SECRET HISTORY, &c. &c. (continued 5)

"This curious affair made a considerable noise at the time, which was the beginning of November last, and is, we suppose, the foundation of the stories which have lately been circulated and misrepresented."

"In the summer of 1815, another wicked secret plot was formed against the princess, the origin of which it is not difficult to guess. The princess was [270]narrowly watched, and attempts were made to seduce her people; but only one, Piqueur Crade, was so weak as to yield, and to promise Baron O** to conduct him into the apartments of the princess by means of false keys. The plot was, however, discovered, and the piqueur turned away. The man wrote to the Chevalier Tommassia, confessed that he had let himself be seduced by Baron O** to betray his mistress, and begged for mercy. The princess thought it proper to acquaint the governor, Count Sawrau, with this event, and Baron O** was forced to leave the dominions of his Majesty the Emperor. Hownham, the princess' private secretary, challenged the baron, but the latter has hitherto put it off. Since this affair, the princess is very cautious, particularly towards Englishmen whom she does not know; but she conceals herself from nobody, only she will not be the object of calumny, and of a shameful espionage, of which she has already been the victim. What has happened gives ground to fear still greater enormities.

"An event, which took place at Genoa, has more the appearance of an attempt at assassination than robbery. Some armed men penetrated, during the night, into the house of the princess, and almost into her bed-chamber. An alarm being given, one of the servants fired upon these people, and pursued them, but in vain. It is not yet discovered what were their intentions. But let a veil cover all this. Her first master of the horse, Schiavini, has kept a circumstantial account of her journey to the Holy Land. [271]The princess went from Genoa to the island of Elba, thence to Sicily and Barbary, then to Palestine. She visited Jerusalem, Athens, &c., and was every where received with the honours due to her rank.

"By the assistance of several literati, she obtained a collection of valuable antiquities, for which object she spared no expense. Wherever the princess appeared, she left behind her grateful recollections by her beneficence. At Tunis, she obtained the freedom of several slaves. The princess is now employed in writing the history of her life, which she will make public when the time comes.

"By this, she will throw great light on many facts which are now involved in obscurity."

We need hardly offer a remark upon the vindictive measures, so fully set forth in this narrative, exercised against the unfortunate Princess of Wales. It will not be difficult for our readers to recognize the REAL INSTIGATORS of the many annoyances she endured; their names will be handed down to future generations as the "Oppressors of Innocence," while the finger of Scorn will mark the spot where lies their "SORDID DUST."

The calamitous situation of the nation at this time became truly appalling. Subscriptions were entered into for the purpose of relieving the distresses of the poor, and her majesty's name was put down for the insignificant sum of three hundred pounds! If we were to be prolix in our account of this German lady's discretionary liberality, the details, we fear, [272]would not interest our readers. She was only liberal when her own interest was at stake!

Early in

1817,

the queen became indisposed, so much so as to cause alarm amongst her partisans for the issue. It was deemed expedient that the prince regent, who was then at Brighton, should be informed of the circumstance, and the Duke of York set off in the night to convey the intelligence to him. Why a courier could not have been forwarded, we do not pretend to say; but deception and mystery always attended the royal movements. Shortly afterwards, however, her majesty was declared convalescent, and the family were gratified by her recovery, being well assured that her assistance would be of the most essential consequence to the completion of the regent's wishes in the intended divorce.

In February, the "Habeas Corpus Act" was suspended, and, upon suspicion only, were Mr. Evans and his son seized and committed to prison on a charge of treason. They observed at the time, with great truth, "Poor devoted England! she cannot be called our country, but our grave!" This was confirmed by Lord Sidmouth, who rendered his every service in this disgraceful business, and was at all imaginable pains to prove, that his master, the regent, was the "Vicegerent of heaven, and had all power upon earth."

