Study VII.

LESSON I.

In the inquiry into the scriptural views of slavery, by Albert Barnes, Philadelphia, 1846, page 322, we find the following assertion: “No man has a right to assume that when the word δοῦλος, doulos, occurs in the New Testament, it means a slave, or that he to whom it was applied was a slave.”

Our object in our present study is to prove that this assertion is not true; and our object further is to prove that when the word δοῦλος, doulos, occurs in the New Testament, it means a slave, and that he to whom it was applied, as an appropriate distinctive quality, was a slave.

Suppose some infidel, a monomaniac in the study of infidelity, should put forth the proposition that when the words Jesus Christ occur in the New Testament, no one had the right to assume that they meant the Messiah, the Son of God, the Saviour of the world. We should feel it a needless labour to refute it; a foolish, false assertion often does not merit or require refutation, but the falsity of propositions may not be equally obvious to all, as in the present case.

The premises include the observance of the constitution, idioms, and use of the Greek language.

To him whose mind can flash upon the volume of Greek literature, like the well-read schoolboy upon the pages of Dilworth,—our present study and argument will be unnecessary and useless; but, as unsavoury as it may seem, from the evidence that reaches us, we doubt whether the great mass of those called learned, do not remember and practise their Greek only as the old veterans in sin do the evening and morning prayers of their childhood.

But, however that may be, a great proportion of us know no language but our own, and take on trust what any Magnus Apollo may choose to assume concerning others. The assertions of one man, unaccompanied by evidence, may excite little or no attention; but we have seen the substance of this assertion put forth by the abolition clergy in various small publications, no doubt having great weight in their immediate vicinage.

We fear those who sit under such teaching may grope in deep darkness; and may we humbly pray, that, like the stroke of Jove, the light of the Almighty may reach them from afar.

LESSON II.

When the untruthfulness of the lesson taught involves a misconception of the character and laws of God, its direct tendency is to create in the mind an idea of, we may say, an image of God and his laws, as decidedly different from him and his law as is the lesson taught from the truth; and here, perhaps, through all time, has been the commencement of idolatry.

Is it not as much idolatry to worship a false image of the mind, as it would be an image of wood or stone?

You teach that δοῦλος, doulos, does not mean slave in the word of God; you consequently teach that God disapproves of it, and that his laws forbid it. We say the exact contrary. It is therefore evident that the idea, the image we form in the mind of our God, is quite different from the idea you form in your mind of your God. But God cannot possess a contradiction in quality; therefore the God we worship must be a different God from the God you worship. But there can be but one God; therefore your God is a false God, or our God is a false God. You are an idolater, or we are one.

And shall it be said that our language is too strong?—unnecessarily extreme in its denunciation?—unwarranted by the views, by the language held by the advocates of abolition and the friends of the anti-slavery movements now in action in the Northern sections of our country? Hear the proclamation of Mr. Wright, an eloquent speaker, before the Anti-Slavery Society, as reported in the Boston papers, May 30th, 1850:

“Down with your Bible!—down with your political parties!—down with your God that sanctions slavery! The God of Moses Stuart, the Andover God, the God of William H. Rogers, which is worshipped in the Winter-street Church, is a monster, composed of oppression, fraud, injustice, pollution, and every crime, in the shape of slavery. To such a God I am an atheist.”

Thus the enemies of Jehovah give rapid proof of their idolatry.

It may be well here to remark, that the doctrine thus strange and astray from truth, may be expected to engraft itself upon such intellects as are led to the conclusion that man possesses within himself an unerring guide between right and wrong,—a doctrine which to us appears deeply fraught with ruin to the individual, and degradation to public morals.

We therefore condemn, most decidedly, the doctrine that man possesses a mental power called “moral sense,” “conscience,” or the “light within us,” which enables him unerringly to decide on right and wrong. You may as well say it will always enable him to discern the truth. Nor do we comprehend how the mind can entertain such a notion, unless the intellect is thus impressible that the mind can believe in the existence of what would be a sister faculty, clairvoyance, or a thousand other such fantasies.

Man possesses no power by which he can know God, only as he has revealed himself by inspiration and by the daily manifestations of his law. We prefer to worship the God of Abraham and Moses, who gave them directions how slaves should be governed, and of whom they should be purchased:—the God of the Bible, in which he has plainly revealed the reason why they are slaves. The history of the human intellect gives proof that among its strong characteristics is a desire, a fondness to search into mystery. While this quality stimulates to inquiry after truth, in well organized minds, it is an important means of man’s improvement and progression. But in the absence of all guides which can direct the path to successful inquiry, or by the substitution of false lights, man has ever gone astray. Here idolatry commences her reign.

The condition of man, from the most exalted instance of mental power, down to the most abject degradation of the African savage, is for ever marked and located by the fact, whether the guides to truth in their influence on him and his race have been universal, or only occasional; whether their influence has been obeyed only at distant periods, or at all times rejected. It is the law of God, man shall not progress to greatness only under the guidance of truth; under the guidance of falsehood, man degenerates to insignificance, crime, slavery, or to inglorious death.

We do not propose that any man or any race has, without exception, been under the constant influence of those axioms that guide the mind along the thread of truth; but that some men and some races have deviated far more than others, and that the effect of such difference is quite perceptible. Some races have become highly improved, while others only give evidence that they belong to the animal race of men.

Distinctions from this source arose between Cain and Abel; between the sons of Noah, Abraham, and the fire-worshippers of his day; between Jacob and Esau; and between the Israelites and the idolaters of the surrounding Hamitic tribes. This love of searching into mystery without using the aids to find truth, has at all times of the world, when supreme power was the object of contemplation, led men to idolatry, sometimes of the grossest kind; to the belief in mysterious influences, supernatural agencies, of spirits and demons, magic, witchcraft, &c.

To the same order of causes we are to attribute the sentiment entertained by some, that certain portions of Scripture and certain words sometimes contain unknown, hidden, secret, or mysterious meanings or instructions. Such views involve the proposition that such words, when used in the Scripture, have a different meaning than when otherwise used by men, and are to be translated into another language by substituting different ideas than those expressed by such words when used by man in his own oral or written language.

Do they forget that the language of man is the language of God? That revelation is always adapted to the understanding of men? They forget to know this first, that no prophecy of the Scripture is of any private interpretation. It happens that men take their own circumscribed view of the providence of God, as God’s ordinance touching a matter, and if Scripture is in contradiction, then they search for mysterious or unusual meaning, and give it such interpretation as they imagine suits the case.

Hence theologians who deny that slavery is of Divine authority, are led to the necessity of also denying that the Greek word δοῦλος, doulos, means slave; or that, in its verbal formation, it expresses a cognate action.

The frequency of the use of this word in the copies of the ancient Greek Testament, as left us in the evangelical writings of the apostles; the varied manner in which they have applied the term, in figurative illustration, in comparison, in the most simple explanations, as well as in the expression of the primitive idea which they intended to convey by it, would seem to be sufficient proof that whatever such primitive idea may have been, yet that it surely was in exact conformity to the common and received opinion of its signification among those who wrote in and used the Greek language. This is very clear, since it is often used and addressed to the Greeks themselves, insomuch that no temerity has ever yet asserted that this word is of different import when found in the writings of the apostles than when found in the Greek authors generally.

LESSON III.

The Greek noun δοῦλος, doulos, which we say means a slave unconditionally, so far as we have been able to examine, took its origin, both phonetically and literally, among the Greeks. Let us take δοῶ, as theme for διδώμι, and λοὐω, or from the radical λοῶ, lŏō: both phonetically and significantly the word is complete. At the most ancient period of the Greeks, it is said they had no slaves, and it is a little remarkable that the word “doulos” is very seldom found in the most ancient of the Greek writers: but other nations more advanced had slaves. The idea, slave, was then expressed by them by the term δμώς, dmos, evidently of foreign origin. This latter term was nearly or quite obsolete as early as the days of Alexander, when the word doulos is found to have taken its place.

The ancient and Eastern nations were particular in their custom of bathing their bodies and washing their feet, &c. One of the first and most important uses to which the early Greeks seem to have applied slaves, was in these personal purifications; and hence the peculiar name δοῦλος originated; δου-λούω, one whose office it was to bathe and wash them, a bondman for that particular use.

There is no instance in which Homer has used the word incompatible with such an association. The most affecting, we may say afflicting, circumstance in which he has introduced the word is the parting of Hector and Andromache; when Hector, anticipating his own death, and the probability of her being made a slave to the Greeks, emphatically laments her being compelled to carry water for her master, as if that was a particular employment in which the doulos was engaged.

But it does not affect the force of our argument, even if it shall be thought that the origin we give the word is doubtful. All we at the present moment propose is, that it is an original Greek term, all of which terms, either remotely or immediately, spring from particles having a significant and phonetic relation with the derivative. Such has been the doctrine of all who have written upon the philology and origin of the Greek language. Valckenaerus (the edition of Venice, published by Coletos) says, p. 8—

“Verba simplicia apud Græcos sunt vel ‘primitiva,’ vel a primitivis per varios flexus ‘derivata.’

“Primitiva verba admodum sunt ‘pauca:’ ‘derivatorum’ numerus est infinitus.

“‘Binæ’ literarum syllabæ verbum primitivum constituunt.

“Verba primitiva, secundum observationem tertiam, dissyllaba sunt vel ‘bilittera,’ vel trilittera, vel quadrilittera.

“Primitiva ‘bilittera,’ per rei naturam, dari possunt in universum (si vel totam linguam perscrutemur) tantum quinque, nempe ἄω,ἔω, ὅω,ἴω, ὔω Primitiva ‘trilittera’ sunt, quæ a ‘vocali,’ ‘quadrilittera’ (pleraque saltem) quæ a ‘consonante,’ incipiunt. Hoc certum est: sed de eo etiamnum addubito, an nonnulla verba ‘quinque’ litteris constantia pro ‘primitivis’ debeant haberi?” &c.

And Lennepius, de Anologia Linguæ Græcæ, (eadem editio,) p. 38:

“Cognita literarum potestate, earumque antiquitate, ad primas linguæ Græcæ origines indagandas progrediendum est. Videndum itaque primo loco, quænam voces pro ‘simplicissimis originibus’ haberi possint, quænam minus? Hoc autem ut rite peragatur, quædam de ‘partibus orationis’ ante sunt monenda.

“Ex viii. partibus quas vulgo statuunt grammatici, ‘Verbum et Nomen’ principem obtinent locum: quum reliquæ omnes facillime ad harum partium alterutram referi possint. Quapropter etiam ‘Aristoteles,’ aliique de veteribus, revera ‘duas’ tantum esse ‘partes orationis’ voluerunt.

“Addunt quidem alii tertiam partem, utriusque, nempe et ‘verbi et nominis, ligamentum,’ sive particulas, quod, nempe, particulæ orationem in unum corpus veluti connectant et devinciant. Sed, qui attentius ‘particularum’ naturam inspexerit, facile animadvertat, omnia fere, quæ ‘particularum’ nomine insigniuntur, si ‘exteriorem formam’ eorumque naturam grammaticam inspiciamus, referenda esse vel ad ‘nomen’ vel ad ‘verbum.’

“Ita verbi gr.: particula ᾽ȣ͂ν, Lat. igitur, revera participium est, contracta pro ἐὸν, quod neutrum a masculo ἐὼν est, quo modo participium verbi ἐὼ, vel εἰμὶ, pronuntiarunt Iones, quum Attici ἐὸν contraxerint in ᾽ȣ͂ν. Apparet itaque, Græcum ᾽ȣ͂ν revera pertinere ad nomina participialia. Eadem ratio cernitur quoque in particulis ποὶ, πῆ, πȣ͂, quæ ‘adverbia loci’ dicuntur, quorum duo priora proprie ‘dativa antiqua’ sunt, postremum vero genitivus est; quemadmodum similis ratio cernitur in adverbiis quæ dicuntur ‘Loci’ apud Latinos, quò, quà, et similibus.

“Ad ‘verba’ porro referenda sunt ἄγε, φέρε, ἰδȣ͂, ἲθι, ἔια vel ἔα, et plura alia similia, id quod in aliis clarius, in aliis minus manifesto, apparet. Horum tamen omnium rationem eandem fuisse in prima linguæ Græcæ infantia, non est quod dubitemus.

“Hæc igitur quum revera sic sese habeant, jam porro inquirendum est, utrum verba, an vero nomina, ‘primas’ linguæ Græcæ stirpes nobis subministrent.

“Docet autem ipsa rei natura, si de ‘simplicissimis’ verbis sermo fiat, ‘nomina’ a ‘verbis,’ non verba a nominibus, primum esse formata.

“Quum enim omnes res vocabulis, tanquam nominibus, signatæ, ab usu qui singulis adest, vel quacumque etiam actione, nomina, sua acceperint: clare apparet, sicut ipsam actionem unde res denominata sit, ita etiam verbum, quo actio designetur, præcedere nomini, quod ab actione aliqua rei sit inditum. Atque hoc adeo certum est, non solum in lingua Græca, sed etiam omnibus omnino linguis, ut extra omnem controversiam positum esse videatur: nisi quis delabatur illuc, ut linguas integras, qua late patent, nullo artificio humano accedente, uno temporis articulo hominibus divinitus datas esse, eosque statim caluisse tot myriadas quot in singulis linguis sunt vocabulorum; tametsi res ipsas vocabulis istis designandas plerosque primos homines ignorasse certum est.

“Hoc autem quam sit rationi contrarium, atque ipsi experientiæ, facile apparet, si modo consideremus, ea ratione multa vocabula existere jam debuisse priusquam eorum utilitas inter homines ulla esset, quæque proinde, non nisi vani et inutiles soni, facile et sine ulla jactura dediscenda fuissent.

“Quin imo experientia abunde docet, primum res ipsas inveniri hominum industria, deinde autem inventis nomina imponi, sive ab utilitate sive alia qualitate ducta. Ex quo porro apparet, quo plures res ab aliquo populo inveniantur, eo ditiorem et uberiorem eorum linguam fieri, ut adeo mirandum non sit tantam esse linguæ Græcæ copiam et ubertatem, quum exculta ea fuerit a populo ingeniosissimo, cui omnes artes et disciplinæ non tantum primordia sua, sed etiam omnem fere splendorem, debent. Linguas itaque diligenter consideranti, idem quod in artibus, in iis quoque usu venire apparebit: eas nimirum a paucis simplicissimisque initiis profectas, non nisi sensim et progressu temporis ad eam qua postea patuerunt amplitudinem pervenisse. Quum autem hominum natura ita sit comparata, ut primum eas res circumspiciat, quæ necessario ad vitam sustentandam, et cum aliis quibuscum homo societatis vinculo conjunctus est secure agendam, requirantur, dein vero ea excogitat quæ vitam jucundiorem possint reddere, valde verisimile fit vocabula ea in linguis antiquissima esse quibus res designantur ad vitam degendam necessariæ, si recesseris ab iis vocabulis, quæ in antiquissimorum vocabulorum locum deinceps substitute sunt, ut revera hujus generis multæ vocabulorum formæ inveniantur, quæ verborum obsoletorum locum occupaverunt.

“Porro non alienum erit hic observasse non tantum ejusmodi vocabula antiquissima existimari debere, sed etiam ‘ipsas’ significationes verbis subjectas tanto antiquioris usus esse, tantoque magis proprias esse habendas, quanto sunt propiores iis rebus quas corporis sensibus percipimus. Ab iis enim semper servata quadam similitudine ad reliquas quascumque verborum significationes progrediendum est: ut adeo appareat, paucissimas revera esse proprias verborum ‘significationes,’ nec alias esse nisi corporeas, sive eas quibus res sensibus externis expositæ designantur.

“E contrario autem, translatarum significationum copiam immensam, quæ ex propria notione, tanquam ex trunco arboris rami, quaquaversum pateant; manente similitudine inter eas omnes et propriam seu primam stirpis significationem, similiter atque rami, utcumque dispersi, et communem et communis trunci naturam retinent.

“Ex his præterea intelligitur ea verba, quæ ὄνοματα πεποιήμενα a Græcis vocantur, sic dicta quia a ‘nomine’ vel ‘sono’ formentur, ‘propriam’ eam significationem quæ soni, unde facta sunt, naturam referat. Quorum verborum numerus ingens revera in linguis est, et longe major quam vulgo credi solet. Sed, ut ad propositum redeamus, ex iis quæ supra dicta sunt, clare apparet, simplicissimas origines non posse repeti nisi ab ejusmodi verbis, quibus actiones ipsæ significentur; adeoque a verbis sic proprie dictis.

