a place and a hearing in every missionary concert.

5. The circulation of the American Missionary should be greatly increased and the people urged to read it. Among the 436,379 members of the Congregational churches in the country there are sent every month 19,463 magazines; that is on an average one magazine to twenty-two readers. If this one magazine were passed round so that all had a chance to read it there are enough of them to answer the purpose. One subscriber wrote us that she made her American Missionary to be so much of an Episcopalian, that it “kept lent” all the year round. But the evidence is not very overwhelming that this is done to any great extent. The evidence is, however, quite convincing that the magazines are not all read by their subscribers, and that the waste basket is not altogether unacquainted with their presence. After Dr. Ellinwood, Secretary of the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions, had once made an earnest appeal for money in the Presbytery, the Moderator, a distinguished Doctor of Divinity, asked him if he would not confer a favor on the brethren by printing the facts that he had just stated in the Missionary magazine next month, adding that he had been trying for a long time to obtain those figures. “Why,” responded Dr. Ellinwood “That magazine, for the last two months, has contained just what I have been telling you to-day.” Missionary literature is despised. If this despite were shown on the merits of the case there would be nothing to say, but that is not so. It is despised without examination and in perfect ignorance of its contents. Like the Saviour, of the progress of whose kingdom it tells the story, it is despised and rejected of men. Not on its merits. There are those who read it, and who read it regularly, ready to testify to the exceeding value and interest of its matter. One of the great literary monthlies recently contained an article in which were assertions bearing upon a question of literature which two months before were utterly destroyed by statements of facts that appeared in the American Missionary. When historians undertake to write the history of countries into which missionaries have gone, they are sure to consult the missionary literature; and they do not often find it necessary to question either the accuracy or the value of the information they there obtain. This prejudice against missionary literature, which in the main is both unfounded and unjust, ought to be abandoned. Its worth and value ought to be recognized. Its wide dissemination and reading ought to be advocated; and that, too, on its merits. If there are reasons why the American Missionary should be read by one of our church members, the same reasons hold good why it should be read by all of them; if there are reasons why it should go into one of our families, for the same reasons it should go into them all. There is a wide field here for cultivation. Only one magazine for every twenty-two readers; only one magazine for every four families among our constituents, and all of these not read by those who take them! No wonder there is ignorance among the churches about our work, and there being ignorance no wonder that there is a lack of interest and meagreness of contributions! But I hear some one say: “Our church members will not take the American Missionary. They would not read it were you to give it to them.” Well then, they are not interested in our work, that is all. They don’t care whether the gospel is preached to the poor or not; they don’t care whether illiteracy is allowed to run rampant all over the country and destroy our free institutions or not; they don’t care whether justice shall be done to those who have been most cruelly defrauded or not; they don’t care whether the honor of the nation by meeting the involved obligations of slavery’s abolition shall be preserved or not; they don’t care whether the issues of the war for the maintenance of the Union, secured by sufferings and sacrifices transcending the power of the human mind to portray, shall be made secure or not. They don’t care? Then somebody is to blame. They do care? Then why are they not willing—even eager to read about the work that has all these sacred objects in view, and is helping to solve the stupendous problems they contain? They do care. Yes, I believe it. Their lack of interest in the American Missionary Association and their unwillingness to read its monthly magazine is because of their ignorance of its work, and therefore it is that there is here a wide field, hopeful and promising, for cultivation by all those who wish to aid in the advancement of the cause.

The reasons assigned for raising the question to which the above answers have been given are most grave and weighty. They are significant indications of peril that threatens the cause committed to our care. Shall we heed the lessons which the signals flash?

Do not forget that this month of December is an excellent time to increase the number of those who subscribe for The American Missionary. A word fitly spoken by our friends will secure the desired result.