[273]The country was now elated by the information that the Princess Charlotte was likely to give an heir to the throne; because the people hoped that her progeny would prove more worthy of a crown than some of the sons of her austere grandmother. Upon this amiable princess, indeed, the English people had long placed their hopes, and they lived in anxious expectation to see the then existing tyranny superseded by a better form of government, under her auspices. In the mean time, every member of the royal family appeared more interested for the health of the queen than for the Princess Charlotte. Her majesty had experienced several relapses; but, after each attack, when she appeared in public, no symptoms of previous indisposition were visible.

Lords Liverpool, Castlereagh, and Sidmouth, and the accommodating George Canning, were now the arbiters of the fates of nations; their will was no sooner expressed than it passed into a law; and, while revelling at the festive board with their puissant prince, the country was writhing in the most pitiable condition. Even bread and water were not always within the poor man's grasp, and the starved peasantry of Ireland, in open defiance of military power, were living by stealing and eating raw potatoes, to enable them to eke out their most miserable existence! Under this humiliating condition, their rights and liberties were suspended, and it was made "treason and sedition" to murmur or complain.

When the tyrannical King John oppressed his subjects, and endeavoured to usurp despotic power, [274]the barons assembled around him, and, unsheathing their swords, swore, "The laws of England shall not be changed!" But the days of chivalry were past! Lord Castlereagh was now our dictator, and a standing army of one hundred and forty thousand men, to enforce his vile and unconstitutional measures, destroyed even the chance of emancipation. We may add, in the words of our immortal bard, that his lordship was a man,

The galling distresses of the people, at this period of national calamity and misrule, drove them to the commission of violent acts, and the diligence of well-chosen officers and prosecutors, with the partiality of judges, supplied the defect of evidence needful for punishment. The law was actually made a snare, while vice received encouragement and rewards, when on the side of the oppressors. This was not solely confined to the higher tribunals, but was also apparent in almost every inferior court. Indeed, Lord Sidmouth sent a circular letter to all lieutenants of counties, recommending even "justices of the peace to hold to bail persons publishing alleged libels!!!" The whole ministry proved themselves to be uninfluenced by the dictates of equity, or those principles of moderation which distinguished some of our noble ancestors. Power was every thing with Castlereagh and his associates, assisted by the MITRED HEADS of the "established church," who were ever his [275]zealous friends in the cause of tyranny! Be it, then, our duty to tear the mask of hypocrisy aside, and exhibit the deformity of Power, more especially when disguised under the specious form of PIETY. He who can assume the sanctity of a SAINT, and perform the deeds of a RUFFIAN, will not be spared in our explanations of TRUTH! The title of "Right Reverend Father in God" shall not cause us to be dismayed, if, by their reverend works, they prove themselves to be the children of the devil! We are not what pretended pious people term INFIDELS; but we detest to see the tools of power endeavour to subdue the nation in the garb of godliness, insulting the poor with orders for "general fasts," while they themselves are indulging in the most riotous excesses!

We must now, as honest and fearless historians, record the most cold-blooded and horrible CRIME that was ever perpetrated in this or any other Christian country!

We are almost ready to murmur at Providence for permitting some of the assassins to escape from this world without meeting the punishment they merited. One or two, however, still remain to pollute the earth, and upon whom we yet hope to see justice administered!

Every honest heart was full of bitterness and [276]anguish, when it was announced, "The Princess Charlotte is DEAD!" The heavy-tolling bell, the silence of the streets, and the mute astonishment of all who met and parted, exhibited signs of unfeigned sorrow. In an unexpected moment, the hopes of this great nation were brought to nought! Her royal highness was England's star of promise,—the beacon which it was expected would light the traveller to escape the quicksands of destruction!

On the 5th of November, at nine in the evening, this exemplary princess was safely delivered of a male child, said to be still born; and although pronounced at that time, by her accoucheur, to be doing extremely well, yet, at half-past two on the morning of the 6th, her royal highness expired! Sir Richard Croft announced to Prince Leopold the heart-rending intelligence; and a messenger was instantly sent to the prince regent (to whom a former communication of fearful import had been made) and also to the queen at Bath. All the royal family then in England hastened to London, report said, "nearly destroyed with grief."