“Quumque actiones infinitæ, sive nulli certæ personæ adsignatæ, per rei naturam antecedere debeant iis quæ certæ personæ attribuuntur, verba ‘infinitiva’ simplicissima proprie primas linguæ Græcæ origines continere certum est.

“Harum autem plurimæ, quum jam a longissimis temporibus, una cum plerisque notionibus propriis, ex usu ceciderint, ac difficillimaæ sæpe indagatu sint, quo certiores progredi possimus, id semper tenendum est, ne quidquam admittamus quod constanti analogiæ linguæ repugnet; dein etiam, ut ex ipsis linguæ reliquiis, rite inter se comparatis, inquiramus a quo verbo originali vocabulum quodque oriatur: etiam tum, quum minus ipsum verbum originale superstes sit.

“Ubi enim in sequentibus agetur de ‘simplicissimis’ verbis ‘primitivis,’ id non ita accipiendum est quasi ea omnia, sicut etiam multa derivata simpliciora, florente lingua Græcæ, in sermone Graæcorum adhuc exstitisse vellem; sed tantum, in primo linguæ Græcæ ortu, aut exstitisse revera aut saltem existere potuisse. Neque enim, in hoc linguæ Græcæ defectu, æque certo sciri potest, an tanta copia, quantam fingere verborum per linguæ naturam constanti analogiæ ductu liceat, prima linguæ Græcæ ætate reipsa viguerit.”

Our object is here to present the Greek scholar, who may not have reflected on the subject, such suggestions as will lead him to perceive that δοῦλος, doulos, is an original Greek word, not borrowed; and although he may not agree with us in the derivation of the term, yet that he may readily satisfy himself what is the true derivation. It is true, Scheidius, in his “Animadversiones ad analogiam linguæ Græcæ,” has criticized the views of Lennepius, and has devoted near thirty pages to that which is our quotation from him; and we did fancy, upon its examination, that he had rather established than weakened the argument of Lennepius: in fact we did propose to quote him as authority; but to the most of us long quotations, in a language to us unknown, are quite objectionable. We therefore refer to his work, pp. 246 to 275, apud Paddenburg et filium, 1790, “Traiecti ad Rhenum.” It has been said by some of those who contend that δοῦλος, when found in the Greek Testament, does not mean slave, that the Greek, like all other languages of modern date, is a compilation from the more ancient ones; and since the Greeks at an early day had no slaves, it is evident, it is good proof that the more ancient tribes, from whom they and their language descended, had none; and in all such early periods of the world men never had words in their language to express things which did not exist among them, of which they could have no idea.

Therefore δοῦλος could not have meant slave,—“an idea of which they had no notion.” Even if this statement were true, we do not perceive how it proves their proposition. To show the futility of such argument, we consent, for the moment, that δοῦλος is not an original Greek word, but was borrowed from some other language, in which it meant something distinct from the idea of slave: say, a freeman, if you choose. Language, and all its parts, has ever been found to conform itself to the habits and wants of those who use it. Wherefore we often find a term, which some centuries ago expressed a certain distinct idea, now to express quite a different one. We therefore cannot say, with any propriety, that, because the word δοῦλος meant a “freeman,” at the age of Noah, that it also meant the same thing at the age of Alexander. If it meant a “freeman” at the age of Noah, we are to determine that fact by its use at that period; if otherwise, we should be able to prove that our word slave does not mean a slave now, but a proud and lofty distinction.

It is a term borrowed from the Schlavonic, where its significance was fame, renown, &c.; but the Schlavonians going into bondage to other nations, upon their inroads on Europe, the term implying fame in their ancient national distinctions came to signify in succeeding ages the condition of bondage. But although, as we have seen, a language is modified by the habits of those who apply it, yet this liability to change ceases when the language ceases to be the common vehicle of thought. Such substantially has been the case with the ancient Hebrew, since the era of the prophets; and such has, emphatically, been the case with the ancient Greek since the breaking down of the Roman Empire.

And even at the age of the apostles, the Greek had already arrived at the very highest point of its cultivation. No history, no writer gives proof of any subsequent improvement. If, then, we desire with seriousness and truth to determine the significance of any term then in use, the same is alone to be found by an investigation of the Greek literature of that age.

There are two modes by which an idea expressed in one language is explained in another. Where both languages contain words of synonymous meaning, then the expressing the idea through the medium of the words in another language, is properly what we mean by “translation.” But in many instances, the second language contains no word or words which are synonymes of the term by which the idea is expressed in the language which we wish to translate. In that case we can accomplish the object only by transferring the term expressing the idea from the one language to the other. Example:—When the French exhibited to the natives here a padlock, the natives associated the thing with their idea of the tortoise, from the fancied mechanical resemblance, and with them the name of the one became the name of the other also. But when we exhibited to them a steamboat, they found their language destitute of any word to express their idea of the thing exhibited; consequently, they transferred into their own language the word steamboat, to express the new idea.

With a view to be enabled to come to a truthful decision as to the definiteness of the idea intended to be conveyed by the word doulos, when used in the writings of the apostles, let us make a suitable inquiry among the Greek authors read and studied at their time, regardless of what may be the result as to the establishment of any peculiar theory or favourite notion. Let a development of the truth be the sole object of the research, careless of what else may stand or fall thereby. And since all have not chosen to burden themselves with the toilsome lesson necessary in a preparation for such examination, we consent that such may pass it by with the same indifference with which they regard the study.

LESSON IV.

We commence our quotations from the Greek authors with the Cebetis Tabula, from the Gronovius edition, Glasgow, 1747:

P. 17.——διὸ καὶ ὅταν ἀναλώσῃ πανθ’ ὅσα ἔλαβε παρά τῆς τύχης, ἀναγκάζεται ταύταις ταῖς γυναιξὶ δουλεύειν, καὶ πάνθ’ ὑπομένειν, καὶ ἀσχημονεῖν, καὶ ποιεῖν ἕνεκεν τούτων ὅσα ἐστὶ βλαβερά.

P. 34. Τοὺς μεγίστους, ἔφη, καὶ τὰ μέγιστα θηρία, ἅ πρότερον αὐτὸν κατήσθιε, καὶ ἐκόλαζε, καὶ ἐποίει δοῦλον. Ταῦτα πάντα νενίκηκη, καὶ ἀπέῤῥιψεν ἀφ’ ἑαυτου, καὶ κεκράτηκεν ἑαυτοῦ, ὥστε ἐκεῖνα νῦν τούτῳ δουλεύουσι, καθαπερ οὕτος ἐκείνοις πρότερον.

Æschylus, Prometheus Chained. Line 463:

κἄζευξα πρῶτος ἐν ζυγοῖς κνώδαλα

ζεύγλαισι δουλεύοντα.

In his Chœ̈phoroiChœphoroi line 75:

ἒκ γαρ οἲκων

πατρῴων δούλιον ἐσᾶγον αἶσαν,

δίκαια καὶ μὴ δίκαια,

πρέποντ’ ἀρχαῖς βίου,

βίᾳ φερομένων αἰνέσαι πικρόν φρενῶν

στύγος κρατούσῃ.

Burney translates this passage thus:

Etenim e domo paterna servilem induxeram sortem, stat juste et injuste, convenienter origini meæ, eorum qui vi agunt laudare acerbum mentis odium coërcenti.

Line 133. κἄγω μὲν ἀντίδουλος—which the same author translates, Et ego quidem pro serva habeor.

Anacreon, Sur l'Amour Esclave:

Καὶ νῦν ἡ Κυθέρεια

Ζητεῖ, λύτρα φέρουσα,

Λύσασθαι τόν Ἔρωτα.

Κἄν λύσῃ δέ τις αὐτόν,

Οὐκ ἔξεισι, μενεῖ δέ·

Δουλεύειν δεδίδακται.

Lucian, Dialogues of the Gods—Jove, Æsculapius, and Hercules:

ἐγὼ δε, εἰ καὶ μηδέν ἄλλο, οὔτε ἐδούλευσα ὥσπερ σύ.

Translation: Ego vero, si nihil aliud, neque servivi quemadmodum tu, &c.

Mercury and Maia:

——ὥσπερ οἱ ἐν γῇ κακῶς δουλεύοντες,

Ut in terris solent, qui malam servitutem serviunt.

Charon sive Contemplantes. Mercury:

Οὐ γαρ οἶοθα, ὅσοι πόλεμοι διὰ τοῦτο, καὶ ἐπίβουλαι, καὶ λῃστήρια, καὶ ἐπιορκιαι, καὶ φόνοι, καὶ δεσμὰ, καὶ πλοῦς μακρὸς, καὶ ἐμπορίαι, καὶ δουλεῖαι·

Nescis enim quot propterea bella existant, et insidiæ, latrocinia, perjuria, cædes, vincula, navigatio longinqua, mercaturæ, servitutes denique?

Cataplus sive Tyrannus:

Clotho — Ἄκουε μᾶλλον γὰρ ἀνιάσῃ μαθών. Τὴν μὲν γυναῖκά σοι Μίδας ὁ δοῦλος ἕξει, καὶ πάλαι δέ αὐτὴν ἐμοίκευεν.

Audi, magis enim iis auditis lugebis: uxorem tuam Midas habebit, servus qui olim adulterio illi cognitus est.

Megapenthes.—Κἄν ἰδιώτην με ποίησον, ὦ Μοῖρα, τῶν πενήτων ἕνα, κᾄν δοῦλον, ἀντί τοῦ πάλαι βασιλέως.

Vel privatum me facito, Parca, pauperum unum, vel servum, pro eo, qui rex nuper fui.

Necyomantia, Menippus:

* * * ἐκολάζοντο τε ἅμα πάντες, βασιλεῖς, δοῦλοι, σατράπαι, πένητες, πλούσιοι καὶ μετέμελε πᾶσι τῶν τετολμημένων. ἐνιους δὲ αὐτων καὶ ἐγνωρισαμεν ιδοντες, ὁποσοι ἦσαν τῶν ἐναγχος τετελευτηκότων. οἱ δε ἐνεκαλύπτοντο καὶ ἀπεστρέφουτο· εἰ δὲ καὶ προσβλέποιεν, μάλα δουλοπρέπες τι, καὶ κολακεύτικον· καὶ ταῦτα, πῶς οιει, βαρεῖς ὄντες καὶ ὑπερόπται παρὰ τὸν βίον;

Unà autem omnes puniebantur, reges, servi, satrapæ, pauperes, divites, mendici; cunctosque pœnitebat patratorum; nonnullos agnovimus etiam conspicati, eorum de numero scilicet qui nuper vitam finierant; illi vero præ pudore vultus tegebant seseque avertebant; quod si forte respicerent, valde quidem servilem in modum, atque adulatorie, illi ipsi, qui fuerant quàm putas graves et superbi aliorum contemtores in hac vita.

Deorum Comitia:

Momus: * * * τοιγαρουν οἱ Σκυφαι καὶ οἱ Γεται ταυτα ὁρῶντες αὐτῶν, μακρά ἡμῖν χαίρειν εἰπόντες, αὐτοὶ ἀπαθανατίζουσι, καὶ θεοὺς χειροτονοῦσιν, οὕς ἄν ἐθελὴσωσι, τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ὅνπερ καὶ Ζάμολξις, δουλος ὤν, παρενεγράφη, οὐκ οἶδ’ ὁπως διαλαθών.

Proinde Scythæ ac Getæe hæc illorum videntes, longum nobis valere jussis, immortalitati se donant, et deos quoscunque voluerint feris suffragiis consalutant, eodem modo quo Zamolxis etiam, servus cum esset, in album nescio quomodo delitescens, irrepsit.

Demosthenes. Leipsic Ed. 1829, in 4 vols. Vol. i.

Olynthiac 2d. * * * ἤ ὡς οἱ παρά τὴν αὑτῶν ἀξίαν δεδουλωμένοι Θετταλοὶ υῦν οὐκ ἄν ἐλεύθεροι γένοιντο ἀσμενοι—which Leland translates thus: * * * “or that the Thessalians, who have been so basely, so undeservedly enslaved, would not gladly embrace their freedom.”

P. 70.——ὅτι Λακεδαιμονίοις καταδουλουμένοις, &c.

Philippic 4th, p. 142.——μήτε δουλεύειν ἄλλῳ.

P. 148.——εἰς δούλειαν, &c.

Idem.——τήν δε τῶν δούλων ἀπέχεσθαι δήπου μη γένεσθαι δεῖ.

Idem, p. 149.——δούλῳ δὲ, πληγαὶ, καὶ ὁ τοῦ σώματος αἴκυσμος· &c.

Idem, p. 158. * * * ὑπόλοιπον δουλεύειν.

Idem.——οἶδε γὰρ ἀκριβῶς ὅτι δουλεύειν μεν ὑμεῖς οὔτ’ ἐθελησετε.

Idem, p. 159.——ὑπηγάγετο εἰς τὴν νῦν παροῦσαν δουλεὶαν.

On the Treaty with Alexander, p. 227. * * * ἤ πείσθεντας γε δουλεύειν ἀντὶ τῶν ἀργυρωνήτων.

Idem, p. 229.——τόν δ’ εἰς δουλείαν ἄγοντά με, &c.

De Corona, p. 208.——πότερ’ ὡς ὁ πατήρ σου, Τρόμης, ἐδούλευε παρ’ Ἐλπίᾳ τῷ πρός τῷ Θησείῳ διδάσκοντι γράμματα, &c.

Idem.——ἀλλ’ ὡς ὁ τριηραύλης Φορμίων, ὁ Δίωνος τοῦ φρεαῤῥίου δοῦλος, &c.

Idem, p. 289.——ὥστ’ ἐλεύθερος ἐκ δούλου, καὶ, &c.

Idem, p. 309.——τοὺς Ἑλλήνας καταδουλουμένους.

Idem, p. 315.——προσθεμένην ἀσφαλῶς δουλεύειν.

Idem, p. 316.——δι’ ὅτου δουλεύσουσιν εὐτυχῶς.

Idem.——ὁ δὲ καὶ τῇ πατρίδι ὑπέρ τοῦ μὴ ταύτην ἐπιδεῖν δουλεύουσαν ἀποθνήσκειν ἐθελήσει, καὶ φοβερωτέρας ἡγήσεται τάς ὕβρεις καὶ τας αἰτίμιας, ἅς ἐν δουλευούσῃ τῇ πόλει φέρειν ἀνάγκη τοῦ θανάτου.

Idem, p. 343, (in the Epitaph.)——ὡς μὴ ζυγὸν αὐχένι θέντες δουλοσύνης, &c.

Idem, p. 345.——ἕως δούλους ἐποίησαν.

Oratio de Falsa Legatione, vol. ii. p. 37.——ἀλλὰ δουλεύειν, καὶ τεθνᾶναι τῷ φόβω, καὶ τοὺς Θηβαίους, καὶ τοὺς Φιλίππου ξένους, [ὁὕς] ἀναγκάζονται τρέφειν, διωκισμένοι κατὰ κώμας, καὶ παρῃρημένοι τὰ ὅπλα.

Idem, p. 54.——καὶ γὰρ τοι, πρῶτον μὲν Αμφίπολιν, πόλιν ὑμετέραν, δούλην κατέστησεν, ἣν τότε σύμμαχον αὐτοῦ καὶ φίλην ἒγραψεν.

Idem, p. 60.——ὥστ’ ἐκεῖνος ὁ δουλεύσων ἔμελλεν ἔσεσθαι τοῖς ἀπὸ τῆς εἰρήνης λυσιτελοῦσιν, οὐχ ὑμεις.

Idem, p. 78.——ὅτι ταῦτα μὲν αὐτῷ συνῄδει πεπραγμένα, καὶ δοῦλος ἦν τῶν ῥημάτων τούτων.

Idem, p. 95. Ἐλεγεῖα Σολωνος.

Εἰς δὲ κακήν ταχέως ἤλυθε δουλοσύνην,

Ἥ στάσιν ἔμφυλον, πόλεμόν θ’ εὕδοντ’ ἐπεγείρει,

Ὅς πολλῶν ἐρατὴν ὤλεσεν ἡλικίην.

Idem, p. 97.——οἱ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι γνωριμώτατοι, καὶ προεστάναι τῶν κοινῶν ἀξιούμενοι, τὴν ἁυτῶν προδιδόντες ἐλευθερίαν, οἱ δυστυχεῖς, αὐθαίρετον αὑτοις ἐπάγονται δουλείαν, Φιλίππου φιλίαν, καὶ ξενίαν, καὶ ἑταιρίαν, καὶ τὰ τοιαῦθ’ ὑποκοριζόμενοι.