Special messengers were also despatched with the melancholy information to the Duke of Kent, who was at Brussels, and to the Duke of Cambridge, at Hanover; but the MOTHER of the late princess was entirely neglected. Etiquette and respect were attended to in the cases which least required notice, and omitted in the situation which really demanded, in common decency and justice, the most prompt consideration.

[277]The prince regent arrived at Carlton House at four o'clock on the fatal morning, and was informed by Lord Bathurst and the Duke of York of the event. The regent had been, for ten or twelve days, sojourning with the Marquis, or Marchioness, of Hertford, at their seat near Sudbury. In contradiction to several either servile or ignorant historians, we fearlessly say that it was not unexpected news to his royal ear! In the course of the ensuing day, a letter was written and delivered to Dr. Sir Richard Croft, announcing the prince regent's offer of thanks for the attention paid to the Princess Charlotte, and assuring the doctor that the prince was fully satisfied with his skill and superior merit; concluding with these words: "As it is the will of Divine Providence, his royal highness is in duty bound to submit to the decree—of heaven."

Prince Leopold was not so hasty in returning his thanks for the attentions of Dr. Croft, though much better able to judge of the matter than the regent; for he was many miles off, and could not personally know any thing of the matter.

Notwithstanding the professed deep sorrow and grief of the prince regent, however, we can announce that his royal highness did not permit himself to relax in any pursuit of pleasure, except that of openly exhibiting himself; for, on the ensuing evening, we ourselves were not very distant from Carlton House, and can testify to this fact. He and his brother of York were not in very great anguish upon the occasion; they pledged each other in quick [278]succession, until the circumstance which had caused their meeting was entirely forgotten by them. "I drink to the safety of the regent," said the duke, "and I to the safety of York," retorted the prince. These remarks created irritability, and the prince very warmly replied, to an interrogation of his brother, "What would you think if the ghost of Edward Augustus stood at your elbow?"

How very different was the report issued to the world! The daily papers stated that "the extreme sorrow of the regent had produced an unusual sensation of pain in the head of his royal highness." We were not surprised at this announcement; though we had hoped to have heard the royal heart was affected upon a review of his past enormities!

We regret to say, that when the Princess Charlotte was in daily expectation of her accouchement, she was not soothed by the attentions of any of her female relatives. It is true they had not, by any former acts of kindness, given her occasion to expect it; but the disrespect shewn to her royal highness was chiefly owing to the affection for, and defence of, her persecuted mother, which, though perfectly natural and praiseworthy, displeased certain high and powerful personages. The queen (that boasted paragon of goodness!) was one hundred and eight miles distant, and the hearts of all the family seemed as if estranged from virtuous and honourable feelings. Her majesty, with the Princess Elizabeth, left Windsor Castle for Bath, on the morning of the 3rd of October, for the avowed purpose of drinking [279]the waters. On the 27th of the same month, the prince regent, accompanied by Sir B. Bloomfield, left London for the seat of the Marquis of Hertford, at Sudbury, in Suffolk. The Duke of Clarence was also absent. It is true that the cabinet ministers, whose presence was required by precedent and state necessity, were in waiting; but how far their services could be agreeable or beneficial to a young female in such a situation, we are at a loss to discover. Alas! that parent who ought to have been present, and who would most joyfully have flown on the wings of maternal affection, was denied the privilege. But while the daughter was struggling in the agonies of a cruel death, the mother was a wanderer in a foreign land, and beset with snares laid for her destruction also!

During the pregnancy of the Princess Charlotte, the prince, her husband, was chiefly her companion. Her choice of an accoucheur fell upon Dr. Sir Richard Croft, as he was considered the most able and skilful man in his profession. The ladies in attendance upon her royal highness were unfit to render advice or assistance upon any emergency, as neither of them had been a mother. The princess, when in an advanced state of pregnancy, was kept low, and scarcely allowed animal food, or wine, to both of which she had previously been accustomed. Between the fifth and seventh months, her royal highness was bled several times, and still kept upon very low diet. Claremont, the place chosen for the eventful period, was sixteen miles from town, [280]and when any pressing occasion required the attendance of a surgeon or physician from London, the distance caused a considerable delay. Her royal highness' confinement was expected to take place about the end of October, and the period between that time and the final issue was strongly marked by symptoms of approaching labour. Her royal highness was in extreme pain for more than forty-eight hours, yet each bulletin declared, "The princess is doing extremely well." At half-past twelve, A.M. her royal highness became uneasy and very restless; she exhibited much difficulty of breathing, and at half-past two—EXPIRED!