Oratio adversus Leptinem, p. 174.——πῶς γὰρ οὐχὶ καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο δεινότατ’ ἄν πεπονθὼς ὁ Χαβρίας φανείη εἰ μὴ μόνον εξαρκέσειε τοῖς τα τοιαῦτα πολιτευομένοις τὸν ἐκείνου δοῦλον Λυχίδαν πρόξενον ὑμετερον πεποιηκέναι, ἀλλ’ εἰ καὶ δια τοῦτον πάλιν τῶν ἐκεὶνῳ τι δοθὲντων ἀφελοιντο, χαὶ ταῦτ’ αἰτίαν λέγοντες ψευδῆ;

Oratio contra Midiam, p. 207.——καὶ τοσαύτῃ γ’ ἐχρήσατο ὑπερβολῇ, ὥστε, κᾄν εἰς δοῦλον ὑβρίζῃ τις, ὁμοίως ἒδωκεν ὑπὲρ τούτου γραφήν. * * * ἐπειδή δὲ εὕρεν οὐχ ἐπιτήδειον. μητε πρὸς δοῦλον, μηθ’ ὅλως ἐξεῖναι πραττεῖν ἐπέταξεν.

P. 208. Νομος.—Ἐὰν τις ὑβρίσῃ εἴς τινα, ἤ παῖδα, ἤ γύναῦκα, ἤ ἄνδρα, τῶν ἐλευθέρων, ἤ τῶν δοῦλων, ἤ παράνομον τι ποιήσῃ εἴς τούτων τινὰ, γραφέσθω πρός τούς θεσμοθέτας ὁ βουλόμενος Ἀθηναῖων, οἷς ἔξεστιν. * * * ἀκούετε, ὤ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τοῦ νόμου τῆς φιλανθρωπίας, ὅς οὐδὲ τούς δούλους ὑβρίζεσθαι ἀξιοῖ.

P. 209.——ὅμως οὐδ’ ὅσων ἄν τιμὴν καταθέντες δούλους κτήσωνται.

P. 210.——Ἀπόλλωνι ἀποτροπαίῳ βοῦν θῦσαι, καὶ στεφανηφορεῖν ἐλευθέρους καὶ δούλους, καὶ ἐλινύειν μίαν ἡμέραν.

Idem, p. 253.——τύπτειν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἐπὶ τῆς πομπῆς καὶ τοῦ μεθύειν πρὸφασιν λαβὼν, ἀδικεῖν, ὡς δούλοις χρῶμενος τοῖς ἐλευθέροις.

Oratio adversus Androtionem, p. 293.——ὑπέρ τοῦ μή τό σῶμα ἁλούς εἰς τό δεσμωτήριον ἕλκεσθαι, ἤ ἄλλα ἀσχημονοίη, ἃ δουλων, οὐκ ἐλευθέρων, ἐστὶν ἔργα, &c.

Idem.——καὶ μὴν, εἰ θέλοιτε σκέψασθαι, τί δοῦλον, ἤ ἐλεύθερον εἶναι, διαφὲρει, τοῦτο μέγιστον ἄν ἕυροιτε, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν δούλοις τὸ σῶμα τῶν ἁδικημάτων ἁπάντων ὑπεύθυνόν ἐστι.

Idem, p. 295.——πότερ’ οὖν οἴεσθε τούτων ἕκαστον μισεῖν, καὶ πολεμεῖν αὐτῷ, διὰ τὴν εἰσφοραν τύυτην, ἤ τὸν μὲν αὐτῶν, ὅτι, πάντων ἀκουόντων ὑμῶν, ἐν τῷ δήμῳ δοῦλον ἔφη, καὶ ἐκ δούλων εἴναι, καὶ προσήκειν αὐτῷ τὸ ἕκτον μέρος ἐισφέρειν μετὰ τῶν μετοίκων.

Idem, p. 298.——εἰ γὰρ ἀνδραπόδων πόλις, ἀλλὰ μὴ τῶν ἄρχειν ἑτέρων ἀξιούντων, ὡμολογεῖτε εἶναι, ὀυκ ἄν, ὦ ἄνδρες Ἀθηναῖοι, τὰς ὕβρεις ἠνέσχεσθε τὰς τούτου, ἅς κατὰ τὴν ἀγοραν ὕβριζεν, ὁμοῦ μετοίκους, Ἀθηναίους, δέων, ἀπάγων, βοῶν ἐν ταῖς ἐκκλησίαις, ἐπὶ τοῦ βήματος, δούλους καὶ ἐκ δούλων καλῶν, ἑαυτοῦ βελτίους, καὶ ἐκ βελτίονων, ἐρωτῶν.

Idem, p. 299.——νῦν δ’ ἐπὶ ταῖς εἰσφοραῖς, ὅ δίκαιον ἔσθ’ ὁρίσας, μὴ σοὶ πιστεύειν, ἀλλὰ τοῖς αὑτῆς δούλοις, τὴν πόλιν, ὁπότ’ ἄλλο τι πράττων, &c.

Oratio adversus Timocratem, vol. iii. p. 128.——καὶ γὰρ ἐκείνων, ὦ ἀνδρες δικασταὶ, ὅσοι ἄν ἐλεῦθεροι γένωνται, οὐ τῆς ἐλευθερίας χάριν ἔχουσι τοῖς δεσπόταις, ἀλλὰ μισοῦσι μάλιστα ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων, ὅτι συνίσασιν αὐτοῖς δουλούσασιν.

Idem, p. 133.——εἰ οὖν μὴ τιμωρήσησθε τούτους, οὐκ ἄν φθάνοι το πλῆθος τούτοις τοῖς θηρίοις δουλεῦον. Idem, p. 141.——καὶ μὴν εἰ θέλοιτε σκέψασθαι παρ’ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖς, ὦ ἄνδρες δικαταὶ, τι δοῦλον, ἤ ἐλεύθερον εἶναι διαφέρει, τοῦτο μεγίστον ἄν ἕυροιτε, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν δούλοις τὸ σῶμα τῶν ἀδικημάτων ἁπάντων ὑπεύθυνον ἐστι, τοῖς δ’ ἐλευθέροις ὒστατον τοῦτο προσήκει κολάζειν.

Oratio III. adversus Aphobum, p. 242.——καίτοι ἒιγ’ ἦν δοῦλος ἄνθρωπος, καὶ μὴ προωμολόγητο πρὸς τῦυδ’ ἐλεύθερος εἶναι, &c.

Idem, p. 243.——ἀλλά καὶ δοῦλον εἶναι τὸν ἄνθρωπον τῷ ὄντι.

Idem, p. 247.——διόπερ τοὺς ὁμολογουμένως δούλους παραβὰς, τὸν ἐλεύθερον ἠξίον βασανίζειν, ὅν οὐδ’ ὅσιον παραδοῦναι, &c.

Oratio I. adversus Onetorem, p. 266.——οὐ χρῆσθε ταῖς τῶν ἐλευθέρων μαρτυρίαις, ἀλλὰ τοῦς δούλους βασανίζοντες οὕτω ζητεῖτε τὴν ἀλήθειαν εὑρεῖν τῶν πεπραγμένων. * * * δούλων δὲ βασανισθέντων, οὐδένες πώποτ’ ἐξηλέγχθησαν, ὡς οὐκ ἀληθῆ τὰ ἐκ τῆς βασάνου εἶπον.

Oratio in Phormionem, vol. iv. p. 13.——νῦν δ’ οὐκ ἐμοὶ, * * * ἀλλ’ ἐν Βοσπόρῳ, καὶ τῆς συγγραφῆς σοι κειμένης Ἀθηνηοι καὶ πρὸς ἐμὲᾧ, καὶ, ᾧ τὸ χρυσίον ἀπεδίδους, ὄντος θνητοῦ, καὶ πέλαγος τοσοῦτον μέλλοντος πλεῖν, μάρτυρα οὐδέν’ ἐποιήσω, οὔτε δοῦλον, οὔτ’ ἐλεύθερον.

Oratorio in Pantanænetum, p. 80.——τίς γὰρ πωποτε τῷ δεσπότῃ λαχών, τοῦ δούλου τὰ πράγματα, ὥσπερ κυρίου, κατηγόρωρησεν;

Oratio in Macartatum, p.173.——ἐπαγγέλλειν δὲ, περὶ μὲν τῶν δοῶλων τῷ δεσπότῃ περὶ δὲ τῶν ἐλευθέρων τοις τα χρήματ’ ἔχουσιν.

Oratio in Stephanum, I. p. 217.——φανήσεται γὰρ οὐ πατρὸς, ὑπὲρ ὑιέων γράφοντος, ἐοικυῖα διαθήκη, ἀλλὰ δούλου λελυμασμένον τὰ τῶν δεσποτῶν, ὅπως μή δώσει δίκην σκοποῦντος.

Idem, p. 231.——καὶ εἰ μέν πένης οὗτος ἦν, ἡμεῖς δ’ εὐυποροῦντες ἐτυγχάνομεν, καὶ συνέβη τι παθεῖν, οἷα πολλὰ, ἐμοὶ, οἰ παῖδες ἄν οἰ τούτου τῶν ἐμῶν θυγατέρων ἐδικάζοντο, οἰ τοῦ δούλου τῶν του δεσπότου· * * * οὗτος δ’ αὖ τοὐναντίον τόν δεσπότην ὁ δοῦλος ἐξετάζει, ὡς δῆτα πονηρὸν καὶ ἄσωτον ἐκ τούτων ἐπιδείξων.

Idem, p.234.——ὄντων γὰρ ἡμῶν τοιωυτων, ὁποίυς τινὰς ἄν καὶ σὺ κατασκευάσῃς τῷ λόγω, σὺ δοῦλος ἦσθα.

Idem, p. 235.——καὶ δέομαι καὶ ἀντιβολῶ καὶ ἱκετεύω, μὴ ὑπεριδητέ με καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας, δι’ ἔνδειαν τοῖς ἐμαυτοῦ δούλοις, καὶ τοῖς τούτου κόλαξιν ἐπιχάρτους γενομένους. * * * δοῦλοι μεν ἐκεῖνοι, δοῦλος δ’ ὗυτος ἦν, δεσπόται δ' ὑμεῖς, δεσπότης δ’ ἦν ἐγώ.

Oratio in Timotheum, p. 312.——ὁ δέ οὔτε μαρτυρίαν παρέσχετο, οὔθ' ὡς δοῦλον τοῦ Αἰσχρίωνα παραδοὺς, ἐκ τοῦ σώματος τὸν ἔλεγχον ἠξίου γενέσθαι, φοβούμενος, ἄν μὲν μαρτυρίαν παράσχηται, ὡς ἐλευθέρου ὄντος, &c.

Sophocles, Electra, line 814:

ἤδη δεῖ με δουλεύειν πάλιν

ἐν τοῖσιν ἐχθίστοισιν ἀνθρώπων ἐμοί,

φονεῦσι πατρός.

This Francklin translates thus: “Left at last, a slave to those whom most on earth I hate.”

Antigone, line 202.——τοὺς δὲ δουλώσας ἄγειν.

Francklin thus—“And made you slaves.”

Idem, line 478.

οὐ γαρ ἐκπέλει

φρονεῖν μέ γ’ ὅστις δοῦλός ἐστι τῶν πέλας.

Thus—“’Tis not for slaves to be so haughty.”

Idem, line 517.——οὐ γάρ τι δοῦλος, ἀλλ’ ἀδελφὸς ὤλετο.

Thus—“He was a brother, not a slave.”

Idem, line 756.——γυναικὸς ὥν δούλευμα, μὴ κώτιλλέ με.

Thus—“Think not to make me thus thy scorn and laughter, thou woman’s slave.”

Ajax, line 489.——νῦν δ’ εἰμι δούλη.

Thus—“Though now a wretched slave.”

499.——ξύν παιδὶ τῷ σῷ δουλὶαν ἕξειν τροφήν.

Thus—“And thy loved son shall eat the bread of slavery.”

1020.——δοῦλος λόγοισιν ἀντ’ ἐλευθέρου φανείς.

Francklin thus——“And to slavery doomed.”

1235.——ταῦτ’ οὐκ ἀκούειν μεγάλα πρὸς δούλων κακά;

Thus——“Shall we be thus insulted by our slaves?”

1289.——ὁ δοῦλος, ὁ ἐκ τῆς βαρβάρου μητρὸς γεγώς.

Thus——“I am a slave, born of a barbarian mother.”

Oedipus Tyrannus, line 1062——

σύ μέν γάρ, οὐδ’ ἄν ἐκ τρίτης ἐγὼ

υντρός φανῶ τρίδουλος, ἐκφανεῖ κακή.

Thus——“Were I descended from a race of slaves, ’twould not dishonour thee.”

1123.——ἦ δοῦλος, οὐκ ὠνητός, ἀλλ’ οἴκοι τραφείς.

Thus——“Although I am a slave, yet I was not purchased, but born and reared up in his house.”

1168.——ἦν δοῦλος, ἤ κείνου τις ἐγγενὴς γεγώς;

Thus—“Was he the son of a slave; if not, of whom?”

Oedipus Coloneus, line 917—

καὶ μοι πόλιν κένανδρον ἤ δούλην τινὰ

ἔδοξας εἶναι.

Francklin thus—“Or didst thou think I valued a desert land, or that my people were a race of slaves?”

Trachiniæ, line 53.——δούλαις, female slaves.

Line 63—

ἥδε γὰρ γυνή

δούλη μέν, ἑιρηκεν δ’ ἐλεύθερον λόγον.

Francklin thus—“This woman, though a slave, hath spoken what would have well become the mouth of freedom’s self to utter.”

257.——ξύν παισὶ καὶ γυναικὶ δουλώσειν ἔτι.

Thus—“And bind in slavery his wife and all his race.”

267.——φωνεῖ δέ, δοῦλος ἀνδρὸς ὡς ἐλεύθερου ῥαίοιτο.

Francklin thus—“And said a slave like him should bend beneath a freeman’s power.”

283.——πόλις δέ δούλη.

302.——τανῦν δε δοῦλον ἴοχουσιν βίον.

367.——οὐδ’ ὥς τε δούλην.

467.——ἔπερσε κᾳδουλωσεν.

Philoctetes, line 995——

οἴ μοι τάλας. ἡμᾶς μὲν ὡς δούλους σαφῶς

πατὴρ ἄρ’ ἐξέφυσεν, οὐδ’ ἐλευθέρους.

Aristophanes, Ranæ (Batrachoi), line 191——

δοῦλον οὐκ ἄγω,

εἰ μὴ νεναυμάχηκε τὴν περὶ τῶν κρεῶν.

531.——ὡς δοῦλος ὤν καὶ θνητός.

541.——εἰ Ξανθίας μὲν δοῦλος ὤν.

584.——δοῦλος ἅμα καὶ θνὸτος ὤν;

632.——ἀθάνατος εἰναί φημι Διόνυσος Διὸς, τοῦτον δὲ δοῦλον.

694.——κᾀντὶ δούλων δεσπότας.

742.——ὅτι, δοῦλος ὤν, ἔφασκες εἶναι δεσπότης.

743.——

τοῦτο μέντοι δουλικὸν

εὐθυς πεποίηκας.

949.——ἀλλ’ ἔλεγεν ἡ γυνή τ’ ἐμοὶ χῷ δοῦλος οὐδὲν ἧττον.

Aves (Ornithes), line 69.——ὄσνις ἔγωγε δοῦλος.

Line 763—

τοῦ Φιλήμονος γένους

εἰ δέ δοῦλος ἐστι Κὰρ, etc.

911.——ἔὣπειτα δῆτα δοῦλος ὣν κόμην ἔχεις.

Equites (Hyppes), line 44—

οὗτος τῇ προτέρᾳ νουμυηνίᾳ

ἐπρίατο δοῦλον.

Lysistrate, line 330.——δούλῃσιν ὠστιζομένη.

Acharnenses, 401—

ὅθ’ ὁ δοῦλος οὑτωσὶ σαφῶς ἀπεκρίνατο.

Vespæ (Sphekes), 517—

ἀλλά δουλεύων λέληθας.

παῦε δουλείαν λέγων,

ὅστις ἄρχω τῶν ἁπάντων.

Line 602—

ἥν δουλείαν οὖσαν ἔφασκες χὐπηρεσίαν ἀποδείξειν.

Line 681—

ἀλλ’ αὐτην μοι τὴν δουλείαν οὐκ ἀποφαίνων ἀποκναίεις. οὐ γὰρ μεγάλη δουλεία στὶν, τούτους μὲν ἅπαντας ἐν ἀρχαῖς.

Thesmophoriazusæ, line 537—

αὐταί γε καὶ τα δουλάρια, &c.