The substance of this detail found its way into the daily journals, and excited, as it was naturally calculated to do, much remark and inquiry. The generally-received opinion was, that the lamented heiress to the crown had been wantonly suffered to perish, from the folly of etiquette, or some other unnatural and unexplained cause. We, however, are not bound to surrender our judgment to a journalist, or to subscribe to the opinion of any man less acquainted with a particular subject than ourselves; and, upon this melancholy and tragical event, therefore, we shall dare to give utterance to TRUTH. In doing so, we beg to state that we are not influenced by personal resentment, but, in the discharge of our task, are determined only to award "honour where honour is due."

The labour of the princess was commenced under extreme debility; and, at an early period, it [281]appeared very probable that surgical assistance would be finally requisite; yet no provision was made for such assistance! The bulletin of Wednesday morning, eight o'clock, signed by the attending practitioners, was rather doubtfully expressed. The second bulletin, at ten in the evening, was confidently affirmative of the well-doing of the royal patient. Dr. Sims affixed his signature to these bulletins, but he had not seen her royal highness since the first pang she had experienced. How this gentleman could allow his name to be thus affixed to a declaration, of the truth of which he was totally ignorant, we know not; but it was said, by the time-serving press, "that Dr. Sims being unknown to the princess, his appearance in her chamber might have alarmed her." The folly of this excuse is best exposed by supposing that if, at this trying moment, Dr. Croft had been ill, and unfit to attend the princess, would she have been left to perish for lack of assistance? We think not; for this would have given too plain an idea of the expectations of certain parties. The public papers announced that the letter summoning Dr. Sims to Claremont was written on Tuesday morning, yet he did not arrive until Wednesday morning at three o'clock. It was further stated, that the nurse discovered the dreadful change in her royal highness by the difficulty manifested in swallowing her gruel, and that she was so alarmed by this appearance of spasm, that she immediately called the faculty out of their beds, as well as Prince Leopold. Another journalist stated a contrary case. But we know that, [282]although some beverage was administered to the princess, it was NOT GRUEL; for her royal highness had a great aversion to gruel, and could never be prevailed on to take it. Soon after her royal highness took the liquid, she was afflicted in a most unusual way, though only for a short time. The low state of muscular strength, to which the princess had gradually been reduced, certainly required greater nourishment than was given to her; and in this professional treatment, therefore, the accoucheur acted unwisely as well as unskilfully, to say the least of it. That most eminent practitioner, Dr. Thynne, made it an invariable rule, after a protracted birth, to revive the mother, by giving a tea-spoonful of egg, beat up with wine, from time to time. The symptoms of not being able to swallow, and the convulsive action of the body, were plainly indicative of a dying patient; but the real cause of the patient's dying was then a mystery, except to two or three individuals.

The public journals of the day called loudly upon the gentlemen who attended the Princess Charlotte, as her accoucheurs, to give all facility for an investigation of their whole mode of treatment, adding, that "if they be conscious that they have acquitted themselves well, they will have no objection to an investigation of their conduct, and cannot consider themselves placed in a worse situation than the captain of a king's ship, who, in the event of the loss of his vessel, is obliged to undergo a trial by court martial." To this and similar appeals, the ministers promptly [283]replied, "that it was impossible, after the prince regent had been pleased to express his approbation and award his thanks, as it would seem to reflect upon the prince, who alone was endowed with the sovereign power to act in the case." This royal cant-phraseology, however, failed to lull suspicion; for the attending circumstances were of a nature too horrible to be buried in oblivion! If all had been correct, why refuse inquiry, particularly when it was solicited by nine-tenths of the nation?