564.———οὐδ’ ὡς σὺ, τῆς δοὺλης τεκούσης ἄῤῥρεν’.

Ecclesiazusæ, line 651.——οἱ δοῦλοι.

Line 721—

καὶ τάς γε δούλας οὐχὶ δεῖ κοσμουμένας

τὴν τῶν ἐλευθέρων ὑφαρπάζειν Κύπριν,

ἀλλὰ παρὰ τοῖς δοὺλοισι κοιμᾶσθαι μόνον,

κατωνάκῃ τὸν χοῖρον ἀποτετιλμένας.

Homer, Iliad iii. 407—

Μηδ’ ἔτι σοῖσι πόδεσσιν ὑποστρέψειας Ὄλυμπον,

Αλλ’ αἰεὶ περὶ κεῖνον ὀΐζυε, καὶ ἑ φύλασσε,

Εἰσόκε σ’ ἢ ἄλοχον ποιήσεται, ἢ ὅγε δοὺλην.

Which Pope has paraphrased thus—

“A handmaid goddess at his side to wait,

Renounce the glories of thy heavenly state,

Be fix’d for ever to the Trojan shore,

His spouse, or slave, and mount the skies no more.”

Iliad vi. 460—

Ἕξτορος ἥδε γυνή, ὅς ἀριστεύεσκε μάχεσθαι

Τρώων ἱπποδάμων, ὅτε Ἴλιον ἀμφεμάχοντο.

Ὥς ποτέ τις ἐρέει· σοὶ δ’ αὖ νέον ἔσσεται ἄλγος

Χήτεϊ τοιοῦδ’ ἀνδρός, ἀμύνειν δούλιον ἧμαρ.

We should be happy to see the exquisite tenderness of the original transferred into English. We offer:—“This is the wife of Hector, the bravest of the horse-taming Trojans, when our people fought about Ilion. Thus perchance some one will say: and this will be to thee a fresh sorrow, to feel the want of thy husband to ward off the day of slavery.”

Odyssey xiv. 339—

Ἀλλ’ ὅτε γαίης πολλὸν ἀπέπλω ποντοπόρος νηῦς,

Αὐτικα δούλιον ἧμαρ ἐμοὶ περιμηχανόωντο.

Pope thus—

“Soon as remote from shore they plough the wave,

With ready hands they rush to seize the slave.”

Odyssey xxii. 421—

Πεντηκοντά τοί εἰσιν ἐνι μεγάροισι γυναῖκες

Δμωαί, τὰς μεν τ’ ἔργα διδάξαμεν ἐργάζεσθαι,

Εἰρια τε ξαίνειν, καὶ δουλοσύνης ἀνεχέσθαι.

Pope thus—

“Then she: In these thy kingly walls remain

(My son) full fifty of the handmaid train;

Taught by my care to cull the fleece or weave,

And servitude with pleasing tasks deceive.”

Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, line 130—

πόδα παρθένιον

ὅσιον ὁσίας

κλῃδούχου δούλα (a slave) πέμπω.

Line 451.——δουλείας ἐμέθεν δειλαίας παυσίπονος.

Potter thus—“And bid the toils of slavery cease.”

Troades (Trojan Dames), line 140—

δούλα δ’ ἄγομαι γραῦς ἐξ οἴκων.

“I, an old woman, am led from my home a slave.”

Idem, 159. δουλείαν αἰάζουσιν.

“Bemoan their slavery.”

186.——τῷ πρόσκειμαι δούλα τλάμων.

“Assigned a slave,” &c.

197.——δουλεύσω γραῦς.

“An old woman enslaved.”

214.——ἔνθ’ ἀντάσω Μενέλα δούλα.

“Exposed me a slave to Menelaus.”

Idem, 235—

δοῦλαί γαρ δὴ

Δωρίδος ἐσμέν χθονὸς ἤδη.

“We are slaves of the Dorian land, even now.”

284.——φωτὶ δουλεύειν.

“I am enslaved,” &c.

599.——ζυγά δ’ ἤνυσε δούλια Τροία.

“Troy yields to the yoke of slavery.”

615.——εἰς δοῦλον ἥκει.

“Is sunk in slavery.”

661.——δουλεύσω δ’, &c.

Idem, 678—

ναυσθλοῦμαι δ’ ἐγὼ

πρός Ἑλλάδ’ αἰχμάλωτος εἰς δοῦλον ζυγόν.

“I go by sea to Greece, a prisoner of war, to a yoke of slavery.”

957.——κείνης δέ δοῦλός ἐστι.

“But is her slave.”

971.——πικρῶς ἐδούλευς’.

“Harshly enslaved.”

1341.——ἴτ’ ἐπὶ τάλαιναν

δούλειον ἁμέραν βίου.

Bacchæ, 366.——γὰρ τῷ Διὸς δουλευτέον.

803.——τί δρῶντα; δουλεύοντα δουλείαις ἐμαῖς;

Potter thus—“What should I do? be to my slaves a slave?”

1028.——ὥς σε στενάζω, δοῦλος ὤν μὲν, ἀλλ’ ὅμως χρηστοῖσι δούλοις συμφορὰ τὰ δεσποτῶν.

Potter thus—

“How I lament thee, though a slave; yet slaves,

If faithful, mourn the ruin of their lords.”

Cyclops, 76—

ἐγὼ δ’, ὁ σος πρόσπολος,

θητεύω Κύκλωπι

τῷ μονοδέρκτᾳ,

δοῦλος ἀλαινων σὺν τᾷδε

τράγου χλαίνᾳ μελέᾳ

σᾶς χωρὶς φιλίας.

Helena, 283—

καὶ φίλων τητωμένη,

δούλη καθέστηκ’, οὖς’ ἐλευθέρων ἄπο.

τὰ βαρβάρων γὰρ δοῦλα πάντα, πλὴν ἑνός.

Potter thus—

“Of friends deprived,

I, from the free who draw my generous blood,

Am made a slave; for ’mong barbarians all

Are slaves, save one.”

299.——ἀσχήμονες μὲν ἀγχόναι μετάρσιοι,

κᾀν τοῖσι δούλοις δυσπρεπὲς νομίζεται.

Potter thus—

“The pendent cord

Disgraces; even in slaves it is deemed base.”

Line 728—

ἐγω μὲν εἴην, κεἰ πέφυχ’ ὅμως λάτρις,

ἐν τοῖσι γενναίοισιν ἠριθμημένος

δούλοισι, τοὔνομ’ οὐκ ἔχων ἐλεύθερον,

τόν νοῦν δε· κρεῖσσον γὰρ τόδ’ ἤ δυοῖν κακοῖν

ἕν ὄντα χρῆσθαι, τὰς φρένας τ’ ἔχειν κακὰς,

ἄλλων τ’ ἀκούειν δοῦλον ὄντα τῶν πέλας.

Potter thus—

“It is my wish,

Though born a slave, among the generous slaves

To be accounted, bearing a free mind,

If not the name; for better this I deem,

Than two bad things, to harbour a base mind,

And hear from those around the name of slave.”

We deem this translation defective, because it makes no distinction between the ideas conveyed by the words λάτρις and δουλος. True, at this late day, the passage is somewhat obscure. But the speaker was not a slave: he says he was born a λάτρις—a character far less elevated than the δοῦλος, yet a freeman, but possessing a greater servility of mind than even the doulos, and his condition often far more abject. The slave possessed the protection of his master; but the latris, with all the destitution and degradation incident to the lowest conditions of the freeman, often coveted the happier condition of the doulos. The idea conveyed by this messenger is literally this: “Although born a latris, I had rather be considered among the home-born slaves, not having the name of freedom, than to have merely the name; for I consider this a good choice between the two evils—the being supposed to have the base mind of the latris, and the being truly called a slave by those near us.” The substance is, he had rather be a doulos than a latris.

That he was not a slave is evident from what follows in the 797th line, where Menelaus calls him emphatically his prospolon, merely an attendant.

1630.——ἀλλὰ δεσποτῶν κρατήσεις, δοῦλος ὤν;

Potter—“Slave as thou art, wilt thou control thy lord?”

Idem, 1640.

πρὸ δεσποτῶν

τοῖσι γενναίοισι δούλοις εὐκλεέστατον θανεῖν.

“To home-born slaves, it is glory to die for their masters.”

Ion, line 132.——θεοῖσι δούλαν χέρ’ ἔχειν.

“To be a slave to the gods.”

182.——Φοίβῷ δουλεύσω, &c.

327.——τοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ κοσμούμεθ’, ᾧ δουλεύομεν.

556.——ἐκπεφεύγαμεν τὸ δοῦλον.

761.——δούλευμα πιστόν, &c.

837.——εκ δούλης τινός, &c.

854.——ἕν γάρ τι τοῖς δούλοισιν, &c.

855.——τοὒνομα· τὰ δ’ ἀλλα πάντα τῶν ἐλευθέρων οὐδεὶς κακίων δοῦλος, ὅστις ἐσθλὸς ᾖ.

Potter—

“It is the name; in all else than the free

The slave is nothing worse, if he be virtuous.”

983.——ἐπίσημον ὁ φόνος, καὶ τὸ δοῦλον ἀσθενές.

Potter—“An open murder, and with coward slaves.”

1109.——τί δ' ἔστιν, ὦ ξύνδουλε;

“What is the matter, my fellow-slave?”

Hercules, 190.——ἀνὴρ ὁπλίτης δοῦλος ἐστι τῶν ὅπλων.

Potter—

“——the man array’d in arms

Is to his arms a slave.”

Electra, 110.——δούλης γυναικός, female slave.

633.——δούλων γὰρ ἴδιον τοῦτο, σοὶ δὲ σύμφορον.

Potter—“Such the slave’s nature, but this favours thee.”

Line 898—

σὸς γάρ ἐστι νῦν

δοῦλος.

“He is thy slave now.”

Medea, line 54—

χρηστοῖσι δούλοις ξυμφορὰ τὰ δεσποτῶν

κακῶς πίτνοντα καὶ φρενῶν ἀνθάπτεται.

“Slaves who are faithful, suffer in the afflictions of their masters.”

Line 65.——μή, πρὸς γενείου, κρύπτε σύνδουλον σέθεν.

“Now by this beard, deceive not by secrecy thy fellow-slave.”

Hecuba, line 234—

εἰ δ’ ἔστι τοῖς δούλοισι τοὺς ἐλευθέρους

μὴ λυπρὰ μηδὲ καρδίας δηκτήρια

ἐξιστορῆσαι, σοὶ μὲν εἰρῆσθαι χρεών,

ἡμᾶς δ’ ἀκοῦσαι τοὺς ἐρωτῶντας τάδε.

Potter thus—

“But may slaves be permitted of the free

To ask—I mean no rudeness, no reproach—

But may we ask? And wilt thou answer us?”

247.——τί δῆτ’ ἔλεξας, δούλος ὤν ἐμὸς τότε;

Potter—“What didst thou say, when thou wast then my slave?”

Idem, 291—

νόμος δ’ εν ὑμῖν τοῖς τ’ ἐλευθέροις ἴσος

καὶ τοῖσι δούλοις αἵματος κεῖται πέρι.

Potter thus—

“The laws of blood

Are equal to us slaves, and you our lords.”

331.——αἰαῖ· τὸ δοῦλον ὡς κακὸν πεφυκέναι.

“Ah well, how great the evil to have become a slave!”

356.——νῦν δ’ εἰμὶ δούλη.

“But I am now a slave.”

Idem, 365—

λέχη δε τἀμα δοῦλος ὠνητός πόθεν

χρανεῖ.

“And then, a female stewardess, a slave purchased somewhere, shall defile my bed.”

Idem, 444—

αὔρα, ποντιὰς αὔρα,

ἅτε ποντοπόρους κομίζεις

θοὰς ἀκάτους ἐπ’ οἶδμα λίμνας,

ποῖ με τὰν μελέαν πορεύσεις;

τῷ δουλόσυνος πρὸς οἶκον

κτηθεῖσ’ ἀφίξομαι;

ἤ Δωρίδος ὅρμον αἴας,

ἤ Φθιάδος.

Potter—

“Tell me, ye gales, ye rising gales,

That lightly sweep along the azure plain,

Whose soft breath fills the swelling sails,

And wafts the vessel dancing o'er the main;

Whither, ah! whither will ye bear

This sickening daughter of despair?

What proud lord’s rigour shall the slave deplore,

On Doric or on Phthian shore?”

495.——αὕτη δὲ δούλη, γραῦς, ἄπαις, ἐπὶ χθονι κεῖται, κόνει φύρουσα δύστηνον κάρα.

Potter—

“Herself a slave, old, childless, on the ground She lies, and soils her hoar head in the dust.”

741.——

ἀλλ’ ἔι με δούλην πολεμίαν θ’ ἡγούμενος

γονάτων ἀπώσαιτ’, ἄλγος αὖ προσθείμεθ’ ἄν

Potter—

“But should he treat me as a slave, a foe,

And spurn me, I should add to my afflictions.”

757.——

οὐ δῆτα· τοὺς κακοὺς δὲ τιμωρουμένη,

αἰῶνα τὸν ξύμπαντα δουλεῦσαι θέλω.

Potter—

“Not freedom, but revenge; revenge on baseness:

Grant me revenge, and let me die a slave.”

798.——ἡμεῖς μὲν οὖν δοῦλοί τε κἀσθενεῖς ἴσως.

Potter—“But we are slaves, but we perchance are weak

809.——τύραννος ἦν ποτ’, ἀλλὰ νῦν δούλη σέθεν.

Potter—“Erewhile I was a queen, but now a slave.”

Idem, 864—

οὐκ ἕστι θνητῶν ὅστις ἔστ’ ἐλεύθερος·

ἢ χρημάτων γὰρ δοῦλος ἐστιν ἢ τύχης,

ἢ πλῆθος αὐτὸν πόλεος ἢ νόμων γραφαὶ

εἴργουσι χρῆσθαι μὴ κατὰ γνώμην τρόποις

Potter—

“Vain is the boast of liberty in man:

A slave to fortune or a slave to wealth,

Or by the people or the laws restrained,

He dares not act the dictates of his will.”

1252.——

oimoi, gynaikos, hôs eoich', hêssômenos

doulês, hyphexô tois kakiosin dikên.

Potter—

“What! from these wretches shall I suffer thus,

Defeated by a woman and a slave?”

Phœnissæ, line 94.——ὡς δούλω, as a slave.

189.——δουλείαν περιβαλών.

“To lead in slavery.”

192.——δουλοσύναν τλαίην.

“To suffer slavery.”

205.——Φοίβω δούλα. “Slave to Phœbus.”

1606.——ἀλλὰ δουλεῦσαι τέ με—Πολύβον, &c.

“Slave to Polybus,” &c.

Orestes, line 221.——ἰδοὺ τὸ δούλευμ’ ἡδύ, κοὐκ ἀναίνομαι.

Idem, 715—

——νῦν δ’ ἀναγκαίως ἔχει

δούλοισιν εἶναι τοῖς σοφοῖσι τῆς τύχης.

937.——ἤ γυναιξὶ δουλεύειν χρεών.

Potter—“Vile slaves to your wives.”

1115.——οὐδὲν τὸ δοῦλον πρὸς τὸ μὴ δοῦλον γένος.

Such was the reply of Pylades to his friend Orestes, in reference to the Phrygian slave; and we shall close our quotations from this remarkable tragic poet, with an interview between Orestes and one of these Phrygian slaves.

Line 1522—

Orestes. Δοῦλος ὤν φοβεῖ τὸν Ἁΐδην, ὅς σ’ ἀπαλλάξει κακῶν; ΐ Slave. Πᾶς ἀνὴρ, κἂν δοῦλος ᾖ τις, ἥδεται τὸ φῶς ὁρῶν.

Potter—

Orestes. “Fears a slave death, the end of all his ills?

Slave. “To slave or free, sweet is the light of heaven.”

Alcestes, line 638—

δουλίου δ’ ἀφ’ αἵματος

μαστῷ γυναικὸς σῆς ὑπεβλήθην λάθρα.

Potter—“But, the base offspring of some slave, thy wife stole me, and put me to her breast.”

We find the following in a short notice of the life of Isocrates, by Dionysius of Halicarnassus.

Page 23.——διδάσκει δ’ ὡς οὐ Μεσσηνίοις τοῖς οὐκετ’ οὖσιν, ἀλλὰ δούλοις καὶ εἵλωσιν ὁρμητηριον καὶ καταφυγὴν παρέξουσι τὴν πόλιν.

Also, page 26.——δουλευει γὰρ ἡ διάνοια πόλλακις τῷ ῥυθμῷ τε λέξεως, καὶ τῶν κομψοῦ λείπεται τὸ ἀληθινὸν.