The queen left Bath on Saturday, the 8th of November, and arrived at Windsor in the evening. The next day, the prince regent went from Carlton House to Windsor to see the queen; but the privacy of the visit did not permit it to be of long duration. We are able to give the particulars of this interview.

Her majesty's mind had been disturbed by the receipt of a letter, from a medical gentleman, upon the subject of the untimely death of the Princess Charlotte. No time was to be lost. The prince was requested immediately to see his royal mother; and, on his arrival, her majesty presented him with the letter, the contents of which proved, beyond doubt, that the writer had been an eye-witness to some particular events connected with the dissolution of the much-lamented and tenderly-beloved princess.

The letter commenced with the most respectful dedication to royalty, and prayed for an extra extension of candour and patience by her majesty, while the facts of which it was composed were examined and duly considered. The writer then proceeded,—"I [284]am perfectly satisfied your majesty could not be personally aware of the case, because of the distance your majesty then was from Claremont; but I submit it to your majesty's good feeling and judgment, if the particulars attendant upon this most lamentable loss ought not immediately to be most strictly inquired into. Refusal to do this, or to permit it being done, will only aggravate the matter, instead of setting the question at rest for ever. The public well know that all was not as it ought to have been,—that something had been neglected or imprudently attempted, that ought to have received a widely-different attention. As a proof that I do not intrude my remarks and remonstrances improperly, or without information upon the nicest points of the case, I will give reasons for my dissatisfaction. From the first moment Sir Richard Croft was placed in attendance upon her royal highness, there was no reason to anticipate or fear any unhappy results. The natural appearances were unequivocally satisfactory. Previous to the delivery, the infant was not supposed to be dead. It was quite unnecessary and unnatural to inform the princess that the child was still-born; such a communication is very seldom made to any female at such a moment. Camphor julaps are very seldom administered to a healthy patient, or where the stomach is sound, immediately after delivery, as the effect would generally be to produce irritation, sickness, and convulsion. Dr. Croft ought not to have retired to bed, presuming that her royal highness was so indisposed as to cause her incessant moaning, [285]which was really the case. More than this, your majesty, about noon of the Wednesday, Dr. Croft said, 'I believe the princess might very quickly be delivered by having recourse to an operation; but I dare not perform it without the presence and sanction of her royal father, the prince regent.' I hope (continued the writer) that your majesty will see this plain statement in its own character, and that you will save all future disclosures of an unpleasant nature, by your timely recommendation of the subject to the prince regent, your son. Your majesty may believe I am induced by vindictive motives to offer these remarks; but that would prove an incorrect opinion; and unless your majesty causes a very prompt inquiry to be permitted upon the facts of this case, I fear yourself and family will finally have cause to regret the delay."

The prince was much displeased that any subject should have dared to take such a liberty as to speak or write an unpleasant TRUTH to any of his noble family,—more especially to the queen. It was an unpardonable transgression; yet, as the gentleman had given his name and address, it was a very delicate affair. The queen had so often witnessed the prostration of the multitudes of fashion's votaries, that she imagined much might be accomplished by commanding an interview, and subduing the voice of inquiry and truth by the splendour of pageantry, and the intoxicating smile of royalty. By her majesty's command, therefore, an interview took place. With her general air of confidence, the queen said, "I [286]presume, Sir, you are the author of this letter?" "I am, please your majesty." "And what," said the queen, "am I to understand from such an unaccountable appeal to me and my family?" "I beg your majesty's pardon personally, as well as previously by letter, but I deemed it my duty to inform your majesty of my information upon the subject in question, and I am very sorry if your majesty does not think it necessary to have the most prudent means used to satisfy the public inquiry." The queen was very gracious, and smiling, said, "I will name your good intentions to the prince regent, and I will not forget them myself; but I can satisfy you, that your opinions upon the subject of your communication to me are incorrect." The gentleman rose, and was about to retire; but the queen had not attained her object. Her majesty, therefore, hastily said, "I trust you are convinced of the impropriety of your former opinions?" "No, please your majesty, I never can change my opinions upon this subject until I lose my principles, and I trust sincerely that I shall never endure such an humiliation while I retain my reason. But," added the gentleman, "your majesty must be well assured that I am acquainted with the greater portion of your family; yea, very intimately acquainted, not indecorously so, but in the discharge of my professional engagements. Your majesty well knows that I saw the lamented Princess Charlotte just before the unhappy event, and also am not ignorant of the constitution of your majesty's daughters. I therefore am bold to assert, that the death of her [287]royal highness was not, and is not to be, naturally accounted for! It is true, that I am not known to the world in the capacity of accoucheur to your family; but your majesty knows, I have been your trusty and confidential servant upon more occasions than one; and I am now resolved to relinquish the royal favour, if it must be purchased at such an unknown expense."