Idem, 35.——ἡμεῖς δε καταδούλευμενοι, καὶ τᾀναντια τοῖς τότε πράττοντες.

Idem, 36.——καὶ τότε μὲν εἰ τριήρεις πληροῖεν, τοὺς μὲν ξένους καὶ τούς δούλους ναύτας εἰσεβίβαζον, τούς δε πολίτας μεθ’ ὅπλων ἐξέπεμπον.

Isocrates, (Cantabrigigiæ, 1686,) Orat. ad Demonicum, page 52— ἐν δὲ τοῖς τερπνοῖς, ἄν αἰσχρὸν ὑπολάβῃς, τῶν μὲν οἰκετῶν ἄρχειν, ταῖς δι’ ἡδοναῖς δουλεύειν.

Ad Nicoclem, p. 74.——καὶ τοῦτο ἡγοῦ βασιλικώτατον ἐάν μηδεμίᾳ δουλεύης τῶν ἡδονων, ἀλλὰ κρατῇς τῶν ἐπιθυμιῶν μᾶλλον ἤ τῶν πολιτῶν.

Panegyricus, p. 121.——τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων οἵ βουλομένοι καταδουλώσασθαι τοὺς Ἑλλήνας, ἐφ’ ἡμᾶς πρώτους ἰόντες.

Idem, 133.——ἧροῦντο δὲ τῶν εἱλώτων ἐνίοις δουλεύειν, ὥστε εἰς τὰς ἑαυτῶν πατρίδας ὑβρίζειν.

Idem, 137.——νῦν δὲ εἰς τοσαύτην δουλείαν καθεστώτων.

Idem.——μέγιστον δε τῶν κακῶν, ὅταν ὑπὲρ αὐτης τε δουλείας ἀναγκάζωνται συστρατεύεσθαι.

Idem.——κατορθώσαντες δὲ μᾶλλον εἰς τὸν ἐπίλοιπον χρόνον δουλεύσουσιν.

Idem, 144.——πρός μὲν τὸν πόλεμον ἐκλελύμενος, πρὸς δὲ τὴν δουλείαν ἄμεινον τῶν παρ’ ἡμῖν οἰκετῶν πεπαιδευμένος.

Idem.——ἅπαντα δὲ τὸν χρόνον διάγουσιν, ὡς μέν τοὺς ὑβρίζοντες, τοῖς δὲ δουλεύοντες.

Idem, 150.——Σικελία δὲ καταδεδούλωται.

Idem, 151.——ὡς ὑπὲρ τούτων δουλεύειν ἠναγκασμέναι.

Idem, 153.——δημοσία δε τοσούτους τῶν συμμάχων περιορᾷν αὐτοις δουλεύοντας.

Orat. ad Philippum, p. 161.——ζητεῖν δὲ ἐκείνους τοὺς τόπους τοὺς πόῤῥω μὲν κειμένους τῶν ἄρχειν δυναμένων, ἐγγὺς δὲ τῶν δουλεύειν εἰθισμένων.

Archidamus, p. 235.——νῦν καὶ τὴν τῶν δούλων παῤῥησίαν ὑπομένοντας φαίνεσθαι.

De Pace, sive Socialis, page 281.——καὶ τοτε μὲν εἔ τριήρεις πληροῖεν, τοὺς μὲν ξένους καὶ τοὺς δούλους ναύτας εἰσεβίβαζον.

Idem, p. 280.——ὑμεῖς δέ καταδουλούμενοι.

Idem, p. 306.——μὴ δουλείας ἀλλά σωτηρίας αὐτοῖς αἰτίαν γενέσθαι.

Evagoras, p. 310.——οὐ μὲν δουλεύτεον.

Idem, p. 320.——τοὺς μὲν φίλους ταῖς εὐεργεσίαις ὑπ’ αὐτῷ ποιούμενος τοὺς δέ ἄλλους τῇ μεγαλοψυχία καταδουλούμενος.

Idem, p. 326.——οἱ δέ Ἕλληνες ἀντί δουλείας αὐτονομίαν ἔσχον Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ τοσαῦτον ἐπέδοσαν.

Panathenaicus, p. 396.——οὕς μὲν ἐλευθερώσειν ὡμολόγησαν κατεδουλώσαντο μᾶλλον ἥ τοὺς εἵλωτας.

Idem, p. 400.——καὶ τὸ μη δικαίως τῶν ἄλλων ἄρχειν μᾶλλον ἤ φεύγοντας τὴν αἰτίαν ταύτην, ἀδίκως Λακεδαιμονίοις δουλεύειν.

Idem, p. 412.——τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους Ἑλλήνας καταδουλώσασθαι πρὸς μὲν τοιοῦτον κρατίσασαι ῥαδίως ἄν αὐτου.

Idem, p. 418.——καταδουλωσαμένους.

Plataicus, p. 459.——οἵ μὲν οὐδὲν ἧττον τῶν ἀργυρωνήτων δουλεύουσιν.

Idem.——τε δὲ τῶν ἄλλων δουλείας αὐτους κυρίους καθιστᾶσι.

Idem, p. 463.——δουλεὐειν.

Idem, p. 465.——δουλευουσῶν.

Idem, p. 466.——ἀλλὰ πολλοὺς μὲν μικρῶν ἕνεκα συμβουλαίων δουλεύοντας, ἄλλους δὲ ἐπὶ θητείαν ἴοντας.

Orat. de Permutatione, p. 493.——τὴν δε τῷ γένει τῆς σωτηρίας αἰτίαν οὖσαν, δουλεύειν αὐτοις ἀξιοῦν.

Idem, p. 494.——τῶν δέ βαρβάρων οἱ βουλόμενοι καταδουλοῦσθαι τοὺς Ἑλλήνας.

Idem, p. 502.——τοῖς δ’ ἄλλοις τὴν δουλείαν αἱρουμένοις.

Idem.——οὕτω καὶ τῶν πόλεων ταις ὑπερεχούσαις λυσιτελεῖν λεῖν ἐξ ἀνθρώπων ἀφανισθῆναι μᾶλλον ἤ δούλας ὀφθῆναι γενομένας.

Idem.——ὥστε μὴ τοῖς Ἕλλησιν αἴτιον γενήσθαι τί δουλείας.

Idem, p. 510.——ἡμεῖς δέ καταδουλούμενοι.

Idem, p. 511.——τοὺς μὲν ξένους καὶ τοὺς δούλους.

De Bigis, p. 530.——τοὺς πολίτας ἰδεῖν δουλεύοντας.

Epistolæ: to Philip, p. 611.——ἅ Ξέρξη τε τῷ καταδουλώσασθαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας βουληθέντι.

To Jason, a freedman, p. 629.——καὶ τὰς τιμὰς ἡδίους νομίζω τὰς παρὰ τῶν μέγα φρονούντων, ἤ τὰς παρὰ τῶν δουλευόντων.

LESSON V.

But if it shall be objected, that by these writers the word δουλος, doulos, and its derivatives are used in a figurative sense, since these writers all exhibit minds deeply excited, or used all language with poetic license; we think such objection unfounded, so far as it alleges that they have used this word in an unusual manner, or have attributed to it any other sense than was attributed to it by all the Greeks.

Nevertheless, we propose now to present this word as it was used by Thucydides, Herodotus, and Xenophon, against whose use no cavil can be made; and we now fear not to assert that their use of this word will be in the most strict accordance with the authors already examined.

Plutarch, who was somewhat disposed to criticize other authors, speaking of Thucydides, expresses the idea that he wrote in such a manner that the reader saw the picture of what he represented. (See his De Gloria Atheniensium.) Plutarch was then clearly of opinion that the language of Thucydides was most appropriately accurate.

We here premise, that we shall not presume to offer our own translation to the extract we propose to make from Thucydides. From the many that have been made, we have selected that of the Rev. Dr. William Smith, of the cathedral of Chester, England, and concerning whom it may be proper to say a word. He translated Longinus with great accuracy and beauty. The Weekly Miscellany of Dec. 8th, 1739, says of this translation, “It justly deserves the notice and thanks of the public.” Father Phillips says, 1756, “A late English translation of the Greek critic, by Mr. Smith, is a credit to the author, and reflects lustre on Longinus himself.” Laudits of this work will fill a volume. In 1753 he translated Thucydides, and was directly created a doctor of divinity,—and we find in his epitaph now in the cathedral of Chester, “as a scholar his reputation is perpetuated by his valuable publications, particularly his correct and eloquent translations of Longinus, Thucydides, and Xenophon.” We have been thus minute that it may be known with what spirit we prepare this work.

The Peloponnesian War, by Thucydides.

Book i. chap. 8. Οἵ τε ἥσσους ὑπέμενον τὴν τῶν κρεισσόνων δουλείαν.

“And the great, who had all needful supplies at hand, reduced less powerful cities into their own subjection.”

At that age of the world, when one city was conquered by another, all were reduced to slavery, unless by the especial favour of the conqueror. In this instance it would have been more literal to our present idiom to have used the term slavery, instead of subjection; because now there has grown up a wide distinction between the mere subjugating and enslaving.

Chap. 16. Κῦρος καὶ ἡ Περσικὴ βασιλεια, Κροῖσον καθελοῦσα, καὶ ὅσα ἐντὸς Ἅλυος ποταμοῦ πρὸς θάλασσαν, ἐπεστράτευσε, καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρω πόλεις ἐδούλωσε.

“For Cyrus, after he had completed the conquest of Crœsus, and all the country which lieth between the river Halys and the sea, invaded them, and enslaved their towns upon the continent.”

Chap. 18. Δεκάτω δὲ ἔτει μετ’ αὐτην αὖθις ὁ βάρβαρος τῷ μεγάλω στόλῳ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα δουλωσόμενος ἦλθε.

“And in the tenth year after that, the barbarian, with a vast armament, invaded Greece in order to enslave it.”

Chap. 34. Οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ τῷ δοῦλοι, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ τῷ ὅμοιοι τοῖς λειπομένοις εἶναι, ἐκπέμπονται.

“They are not sent out to be the slaves, but to be the equals of those who remain behind.”

Chap. 55. Καὶ τῶν Κερκυραίων ὀκτακοσίους μὲν, οἵ ἦσαν δοῦλοι, ἀπέδοντο.

“Eight hundred of their Corcyrean prisoners, who were slaves, they sold at public sale.”

Chap. 68. Νῦν δὲ τί δεῖ μακρηγορεῖν, ὧν τοὺς μὲν δεδουλωμένους ὁπᾶτε.

“But now, what need can there be of multiplying words, when some you already see enslaved.”

Chap. 69. Ἐς τόδε τε ἀεὶ ἀποστεροῦντες οὐ μόνον τοὺς ὑπ’ ἐκείνων δεδουλωμένους ἐλευθερίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ὑμετέρους ἤδη ξυμμάχους. οὐ γὰρ ὁ δουλωσάμενος ἀλλ’ ὁ δυνάμενος μὲν παῦσαι, περιορῶν δὲ, ἀληθέστερον αὐτὸ δρᾷ.

“Ever since you have connived at liberty overthrown, not only in whatever communities they have proceeded to enslave, but now where even your own confederates are concerned. For not to the men who rivet on the chains of slavery, but to such as, though able, yet neglect to prevent it, ought the sad event with truth to be imputed.”

Chap. 74. Τῶν ἄλλων ἤδη μέχρι ἡμῶν δουλευόντων, &c.

“And every state already enslaved,” &c.

Chap. 81. Οὕτως εἰκὸς, Ἀθηναίους φρονήματι, μήτε τῇ γῇ δουλεῦσαι, μήτε ὥσπερ ἀπείρους καταπλαγῆναι τῷ πολέμῳ.

“It is by no means consistent with the spirit of Athenians to be slaves to their soil, or, like unpractised soldiers, to shudder at war.”

Chap. 98. Πρώτη τε αὕτη πόλις ξυμμαχὶς παρὰ τὸ καθεστηκὸς ἐδουλώθη.

“This was the first confederate state which was enslaved to gratify their aspiring ambition.”

Chap. 101. Πλεῖστοι δὲ τῶν Εἱλώτων ἐγένοντο οἱ τῶν παλαιῶν Μεσσηνίων τότε δουλωθέντων ἀπόγονοι· ᾗ καὶ Μεσσήνιοι ἐκλήθησαν οἱ πάντες.

“Most Of the Helots were descendants of the ancient Messenians, then reduced to slavery, and on this account all of them in general were called Messenians.”

Chap. 103. Ἤν δέ τις ἁλίσκηται, τοῦ λαβόντος εἶναι δοῦλον.

“What if any one of them be ever found there, he should be made the slave of whoever apprehended him.”

Chap. 121. Εἰ οἱ μὲν εκείνων ξύμμαχοι ἐπί δουλεία τῇ αὐτῶν φέροντες οὐκ ἀπεροῦσιν.

“Which rivet slavery on themselves,” &c.

Chap. 122. Καὶ τὴν ἧσσαν, εἰ καὶ δεινόν τῷ ἀκοῦσαι, ἴστω οὐκ ἄλλο τι φέρουσαν ἣ ἄντικρυς δουλείαν.

“Such a triumph, how grating soever the bare mention of it may be to any of your ears, yet be it known, can and is nothing else but plain and open slavery.”

Chap. 124. Καὶ τοὺς νῦν δεδουλωμένους Ἕλληνας, ἐλευθερώσωμεν.

“And shall immediately recover liberty for those Grecians who are already enslaved.”

Chap. 138. Καὶ τοῦ Ἑλληνικοῦ ἐλπίδα, ἣν ὑπετίθει αὐτῷ δουλώσειν.

“As the hope be suggested to him of enslaving Greece.”

Chap. 141. Τὴν γὰρ αὐτὴν δύναται δούλωσιν.

“The very same tendency to make them slaves.”

Book ii. chap. 61. Δουλοῖ γὰρ φρόνημα τὸ αἰφνίδιον καὶ ἀπροσδοκητον, καὶ τὸ πλείστω παραλόγῳ ξυμβαῖνον.

“Accidents sudden and unforeseen, and so opposite to that event you might reasonably have expected, enslave the mind.”

Chap. 63. Μηδὲ νομίσαι περὶ ἑνὸς μόνου, δουλειας ἀντ’ ἐλευθερίας.

“Think not you have only one point at stake, the alternative of slavery instead of freedom.”

Idem. Οὐδὲ ἐν ἀρχούσῃ πόλει ξυμφέρει, ἀλλ’ ἐν ὑπηκόῳ ἀσφαλῶς δουλεύειν.

“Slavery is never to be endured by a state that once hath governed. Such a situation can be tolerable only to that which has ever been dependent.”

Chap. 71. Στρατεῦσαί τε μηδένα ποτὲ ἀδίκως επ’ αὐτοὺς, μηδ’ ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ.

“That no one should unjustly make war on them, or endeavour to enslave them.”

Idem. Ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ τῇ ἡμετέρα ἥκετε.

“Are come hither to enslave us,” &c.

Chap. 78. Καὶ ἄλλος οὐδεὶς ἦν τῷ τείχει, οὔτε δοῦλος, οὔτε ἐλεύθερος.

“Nor was there any other portion within the wall, either slave or free.”

Book iii. chap. 10. Ξύμμαχοι μέντοι ἐγενόμεθα οὐκ ἐπὶ καταδουλώσει τῶν Ἑλλήνων Ἀθηναίοις.

“We made an alliance with the Athenians—not to enslave the rest of Greece to the Athenians.”

Idem. Ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἑωρῶμεν αὐτοὺς τὴν μὲν τοῦ Μήδου ἔχθραν ἀνιέντας, τὴν δὲ τῶν ξυμμάχων δούλωσιν ἐπαγομένους, οὐκ ἀδεεῖς ἕτι ἦμεν. ἀδύνατοι δὲ ὄντες καθ’ ἕν γενόμενοι, διά πολυψηφίαν ἀμύνασθαι, οἱ ξύμμαχοι ἐδουλώθησαν, πλὴν ἡμῶν καὶ Χίων.

“But when we perceived that they relaxed in their zeal against the Mede, and were grown earnest in riveting slavery upon allies, we then began to be alarmed. It was impossible, where so many parties were to be consulted, to unite together in one body of defence; and thus all the allies fell into slavery except ourselves and the Chians.”

Chap. 38. Δοῦλοι ὄντες τῶν ἀεὶ ἀτόπων, ὑπερόπται δὲ τῶν εἰωθότων.

“Slaves as you are to whatever trifles happen always to be in vogue, and looking down with contempt on tried and experienced methods.”

Chap. 56. Ἐν ἐκείνω δὲ τῷ καιρῷ, ὅτε πᾶσι δουλείαν ἐπέφερεν ὁ βἁρβαρος, οἵδε μετ’ αὐτου ἦσαν.

“But at that season, when the barbarians struck at enslaving us all, these Thebans were then the barbarians’ coadjutors.”

Chap. 58. Πρὸς δὲ, καὶ γῆν, ἐν ᾗ ἠλευθερώθησαν οἱ Ἕλληνες, δουλώσετε;

“Will you further enslave the spot on which the Grecians earned their liberty?”

Chap. 63. Τοὺς μὲν, καταδουλουμένους τὴν Ἑλλάδα, τοὺς δὲ, ἐλευθεροῦντας.

“The Athenians truly have enslaved your country; and the others would regain its freedom.”

Chap. 64. Ἀπελείπετε γὰρ αὐτὴν, καὶ παραβὰντες, ξυγκατεδουλοῦσθε μᾶλλον Αἰγινήτας, καὶ ἄλλους τινὰς τῶν ξυνομοσάντων, ἤ διεκωλύετε.

“You renounced, you violated first the oaths, which rather concurred to enslave the Æginetæ and some other people of the same association, than endeavoured to prevent it.”

Chap. 70. Ὑπάγουσιν αὐτον οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες εἰς δίκην, λέγοντες Ἀθηναίοις τὴν Κέρκυραν καταδουλοῦν.

“And therefore against him the accomplices prefer an accusation, as plotting how to subject Corcyra to Athenian slavery.”

Chap. 71. Δράσαντες δὲ τοῦτο, καὶ ξυγκαλέσαντες Κερκυραίους, εἶπον ὅτι ταῦτα καὶ βέλτιστα εἴη, καὶ ἥκιστ’ ἄν δουλωθεῖεν ὑπ’ Ἀθηναίων.

“After this bold assassination, they summoned the Corcyreans to assemble immediately, where they justified their proceedings as most highly for the public good, and the only expedient of preventing Athenian slavery.”

Chap. 73. Τῇ δ’ ὑστεραίᾳ ἠκροβολίσαντό τε ὀλίγα, καὶ ἐς τοὺς ἀγροὺς περιέπεμπον ἀμφότεροι, τοὺς δούλους παρακαλοῦντες τε, καὶ ἐλευθερίαν ὑπισχνούμενοι. καὶ τῷ μὲν δήμῳ τῶν οἰκετῶν τὸ πλῆθος παρεγένετο ξύμμαχον, τοῖς δ’ ἐτέροις ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου ἐπίκουροι ὀκτακόσιοι.

“The day following they skirmished a little with their missive weapons, and both parties sent out detachments into the field to invite concurrence of the slaves, upon a promise of their freedom. A majority of the slaves came in to the assistance of the people, and the other party got eight hundred auxiliaries from the continent.”

It will be noticed that οἰκετῶν in this passage is also translated slave; but the οἰκετος was a slave whose condition was above the mere δοῦλος. In English the word will imply a house-slave. The οἰκετος enjoyed a greater portion of his master’s confidence, and consequently was under a less rigorous government. The truth of what Thucydides states is evident to those acquainted with the character: the higher class of slaves ever take sides with their masters in such cases. It is this word St. Paul uses, by which he describes the character of Onesimus in his letter to Philemon. He had acted as Paul’s house-slave at Rome.

Book iv. chap. 86. Ἀλλὰ τοὐναντίον, ὑμῖν δεδουλωμένοις ὑπὸ Ἀθηνανίων ξυμμαχήσοντες.

“But, on the contrary, are to act in support of you, who are oppressed with Athenian bondage.”

Idem. Ὀυδὲ ἀσαφῆ, τὴν ἐλευθερίαν νομίζω ἐπιφέρειν, εἰ, τὸ πάτριον παρεὶς, τὸ πλέον τοῖς ὀλίγοις, ἤ τὸ ἔλασσον τοῖς πᾶσι δουλώσαιμι.

“I am convinced that liberty can never be re-established by me, if, disregarding ancient constitutions, I enslave the multitude to the few, or the few to the crowd.”

Chap. 87. Οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες ἵνα μὴ κωλύωνται ὑφ’ ὑμῶν δουλείας ἀπαλλαγῆναι.

“For the sake of the Grecians, that they may not be obstructed by you in their deliverance from bondage.”

Chap. 92. Καὶ πρὸς τούτοις γε δὴ, οὅ καὶ μὴ τοὺς ἐγγὺς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἄπωθεν πειρῶνται δουλοῦσθαι, πῶς οὐ χρὴ καὶ ἐτὶ τὸ ἔσχατον ἀγῶνος ἐλθεῖν;

“Let me add further, that when men are bent on enslaving, not neighbours only, but such people as are more remote, how can it be judged improper to encounter such, so long as we can find ground whereon to stand?”

Idem. Οἷς δὲ γενναῖον, τήν τε αὑτῶν αἰεὶ ἐλευθεροῦν μάχῃ, καὶ τὴν ἄλλων μὴ δουλοῦσθαι ἀδίκως, ἀναγώνιστοι ἀπ’ αὐτων οὐκ ἀπίασι.

“But from men who were born to vindicate their own country for ever by the dint of arms, and never unjustly to enslave another, that from such men they shall not get away without that struggle which honour enjoins.”

Chap. 114. Οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐπὶ δουλείᾳ.

“They had no enslaving views.”

Chap. 118. Μήτε ἐλεύθερον, μήτε δοῦλον.

“Whether they be free men or slaves.”

Book v. chap. 9. Καὶ τῇδε ὑμῖν τῇ ἡμέρα, ἢ ἀγαθοῖς γενομένοις ἐλευθερίαν τε ὑπαρχειν, καὶ Λαχεδαιμονίων ξυμμάχοις κεκλῆσθαι, ἢ Ἀθηναίων τε δούλοις, ἢ τὰ ἄριστα ἄνευ ἀνδραποδισμοῦ ἢ θανατώσεως πράξητε, καὶ δουλείαν χαλεπωτέραν, ἢ πρὶν εἴχετε.

“That this very day, if you behave with valour, you are henceforth free, and will gain the honourable title of Lacedæmonian allies; otherwise you must continue to be the slaves of Athenians, where the best that can befall you, if neither sold for slaves nor put to death as rebels, will be a heavier yoke of tyranny than you ever yet have felt, while the liberty of Greece must by you for ever be obstructed.”

Chap. 23. Ἤν δὲ ἡ δουλεία ἐπανίστηται, ἐπικουρεῖν Ἀθηναίους Λακεδαιμονίοις παντὶ σθένει, κατὰ τὸ δυνατόν.

“That if there happen any insurrection among the Helots, the Athenians march to the succour of the Lacedæmonians with their whole strength, to the full extent of their power.”

In this instance the translator has substituted “Helots” for slaves, because the Helots were the slaves at Sparta, and the usual term by which slaves were designated in Lacedæmonia, Helot and δουλος, were synonymous terms there.

Chap. 27. Ὡς χρὴ, ἐπειδὴ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὐκ ἐπ’ ἀγαθῷ, ἀλλ’ ἐπὶ καταδουλώσει τῆς Πελοποννήσου.

“That since the Lacedæmonians, not in order to serve, but to enslave Peloponnesus,” &c.

Chap. 29. Μὴ μετὰ Ἀθηναίων σφᾶς βούλωνται Λακεδαιμόνιοι δουλώσασθαι.

“That the Lacedæmonians might strike up a bargain with the Athenians to enslave other states.”

Chap. 69. Καὶ ὑπὲρ ἀρχῆς ἅμα καὶ δουλείας.

“Either such on slavery.”

Chap. 86. Περιγιγνομένοις μὲν τῷ δικαίῳ, καὶ δι’ αὐτο μὴ ἐνδοῦσι, πόλεμον ἡμῖν φέρουσαν, πεισθεῖσι δὲ, δουλείαν.

“Since if, superior in debate, we for that reason refuse submission, our portion must be war and if we allow your plea, from that moment we become your slaves.”

Chap. 92. Καὶ πῶς χρήσιμον ἂν ξυμβαίη ἡμίν δουλεῦσαι, ὥσπερ καὶ ὑμῖν ἄρξαι;

“And how can it turn as beneficial for us to become your slaves as it will be for you to be our masters?”

Chap. 100. Ἤπου ἄρα, εἰ τοσαύτην γε ὑμεῖς τε, μὴ παυσθῆναι ἀρχῆς, καὶ οἱ δουλεύοντες ἤδη, ἀπαλλαγῆναι, τὴν παρακινδύνευσιν ποιοῦνται, ἡμῖν γε, τοῖς ἔτι ἐλευθέροις, πολλὴ κακότης καὶ δειλία, μὴ πᾶν πρὸ τοῦ δουλεῦσαι ἐπεξελθεῖν.

“If this be, and if you, ye Athenians, can readily embark in so many perils to prevent the desolation of your empire; if states, by you enslaved, can do as much to throw off your yoke, must it not be wretchedly base and cowardly in us, who yet are free, to leave any method, even to the last extremity, untried of averting slavery.”

Book vi. chap. 20. Ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ παρόντι ἃ γιγνώσκω σημανῶ. ἐπὶ γὰρ πόλεις, ὡς ἐγὼ ἀκοη αἰσθάνομαι, μέλλομεν ἰέναι μεγάλας, καὶ οὔθ’ ὑπηκόους ἀλλήλων, οὔτε δεομένας μεταβολῆς, ᾗ ἂν ἐκ βιαίου τὶς δουλείας ἄσμενος ἐς ῥᾴω μετάστασιν χωροίη.

“According to the last information I have been able to procure, we are now going to invade a number of powerful cities; cities independent of one another, nor standing in need of public revolutions; which people, who cringe under the yoke of slavery, might easily embrace, in order to render their condition more supportable.”

Chap. 27. Μηνύειν ἀδεῶς τὸν βουλόμενον καὶ ἀστῶν καὶ ξένων καὶ δούλων.

“He should boldly inform the public of it, whether he were a citizen, or a foreigner, or a slave.”

Chap. 76. Δουλωσαμένους ἔχειν.

“They hold fast riveted the yoke of slavery.”

Idem. Καταδουλώσεως. “By enslaving,” &c.

Chap. 77. Ὡς ἐδουλώθησαν. “Who will be slaves,” &c.

Chap. 80. Δουλείαν “Slave,” &c.

Chap. 82. Οὕς ξυγγενεῖς φασὶν ὄντας ἡμᾶς Συρακούσιοι δεδουλῶσθαι.

“Whom the Syracusans say we thought proper to enslave, though connected with us by ties of blood.”

Idem. Δουλείαν δὲ αὐτοί τε ἐβούλοντο ὑμῖν τὸ αὐτὸ ἐπενεγκεῖν.

“They made slavery their choice, and in the same miserable fate would have been glad to envelop us.”

Chap. 83. Καὶ οὐ δουλωσόμενοι, μὴ παθεῖν δὲ μᾶλλον τοῦτο κωλύσοντες.

“So far from the view of enslaving them to ourselves, that we are solely intent on preserving them from being enslaved by others.”

Chap. 84. Ὅν ἀλόγως ἡμᾶς φησὶ δουλωσαμένους.

“Whom, after unjustly enslaving,” &c.

Chap. 88. Πλὴν καθόσον εἰ τὴν Σικελίαν ᾤοντο αὐτους δουλώσεσθαι.

“Save only the ambition they showed of enslaving Sicily.”

Book vii. chap. 75. Μέγιστον γὰρ δὴ το διάφορον τοῦτο τῷ Ἑλληνικῷ στρατεύματι ἐγένετο, οἷς ἀντι μὲν τοῦ ἄλλους δουλωσομένους ἥκειν.

“For a most cruel turn of fortune this really proved to a Grecian army; who, coming hither to enslave others, were departing now with the sad alternative of fearing to be made slaves themselves.”

Book viii. chap. 15. Τάς τε τῶν Χίων ἑπτὰ ναῦς, αἳ αὐτοῖς ξυνεπολιόρκουν τὰς ἐν τῷ Πειραιῷ, ἀπαγαγόντες, τοὺς μὲν δούλους ἐξ αὐτῶν ἠλευθέρωσαν, τοὺς δ’ ἐλευθέρους κατέδησαν.

“Having, moreover, fetched off the seven vessels belonging to the Chians, which assisted in forming the blockade at Piræus, they set at liberty the slaves who were on board them, and threw all the freemen into prison.”

Chap. 43. Ἐνῆν γὰρ καὶ νήσους ἁπάσας πάλιν δουλεύειν.

“For thus he might be enabled once more to enslave all the islands.”

Chap. 48. Δουλεύειν μᾶλλον, &c.

LESSON VI.

Xenophon, Memorabilia, &c.

Book i. chap. 3, § 11. Ὦ τλῆμον, ἔφη ὁ Σωχράτης, καὶ τί ἂν οἴει παθεῖν, καλὸν φιλήσας; αρ’ οὐκ ἂν αὐτίκα μάλα δοῦλος μὲν εἶναι ἀντ’ ἐλευθέρου;

“Miserum te, ait Socrates, quid eventurum tibi existimas, si formosum osculeris? annon subitò pro libero servus esses?” Leunclavius.

Chap. 5. § 2. Δούλω δ’ ἀκρατεῖ ἐπιτρέψαιμεν ἂν ἢ βοσκήματα ἢ ταμιεῖα ἢ ἔργων επιστασίαν;

“Et servo intemperanti num vel pecora, vel penum, vel ut operi præesset, committeremus?” Leunc.

§ 3. Ἀλλὰ μὴν εἴ γὲ μηδὲ δοῦλον ἀκρατῆ δεξαίμεθ’ ἂν, πῶς οὐκ ἄξιον αὑτόν γε φυλάξασθαι τοιοῦτον γενέσθαι;

“Enimvero si ne servum quidem intemperantem accepturi simus, quî non operæ pretium sit cavere ne quis ipse talis fiat?” Leunc.

§ 5. Ἢ τίς οὐκ ἂν, ταῖς ἡδοναῖς δουλεύων, αἰσχρῶς διατεθείη καὶ τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὴν ψυχήν;

“Quis voluptatibus serviens non turpiter tum corpore tum animo affectus sit?” Leunc.

Ibid. Ἐμοὶ μὲν δοκεῖ, νὴ τὴν Ἥραν, ἐλευθέρω μὲν ἀνδρὶ εὐκτέον εἶναι, μὴ τυχεῖν δούλου τοιότου, δουλεύοντα δὲ ταῖς τοαύταις ἡδοναῖς, ἱκετεύειν τοὺς θεοὺς, δεσποτῶν ἀγαθῶν τυχεῖν.

“Equidem ita profectò statuo, homini libero optandum esse, ut hujusmodi servum non consequatur, atque illi qui voluptatibus ejusmodi servit deos esse obsecrandos ut dominos bonos nanciscatur.” Leunc.

Book ii. chap. 1. § 11. Ἀλλ’ ἐγώ τοι, ἔφη ὁ Ἀρίστιππος, οὐδὲ εἰς τὴν δουλείαν αὖ ἐμαυτὸν τάττω· ἀλλ’ εἶναι τις μοὶ δοκεῖ μέοη τούτων ὁδὸς, ἣν πειρῶμαι βαδίζειν, οὔτε δι’ ἀρχῆς, οὔτε διὰ δουλείας, ἀλλὰ δι’ ἐλευθερίας, ἥπερ μάλιστα πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν ἄγει. (12) Ἀλλ’, εἰ μέντοι, ἔφη ὁ Σωκράτης, ὥπερ οὔτε δι’ ἀρχῆς οὔτε διὰ δουλείας ἡ ὁδὸς αὕτη φέρει, οὕτω μηδὲ δι’ ἀνθρώπων, ἴσως ἂν τι λέγοις.

“I surely, says Aristippus, do not place myself in slavery; but my doctrine is, that the condition equally free from the objections of those who govern and of those who are in slavery, is true liberty. But, says Socrates, the condition of which you speak, beyond the influences affecting those who bear rule or those in slavery, can never exist among men; for,” &c. § 12. ὡς δούλοις χρῆσθαι—“for safety they desire slavery.”

§ 13. Ἕως ἂν πείσωσιν ἑλέσθαι δουλεύειν ἀντὶ τοῦ πολεμεῖν τοῖς χρείττοσι;

“Donec persuaserint eis servire potiùs quàm bellum cum potioribus gerere?”

§ 15. Ἦ διότι καὶ δοῦλος ἂν οἴει τοιοῦτος εἶναι, ἷιος μηδενὶ δεσπότῃ λυσιτελεῖν;

“An quòd talem te servum esse putas, qui nulli domino prosit?”