The queen retired, and so did the heart-stricken gentleman; but their ruminations and consequent determinations were very dissimilar. Her majesty was endeavouring to evade explanation; the gentleman, meditating upon the most prudent plan for adoption to put a period to the agitated feelings of the public.

The reader may imagine that this professional person had been previously selected to render his services to some members of this illustrious family, which was actually the case. He had travelled more than twenty miles in the royal carriage, and had performed the most delicate offices. He knew royalty was not exempt from frailty, and that rank did not preserve its possessors from the commission of crime. Denial of this would prove abortive, for the gentleman LIVES, and would, if called upon, assert the same even at the expense of life. He does not fear the interdiction of a crowned head! neither would he shrink under "a special commission." He wields the two-edged sword of truth, and therefore defies the strong arm of power. He has seen enough of the wily snares of courtiers, and has retired from the [288]unhallowed association with feelings of disgust, contempt, and detestation. The adulation of the parasites of royalty is odious to his ear; and, to save the increasing stings of an offended conscience, he is now publicly explicit upon this hateful subject. Despising secrecy and infamy, he openly avows enmity to such characters as are leagued against the peace and happiness of society; and their intentions to perpetuate their unjust, partial, and devastating system, must be checked by the information of those persons who are privy to the cause, as well as to the effects, of their overgrown power.

The day after this unpleasant interview, the queen paid a visit to the king; and, as nearly two months had elapsed since her majesty visited her husband, it was productive of great anxiety on the part of the royal sufferer. The daily papers stated that "his majesty was much improved, and very tranquil, in consequence of the queen having paid him a visit." Does not this neglect of the poor afflicted king reflect disgrace upon her majesty? The wife who forgets her duty to the man she has espoused is undeserving the respect of society. Who was Queen Charlotte, that the eyes of the public should be blinded, or their tongues mute, upon this apathy and unfeeling demeanour to the king, her husband, who had raised her from comparative poverty to affluence and greatness? Had similar inattention been manifested by the wife of a peasant, her neighbour's reproach would not have been wanting; but every one seemed afraid of impugning the character of [289]a queen, so celebrated for amiability and virtue! A few days after the interment of the Princess Charlotte and her infant, the queen again went off for the city of Bath! and we assert, without fear of contradiction, that her majesty's eye was never observed to be dim upon this most melancholy occasion. Let the world judge if such unfeeling deportment agreed with her majesty's reported sorrow.

On the 19th of November, the Princess Charlotte and her infant were consigned to the tomb. The Dukes of York and Clarence were supporters to the chief mourner, Prince Leopold; and, after the ostentatious parade of funeral pomp, they retired without much appearance of sorrow. It was said that a king, or prince invested with royal power, could not attend the ceremony, or join in the cavalcade of a funeral. The regent, therefore, was not present at the closing scene of his child's hard destiny. But royalty has many privileges; distinct from the common herd of mankind. It must not, for instance, reside in the same habitation with a corpse, lest its delicately-refined nerves should sustain injury, or be excited to an extreme point of agony!