Chap. 6. § 9. Χαλεπὸν δὲ καὶ δήσαντα κατέχειν, ὥσπερ δοῦλον.

“Neque minùs difficile vinctum retinere tanquam servum.” Leunc.

Chap. 7. § 3 and 4. Ὅτι νὴ Δί’, ἕφη, ὁ μὲν δούλους τρέφει, ἐγὼ δὲ ἐλευθέρους. (4) Καὶ πότερον, ἒφη, τοὺς παρὰ σοὶ ἐλευθέρους οἴει βελτίους εἶναι ἢ τοὺς παρὰ Κεράμωνι δούλους;

“By Jupiter, (says Aristarchus,) the reason is obvious. He (Ceramon) rears up slaves, while I only employ freemen. Well, then, truly, says (Socrates), which do you esteem the most valuable, your freemen or Ceramon’s slaves?”

Chap. 8. § 4. Χαλεπῶς ἂν, ἔφη, ἐγὼ, ὦ Σώκρατες, δουλείαν ὑπομείναιμι. Καὶ μὴν οἵ λε ἐν ταῖς πόλεσι προστατεύοντες, καὶ τῶν δημοσίων ἐπιμελόμενοι οὐ δουλοπρεπέστεροι ἕνεκα τούτου, ἀλλ’ ἐλευθεριώτεροι νομίζονται.

“But it is difficult, O Socrates, for me to submit to slavery. But (says Socrates) high political officers, and all those who have charge of public affairs, are not esteemed to be in a slavish employment, but in that which is the most appropriate to the most elevated of freemen.”

Book iii. chap. 12. § 2. Πολλοὶ δὲ δι’ αὐτὸ τοῦτο ζῶντες ἁλίσκονται, καὶ ἁλόντες ἤτοι δουλεύουσι τὸν λοιπὸν βίον, ἐὰν οὕτω τύχωσι, τὴν χαλεπωτάτην δουλείαν.

“Many endure the most burdensome slavery, produced by their having been taken captives in war, and as captives, slaves themselves through the remainder of life.”

Book iv. chap. 2. § 33. Τί δέ; τὸν Δαίδαλον, ἔφη, οὐκ ἀκήκοας, ὅτι ληφθεὶς ὑπὸ Μίνω διὰ τὴν σοφίαν, ἠναγκάζετο ἐκείνῳ δουλεύειν, καὶ τῆς τε πατρίδος ἅμα καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐστερήθη, καὶ ἐπιχειρῶν ἀποδιδράσκειν μετὰ τοῦ υἱου τόν τε παῖδα ἀπώλεσε καὶ αὐτος οὐκ ἠδυνήθη σωθῆναι, ἀλλ’ ἀπενεχθεὶς εἰς τοὺς βαρβάρους πάλιν ἐκεῖ ἐδούλευε;

“Is it truly so? You have not heard (says Socrates) that Dædalus, captured, deprived of his liberty, and torn from his country and forced into slavery, on account of his knowledge and wisdom was detained by Minos; and, when afterwards attempting to make his escape with his son, who was slain in the attempt, was not able to save himself, but was seized by the barbarians and again forced into slavery.”

Ibid. Ἄλλους δὲ πόσους οἴει διὰ σοφίαν ἀναρπάστους πρὸς βασιλέα γεγονέναι, καὶ ἐκεῖ δουλεύειν;

“How many others are born and remain creeping, fawning about the king (of Persia); and because he deems them his, he there enslaves them.”

Chap 5. § 5. Δουλείαν δὲ ποίαν κακίστην νομίζεις εἶναι; Ἐγὼ μὲν, ἔφη, τὴν παρὰ τοῖς κακίστοις δεσπόταις. Τὴν κακίστην ἄρα δουλείαν οἱ ἀκρατεῖς δουλεύουσιν;

Of which Leunclavius gives the following: “Pessimam servitutem. Et quam esse arbitraris? Eam ait, quæ apud pessimos dominos serviatur. Ergone intemperantes servitutem pessimam serviunt?”

For the benefit of the mere English scholar, we give it thus: “Now, where do you esteem the most degraded slavery? Why, to be sure, says he, when the master is most degraded. It follows then, (says Socrates,) that the slaves of intemperance are the most degraded of slaves.”

In the 30th section of the defence of Socrates before his judges, by Xenophon, we find thus:—

Ὥστε φημὶ, αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τῇ δουλοπρεπεῖ διατριβῇ, ἣν ὁ πατὴρ αὐτῷ παρεσκεύακεν, οὐ διαμενεῖν.

By Leunclavius: “Itaque aio, non permansurum in illo servili vitæ genere, quod pater ei præscripsit.”

We offer: “So that, I said, it is not becoming that his son should remain in an occupation only proper for a slave, in which alone his father educated him.”

LESSON VII.

At the close of the 23d chapter of the first book of Xenophon’s Cyropædia, we find:

Πολλοὶ δὲ, οἷς ἐξῆν φίλοις χρῆσθαι, καὶ ἢν ποιεῖν καὶ ἢν πάσχειν, τούτοις δούλοις μᾶλλον βουληθέντες η φιλοις χρῆσθαι, ὑπ’ αὐτῶν τούτων δίκην ἔδοσαν.

“There are instances of many, who, when they might have used others as their friends in a mutual intercourse of good offices, and who, choosing to hold them rather as slaves than as friends, have met with revenge and punishment at their hands.” Ashley.

Book iii. § 2. Καὶ γαρ ἔστιν, ἔφη ὁ Κῦρος, καλὸν μάχεσθαι, ὅπως μὴ ποτέ τις δοῦλος μέλλοι γενήσεσθαι· ἢν δὲ δὴ ἢ πολέμω κρατηθεὶς, ἢ καὶ ἄλλον τινὰ τρόπον δουλωθεὶς, ἐπιχειρῶν τις φαίνηται τοὺς δεσπότας αποστερεῖν ἑαυτοῦ, τοῦτον σὺ, πρῶτος εἰπὲ, πότερον ὡς ἀγαθὸν ἄνδρα καὶ καλὰ πράττοντα τιμᾷς, ἢ ὡς ἀδικοῦντα, ἢν λάβῃς, κολάζεις; κολάζω, ἔφη, &c.

“It is indeed noble, said Cyrus, to fight, in order not to be made a slave! But if a man be conquered in war, or by other means be reduced to slavery, and be found attempting to throw off his masters, do you yourself first pronounce whether you reward and honour such a one as an honest man, and as one that does noble things, or, if you take him, do you punish him as one that acts unjustly? I punish him, said he.” Ashley.

Ibid. Ἢν ᾗ, νὴ Δί’, ἑαυτῷ σύνοιδεν ἐλευθερίας μὲν ἐπιθυμήσας, δοῦλος δ’ ὡς οὐδεπώποτε γενόμενος.

“Why, by Jupiter, being conscious of himself that, affecting his liberty, he has become by far much more of a slave than ever.”

Ibid. Οἴει οὖν τι, ἔφη ὁ Τιγράνης, μᾶλλον καταδουλοῦσθαι ἀνθρωώους τοῦ ἰσχυροῦ φόβου;

“Can you, said Tigranes, imagine what brings men into yielding to slavery more effectually than very great fear?”

Ibid. καὶ δεσμὸν φοβούμενοι, οὗτοι μὲν οὔτε σίτου οὔθ’ ὑπνου δύνανται τυγχάνειν διὰ τὸν φόβον οἱ δὲ ἤδη μὲν φυγάδες, ἤδη δ’ ἡττημένοι, ἤδη δὲ δουλεύοντες, ἔστιν ὅτε δύνανται καὶ μᾶλλον τῶν εὐδαιμόνων ἐσθίειν τε καὶ καθεύδειν.

“They that are at sea, and dread shipwreck, and they that fear servitude and chains, are neither able to eat nor sleep for fear: but they who are already under banishment, who are already conquered, and already slaves, are often in a condition to eat and sleep better than the fortunate themselves.” Ashley.

Ibid. Τὸν δ’ ἐμὸν πατέρα, ἔφη, νῦν πῶς δοκεῖς διακεῖσθαι τὴν ψυζὴὃν, ὃς οὐ μόνον περὶ ἑαυτοῦ, ἀλλὰ καὶ περὶ ἐμοῦ, καὶ περὶ γυναικὸς, καὶ περὶ πάντων τῶν τέκνων δουλείας φοβεῖται;

“In what state of mind then, said he, do you take my father to be, he who fears not only for his own life, but that his wife, myself, and all his children will be plunged into slavery?”

Ibid. Ἀλλὰ μὰ Δι’, ἔφη, οὐκ ἐκεῖνον ἐθεώμην. Ἀλλὰ τίνα μὴν; ἔφη ὁ Τιγράνης. Τὸν εἰπόντα, νὴ Δία, ὡς τῆς αὑτοῦ ψυχῆς ἂν πρίαιτο ὥστε μή με δουλεύειν.

“Truly, said she, I did not look at him. At whom then did you look? said Tigranes. At him who said, that to save me from servitude he would ransom me at the expense of his own life.” Ashley.

Ibid. Ὡς ὀλιγα δυνάμενοι προορᾷν ἄνθρωποι περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος, πολλὰ ἐπιχειροῦμεν πράττειν. Νῦν γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐγὼ, ἐλευθερίαν μὲν μηχανᾶσθαι ἐπιχειρήσας, δοῦλος ὡς οὐδεπώποτε ἐγενόμην· ἐπεὶ δ’ ἑάλωμεν, σαφῶς ἀπολωλέναι νομίσαντες, νῦν ἀναφαινόμεθα σεσωσμένοι ὡς οὐδεπώποτε.

“How few things in futurity are we men able to foresee! and how many projects do we undertake! I have endeavoured upon this occasion to obtain liberty, and I have become more a slave than ever: and, after having been made a captive, and thinking our destruction certain, we now again appear to be in a condition of greater safety and security than ever.” Ashley.

Book iv. chap. 8. Αὐτίκα μάλα ὄψεσθε, ὥσπερ δούλων ἀπο διδρασκοντων καὶ εὑρημενων, τοὺς μὲν ἱκετεύοντας αὐτῶν, τοὺς δὲ φεύγοντας, τοὺς δ’ οὐδὲ ταῦτα φρονεῖν δυναμένους.

“You will see them, like slaves that have run away and are discovered, some supplicating for mercy, some flying, and some without presence of mind enough to do either.” Ashley.

Chap. 18. Ἐαν δέ τις ὐμων, καὶ ἰὼν ὡς ἡμᾶς εὐνοϊκῶς καὶ πράττων τι καὶ διδάσκων φαίνηται, τοῦτον ἡμεῖς ὡς εὐεργέτην καὶ φίλον, οὐχ ὡς δοῦλον, περιέψομεν.

“But, then, if you shall come to us, and shall appear to do any action, or give any information, in friendship and good-will to us, him will we treat as a benefactor and a friend, not as a slave.”

Chap. 23. Αὐτος δὲ ὁ Κῦρος ἀνειπεῖν ἐκέλευσεν, εἴ τις εἴη ἐν τῷ Ἀσσυρίων ἢ Σύρων ἢ Ἀραβίων στρατεύματι ἀνὴρ δοῦλος, ἢ Μήδων, ἢ Περσῶν, ἢ Βακτριανῶν, ἢ Καρῶν, ἢ Κιλίκων, ἢ Ἑλλήνων, ἢ ἀλλοθέν ποθεν Βεβιασμένος, ἐκφαίνεσθαι.

“Cyrus himself ordered them to make proclamation, that whatever slave there might be, either in the Assyrian, Syrian, or Arabian armies, whether he were Mede, Persian, Bactrian, Carian, Cilician, or Greek, or of any other country, forced to serve, that he should appear.” Ashley.

Chap. 24. Ἔχθιστος ὢν ἐμοὶ, ἥκω πρὸς σὲ, καὶ ἱκέτης προσπίπτω, καὶ δίδωμί σοι ἐμαυτὸν δοῦλον καὶ σύμμαχον, σὲ δέ τιμωρὸν αἰτοῦμαι ἐμοὶ γενέσθαι.

“I bow myself at your feet, a suppliant, and give myself a slave to you, and a confederate in the war.”

Book v. chap. 1. Καὶ τοίνυν ὁμοίαν ταῖς δούλαις εἶχε τὴν ἐσθῆτα.

“And was clothed in the same manner as were her female slaves.”

Ibid. Ἀλλ’ ἐγὼ, ἔφη, ἑώρακα καὶ κλαίοντας ὑπὸ λύπης δι’ ἔρωτα, καὶ δουλεύοντάς γε τοῖς ἐρωμένοις· καὶ μάλα κακὸν νομίζοντας, πρίν γε ἐρᾷν, τὸ δουλεύειν.

“But I have seen, says he, people in grief and tears when in love, slaves to those with whom they were in love, yet they deemed slavery a very great evil when not in love.”

Chap. 32. Οὐ γὰρ ἀγνοῶ τοῦτ’, ἔφη, ὅτι οὐ σύ μου μόνον μείζων εἶ, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἱ ἐμοὶ δοῦλοι ισχυροτεροι ἐμου ὑπαντιάζουσί μοι, καὶ, &c.

“I am not ignorant, says he, that you are above me, but that my own slaves are above me in power,” &c.

Book vi. chap. 26. Καὶ Κύρῳ δὲ δοκῶ μεγάλην τινὰ ἡμᾶς χάριν ὀφείλειν, ὅτι με, αἰχμάλωτον γενομένην καὶ ἐξαιρεθεῖσαν ἑαυτῷ, οὔτε με ὡς δούλην ἠξίωσε κεκτῆσθαι, οὔτε ὡς ἐλευθέραν ἐν ἀτίμῳ ὀνόματι· διεφύλαξε δέ σοι ὥσπερ ἀδελφοῦ γυναῖκα λαβών.

“Then I think we are both under great obligation to Cyrus, who, when I was captured, and chosen and selected particularly for him, thought proper not to receive me as a slave, nor even as a free woman of low standing, but detained me under such restraint as if I had been his brother’s wife.”

Book vii. chap. 20. Καὶ πάντας δὲ τοὺς ἀόπλους τῶν ὑποχειρίων γενομένων σφενδονᾷν ἠνάγκαζε μελετᾷν, νομίζων τοῦτο τὸ ὅπλον δουλικώτερον εἶναι.

“All those whom he conquered, he compelled to practise with the sling, which he deemed more suitable for slaves.”

Chap. 30. Νόμος γαρ ἐν πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις ἀιδιός ἐστιν, ὅταν πολεμούντων πόλις ἁλῷ, τῶν ἑλόντων εἶναι καὶ τὰ σώματα τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει καὶ τὰ χρήματα.

“For it is a perpetual law among all men, that when a city is taken from an enemy, both the persons and treasures of the inhabitants belong to the captors.” Ashley.

Ibid. Θάλπους μὲν οὖν καὶ ψύχους, καὶ σίτων καὶ ποτῶν, καὶ πόνων καὶ ὕπνου ἀνάγκη καὶ τοῖς δούλοις μεταδιδόναι.

“In heat, and in cold, in meat and drink, in work and rest, we necessarily allow our slaves a portion.”

Ibid. Ὅτι, ἐπεὶ κεκτήμεθα δούλους, τούτους κολάσομεν, ἢν πονηροὶ ὦσι; καὶ τί προσήκει αὐτὸν ὄντα πονηρὸν πονηρίας ἕνεκα ηἢ βλακείας ἄλλους κολάζειν;

“When we acquire slaves, we punish them if they are slothful and vicious. But does it become him who is slothful and vicious himself, to punish others for vice and sloth?”

Book viii. chap. 1. Τοσοῦτον δὲ διαφέρειν ἡμᾶς δεῖ τῶν δούλων, ὅσον οἱ μὲν δοῦλοι, ἄκοντες τοῖς δεσπόταις ὑπηρετοῦσιν· ἡμᾶς δὲ, εἴπερ ἀξιοῦμεν ἐλεύθεροι εἶναι, ἑκόντας δεῖ ποιεῖν, ὅ τι πλείστου ἄξιον φαίνεται εἶναι.

“We ought to distinguish ourselves so far from slaves, as that slaves do service to their masters against their wills; and if we desire to be free, we ought willingly to perform what appears to be most excellent and worthy.” Ashley.

Chap. 14. Οὓς δ' αὖ κατεσκεύαζεν εἰς τὸ δουλεύειν, τούτους οὔτε μελετᾷν τῶν ἐλευθερίων πόνων οὐδένα παρώρμα, οὔτε ὅπλα κεκτῆσθαι ἐπέτρεπεν.

“But in the management of slaves,” &c.

Chap. 41. Βουλοίμην δ’ ἂν ὑμᾶς καὶ τοῦτο κατανοῆσαι, ὅτι τούτων, ὧν νῦν ὑμῖν παρακελεύομαι, οὐδὲν τοῖς δούλοις προστάττω.

“And I desire likewise that you should observe, that of all these orders that I now give you, I give none to those that are of servile condition.”

Chap. 47. Καὶ τοὺς μὲν φίλους ἐπεῖδον δι’ ἐμοῦ εὐδαίμονας γενομένους, τοὺς δὲ πολεμίους ὑπ’ ἐμοῦ δουλωθέντας.

“By my means my friends have been made happy, and my enemies enslaved.”

In Xenophon’s Expedition of Cyrus, usually termed the Anabasis, book i. chap. 9, we find—

Ὥστε φαίνεσθαι τοὺς μὲν ἀγαθοὺς, εὐδαιμονεστάτος, τοὺς δὲ κακοὺς δούλους τούτων ἀξιοῦν εἶναι.

“So that brave men were looked upon as most fortunate, and cowards as deserving to be their slaves.” Spelman.

Ibid. Παρὰ μὲν Κύρου, δούλου ὄντος, οὐδεὶς ἀπῄει πρὸς βασιλέα.

“No one, not even a slave, ever deserted Cyrus to go to the king.”

Book ii. chap. 3. Δοῦλοι δὲ πολλοὶ εἵποντο.

“They were attended by a great many slaves.”

Chap. 5. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τῶν βαρβάρων τινὲς ἱππέων, διὰ τοῦ πεδίου ἐλαύνοντες, ᾧτινι ἐντυγχάνοιεν Ἕλληνι ἢ δούλω ἢ ἐλευθέρῳ, πάντας ἔκτεινον. ׳ “After this, some of the barbarian horse, scouring the plains, killed all the Greeks they met with, both freemen and slaves.” Spelman.

Ibid. Ἑαυτοῦ γὰρ εἶναι φησὶν, ἐπείπερ Κύρου ἦσαν τοῦ ἐκείνου δούλου.

“For, he says, they are his, having belonged to his slave Cyrus.”

Book iii. chap. 1. Ἡμᾶς δὲ, οἷς κηδεμὼν μὲν οὐδεὶς πάρεστιν, ἐστρατεύσαμεν δ’ ἐπ’ αὐτον ὡς δοῦλον ἀντὶ βασιλέως ποιήσοντες καὶ ἀποκτενοῦντες, εἰ δυναίμεθα, τί ἄν οἰόμεθα παθεῖν;

“How then will he treat us, who have no support, and who have made war on him, with the design to reduce him from the condition of a king to that of a slave, and, if in our power, to put him to death?”

Book vii. chap. 4. Ὁ δ’ εἶπεν· Ἀλλ’ ἔγωγε ἱκανὴν νομίζω νῦν δίκην ἔχειν, εἰ οὗτοι δοῦλοι ἔσονται ἀντ’ ἐλευθέρων.

“And then he said, but I think myself sufficiently revenged, if these people, instead of freemen, are to be made slaves.”

Chap. 7. Σοῦ μὲν γὰρ κρατοῦντος, δουλεία ὑπάρχει αὐτοῖς· κρατουμένου δὲ σοῦ, ἐλευθερία.

“For if you conquer, they are slaves,—but if you are conquered, they are free.”

LESSON VIII.

Herodotus of Halicarnassus.

WE often find the word δοῦλος, and its various derivatives, in the plain, the simple narrative of this author. His use of the term is as follows:

Book i. chap. 7. Παρὰ τούτων δὲ Ἡρακλεῖδαι ἐπιτραφθέντες ἔσχον τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκ θεοπροπίου, ἐκ δούλης τε τῆς Ἰαρδάνου γεγονότες καὶ Ἡρακλέος.

“The Heraclidæ are descended from Hercules and a female slave of Jardanus.”

Chap. 27. Λαβεῖν ἀρώμενοι Λυδοὺς ἐν θαλάσση, ἵνα ὑπερ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἠπείρω οικημένων Ἑλλήνων τίσωνταί σε, τοὺς σὺ δουλώσας ἔχεις;

“Can they wish for a better opportunity than to meet the Lydians on the Ocean, to revenge those of the Greeks reduced by you to slavery on the continent?”

Chap. 94. Λυδοὶ μὲν δὴ ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι δεδούλωντο.

“Thus the Lydians were enslaved by the Persians.”

Chap. 95. Καὶ ἀπωσάμενοι τὴν δουλοσύνην ἠλευθερώθησαν.

“And rejecting slavery, they became free.”

Chap. 114. Ὦ βασιλεῦ, ὑπὸ τοῦ σοῦ δούλου.

“O king! by your slave.”

Chap. 126. Οὐδένα πόνον δουλοπροπέα ἔχουσι.

“Slavish employment,” &c.

Chap. 129. Καὶ ἄλλὰ λέγων ἐς αὐτὸν θυμαλγέα ἔπεα, καὶ δὴ καὶ εἴρετό μιν πρὸς τὸ ἑωυτοῦ δεῖπνον, τό μιν ἐκεῖνος σαρξὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἐθοίνισε, ὅ τι εἴη ἡ ἐκείνου δουλοσύνη ἀντὶ τῆς βασιληΐης.

“Among other things, he asked him what was his opinion of that supper, in which he had compelled a father to feed on the flesh of his child; a supper which had reduced him from a monarch to a slave.” Beloe.

Ibid. Ἀδικώτατον δὲ, ὅτι τοῦ δείπνου εἵνεκεν Μήδους κατεδούλωσε.

“(He said that he was) most wicked, on the account of the supper, to enslave the Medes.”

Ibid. Νῦν δὲ Μήδους μὲν ἀναιτίους τούτου ἐόντας δουλους ἀντὶ δεσποτέων γεγονέναι, Πέρσας δὲ δούλους ἐόντας τὸ πρὶν Μήδων νῦν γεγονέναι δεσπότας.

“The Medes, who were certainly not accessary to the provocation given, had exchanged situations with their slaves. The Persians, who were formerly the slaves, were now the masters.”

Chap. 170. Καὶ οὕτω ἀπαλλαχθέντας σφέας δουλοσύνης εὐδαιμονήσειν.

“And thus, freed from slavery, deem themselves happy.”

Chap. 173. Καὶ ἢν μὲν γε γυνὴ ἀστὴ δούλω συνοικήσῃ, γενναῖα τὰ τέκνα νενόμισται.

“If any free woman marries a slave, the children of such marriage are reputed free.” Beloe.

Chap. 174. Οἱ μέν νῦν Κᾶρες οὐδὲν λαμπρὸν ἔργον ἀποδεξάμενοι ἐδουλώθησαν.

“The Carians made little or no exertion, and were easily enslaved.”

Chap. 210. Ὃς ἀντὶ μὲν δούλων ἐποίησας ἐλευθέρους Πέρσας εἶναι.

“You have raised the Persians from slavery to freedom.” Beloe.

Book ii. chap. 1. Ὡς δούλους πατρωΐους ἐόντας ἐνόμιζε.

“He considered them as slaves by right of inheritance.”

Chap. 56. Ἔπειτα δουλεύουσα αὐτόθι ἱδρύσασθαι ὑπὸ φηγῷ πεφυχυίῃ Διὸς ἱρὸν.

“Although in a state of slavery, she there constructed, under a green spreading beech, a natural little temple to her god.”

Book iii. chap. 125. Ὅσοι δὲ ῇσαν ξεῖνοί τε καὶ δοῦλοι τῶν ἑπομένων, ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ ποιεύμενος εἶχε.

“All the strangers, and their slaves accompanying them, were detained in bondage.” See 1 Tim. i. 10.

Chap. 138. Καί σφεας δουλεύοντας ἐνθαῦτα Γίλλος.

“And they being enslaved, Gillus immediately ransomed them,” &c.

Chap. 140. Ἐμοὶ μήτε χρυσὸν, ὦ βασιλεῦ, μήτε ἄργυρον δίδου, ἀλλ’ ἀνασωσάμενος μοι δὸς τὴν πατρίδα Σάμον, τὴν νῦν ἀδελφεοῦ τοῦ ἐμοῦ Πολυχράτεος ἀποθανόντος ὑπὸ Ὀροίτεω ἔχει δοῦλος ἡμέτερος, ταύτην μοι δὸς ἄνευ τε φόνου καὶ ἐξανδραποδίσιος.

“I would have neither gold nor silver; give me Samos, my country, and deliver it from servitude. Since the death of Polycrates, my brother, whom Orœtes slew, it hath been in the hands of one of our slaves. Give me this, without any effusion of blood, or reducing my countrymen to servitude.” (Beloe.) See 1 Tim. i. 10.

Chap. 153. Ἀπείπας τοῖσι δούλοισι μηδενὶ φράζειν τὸ γεγονὸς ἐβουλεύετο.

“He counselled with himself about that which was foretold, that Babylon should not be reduced to slavery until this prodigy should be brought forth.”

Book iv. chap. 1. Αἱ γὰρ τῶν Σκυθέων γυναῖκες, ὥς σφι οἱ ἄνδρες ἀπῆσαν χρόνον πολλὸν, ἐφοίτεον παρὰ τοὺς δούλους.

“For the women, deprived so long of their husbands, had associated with their slaves.” Beloe.

Chap. 2. Τοὺς δὲ δούλους οἱ Σκύθαι πάντας τυφλοῦσι τοῦ γάλακτος εἵνεκεν τοῦ πίνουσι ποιεῦντες ῷδε.

“It is a custom with the Scythians, to deprive all the slaves of sight, on the account of the milk, which is their customary drink.” Beloe.

Chap. 3. Ἐκ τούτων δὴ ὦν σφι τῶν δούλων καὶ τῶν γυναικῶν ἐπετράφη νεότης.

“From the union of these slaves with the Scythian women, a numerous progeny was born.” Beloe.

Ibid. Δούλοισι τοῖσι ἑμετέροισι μαχόμενοι αὐτοί τε ἐλάσσονες κτεινόμενοι γινόμεθα.

“In this contest with our slaves, every action diminishes our number.” Beloe.

Ibid. Μαθόντες ὥς εἰσι ἡμέτεροι δοῦλοι.

“They will be impressed with a sense of their servile condition.” Beloe.

Book v. chap. 35. Ὁ δὲ τῶν δούλων τὸν πιστότατον ἀποξυρήσας τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔστιξε καὶ ἀνέμεινε ἀναφῦναι τὰς τρίχας.

“He therefore took one of the most faithful of his slaves, and inscribed what we have mentioned on his skull, being first shaved.” Beloe.

Chap. 49. Ἰώνων παῖδας δούλους εἶναι ἀντ’ ἐλέυθερων ὄνειδος καὶ ἄλγος μέγιστον μὲν αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν, ἔτι δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν ὑμῖν, ὅσῳ προέστατε τῆς Ἑλλάδος· νῦν ὦν πρὸς θεῶν τῶν Ἑλλενίων ῥύσασθε Ἴωνας ἐκ δουλοσύνης, ἄνδρας ὁμαίμονας.

“The Ionians, who ought to be free, are in a state of servitude; which is not only disgraceful, but also a source of the extremest sorrow to us, as it must be to you, who are so pre-eminent in Greece. I entreat you therefore, by the gods of Greece, to relieve the Ionians from slavery, who are connected with you by the ties of consanguinity.” Beloe.

Book vi. chap. 83. Ἄργος δὲ ἀνδρῶν ἐχηρώθε οὕτω ὥστε οἱ δοῦλοι αὐτῶν ἔσχον πάντα τὰ πρήγματα ἄρχοντές τε καὶ διέποντες, ἐς ὃ ἐπήβησαν οἱ τῶν ἀπολομένων παῖδες, ἔπειτα σφεας οὗτοι ἀνακτώμενοι ὀπίσω ἐς ἑωυτοὺς τὸ Ἄργος ἐζέβαλον· ἐζωθεύμενοι δὲ οἱ δοῦλοι μάχη ἔσχον Τίρυνθα. τέως μὲν δή σφι ἦν ἄρθμια ἐς ἀλλήλους, ἔπειτα δὲ ἐς τοὺς δούλους ἦλθε ἀνὴρ μάντις Κλέανδρος, γένος ἐὼν Φιγαλεὺς ἀπ’ Ἀρκαδίης· οὗτος τοὺς δούλους ἀνέγνωσε ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖσι δεσπότῃσι.

“Argos, however, was deprived of so many of its citizens, that the slaves usurped the management of affairs, and executed the offices of government; but when the sons of those who had been slain grew up, they obtained possession of the city, and after some contest expelled the slaves, who retired to Tyrinthe, which they seized. They for a time forebore to molest each other, till Cleander, a soothsayer, and an Arcadian of the district of Phigalis, came among the slaves, when he persuaded the slaves to attack their masters.”

Book ix. chap. 48. Ἐν Ἀθηναίοισί τε τὴν πρόπειραν ποιευμένους αὐτούς τε ἀντια δούλων τῶν ἡμετέρων τασσομένους.

“We see you delegating to the Athenians the more dangerous attempt of opposing us, and placing yourselves against our slaves.” Beloe.

In the “Libellus de Vitâ Homeri,” attributed to Herodotus, in the 23d section we find the word συνδούλῳ, used to mean a fellow-slave.

LESSON IX.

We now propose to notice the scriptural use of the word δουλος, doulos, and its derivatives, not only that its use may be compared with the Greek writers, but that it may be seen, as we believe is true, that its use in these carries with it abundant proof, even in the absence of all other, that “it means a slave,” and “that he to whom it was applied was a slave.”

Whenever a thing is made any part of discourse, it is necessarily placed in a position of commendation, reprehension, or of perfect indifference. One of these conditions must unavoidably attend its mention. A little reflection will enable us to perceive these distinctive positions. For instance, in the sentence, “Lay up treasures in heaven, where moth and rust doth not corrupt, nor thieves break through nor steal,” who does not feel the commendable position of the things, treasure and heaven, and the reverse of moth, rust, and thieves? Let us apply this view to the word servant, selecting only those instances in the Christian Scriptures, where the word is translated from the Greek word δουλος, doulos, and means nothing except what we mean by the word slave.

St. Paul commences his epistle to the Romans, to the Philippians, and to Titus, with the appellation of servant. In the two first cases he calls himself the servant and apostle of Christ. In the last instance, he terms himself the servant of God and apostle of Jesus Christ. Peter, in his second epistle, styles himself a servant and apostle: Jude, the servant of Christ. In all these instances the word means slave, and is used commendatively, but figuratively, to signify their entire devotedness to the cause in which they are engaged,—devoted to the cause wholly, as a good slave is to his master. And it may be here remarked, that the professing Christian is indebted to the institution for the lesson of humility and devotedness here plainly taught him, and without which, perhaps, he never could have been taught his duty in these particulars so pertinently and clearly. The humility and devotedness of the Christian are illustrated by this ordinance in John xv. 20: “Remember the words that I said unto you, the servant is not greater than his Lord.”

In the parable of the vineyard, Luke 20 and Matt. 21, the servant (δοῦλος, doulos, slave) is presented in a position evincing, the trustworthiness, devotion, and obedience implied in that character, clearly indicating the idea that these qualities inspire the mind of the proprietor with a confidence surpassed only by that in his son and heir. And it may be well remarked, that the position of the slave is one of great facility for the generating of such confidence in the mind of the master. Between the good slave and the good master there can be no dissimilarity of interest, but not so with the hired man, see Matt. 20; for the very moment those hired in the morning for a penny a day perceived that those who had not laboured the whole day received the same amount of wages, they commenced a quarrel with the proprietor.

This distinctive use of language we think also perceptible in the parable of the prodigal son, Luke xv. 17: “How many hired servants (πόσοι μίσθιοι, posoi misthioi) of my father have bread enough and to spare,” περισσεύουσιν ἄρτων, perisseuousin arton, an overflowing of bread.

He is not made to say that his father’s slaves had bread enough, but that even his hired men had enough. “Make me as one of thy hired servants,” μισθίων, misthion. He does not ask to be received as a son, not even to be accounted as a slave,—he feels unworthy of either. “But the father said to his servants,” δούλους, doulous, slaves, “Bring forth the best robe.” Having slaves, it would have been quite out of place to have called one of his μίσθους, misthous, hired men. But the elder son “called one of the servants;” nor would it have been natural for him to have called a hired-man, nor yet one of the common slaves, but a confidential servant, whose position in the family would enable him to possess the information required, and so we find the fact by the expression τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ, ton paidon autou, his young confidential, favourite slave.