The body of the unfortunate Charlotte was reported to have been embalmed, but the heart only was extracted; THE INTESTINES WERE NOT REMOVED! This was an unprecedented circumstance, as upon all former occasions this barbarous custom had been permitted. The surgeon who accompanied Prince Leopold from Germany was solicited to say why this form had been omitted; and his suspicious reply [290]was, "Neither now, nor at any future time, shall any power on earth induce me to speak one word upon the subject." He was then requested to give into the hand of Prince Leopold a sealed letter upon the subject; this he also positively refused to do, adding, at the same time, "the prince would not receive it." Very shortly afterwards, a letter was conveyed into the prince's hand, offering "to communicate certain facts relative to the demise of the late princess, his consort, if he pleased to express his willingness to receive the same." His serene highness never paid attention to that letter.

It was said, at the time of her royal highness' death, that Prince Leopold was so angry with the nurse (Mrs. Griffiths) that he turned her out of the house, without permitting her to stay to attend the funeral. One thing, however, is certain, that she has several sons in different public offices. To one of these, her favourite, she said, (when labouring under the effects of a dreadful illness she had shortly after the princess' death) "I have never kept but one HORRID SECRET from you, which has always weighed upon my mind; but I cannot communicate it, unless I am sure of death the next minute!"

This Mrs. Griffiths certainly knows more about the death of her late royal mistress than she has yet thought proper to communicate; though, in one of her moments of compunction, she confessed to a friend of our's, that the Princess Charlotte had actually been POISONED, and related the way in which she found it out. Mrs. Griffiths stated, that, "after [291]giving her royal highness some BROTH (not gruel) she became dreadfully convulsed; and, being struck with the peculiarity of the circumstance, she examined the cup from which her royal highness had drank. To her astonishment, she there perceived a dark red sediment, upon tasting which, HER TONGUE BECAME BLISTERED!!!" Mrs. Griffiths immediately asked Dr. Croft what he had administered to the princess; but she received no satisfactory answer. A few hours after this, however, the doctor said sufficient to prove that the princess had been MURDERED! As Mrs. Griffiths is now alive, we challenge her to deny this statement, if incorrect.

The lamented princess was treated most cruelly by all around her, and one of the higher household asserted, that he believed her royal highness was left "two hours in the agonies of death, without any person going near her!" Mrs. Lewis, her waiting woman, has denied this statement; but it is well known, that Mrs. Lewis was placed as a spy about her royal highness even from her infancy.

The last time the prince regent was at Claremont, not long before the princess' confinement, a most respectable gentleman heard him say, "A child of the Princess Charlotte shall never sit upon the throne." Did not this speak volumes as to her intended destruction? Surely no one can doubt, after these disclosures, that the Princess Charlotte fell a victim to a vile conspiracy.

The murder of the Princess Charlotte proved the signal for letting loose the hounds of destruction [292]upon her heart-broken mother. On the morning of the second day after her majesty's return to Bath, a lady had a private audience with her. The object of the interview was, to offer the services of her husband (an officer in the navy) in the impeachment and intended destruction of the honour of the Princess of Wales. "What situation does the person occupy?" said the queen. "He is a lieutenant, please your majesty." "What would be deemed a sufficient recompense for his attentions?" said her majesty. "Your majesty's good opinion is all my husband aspires to," said the lady; and, after a few unmeaning expressions of civility, she retired. Lord Liverpool was consulted, and gave his opinion that the person in question could not be implicitly relied on; and a messenger was therefore sent to the gentleman, according to the address left by his wife, declining the offered service; and stating that "her majesty had no unkind or ungenerous feelings towards the Princess of Wales, and had quite misunderstood the offer, having supposed it to be made under very opposite circumstances." The lady was recommended to the queen's notice by Lord Castlereagh, though doubts were entertained whether the lieutenant might be trusted, as he was believed to be anti-ministerial.

We here relate another fact, relative to the Princess of Wales' persecutors:—A certain personage sought for an interview with an individual whom we will disguise under the name of Captain Rock. "Well," said his royal highness to the captain, "I [293]wish to engage your services; you are well acquainted with Italy; we expect the Princess of Wales will be at Pisa in about three months, and as you have served us before, we suppose you will have no objection to do so again; you shall not want for cash." The offer was accepted, and his royal highness wrote this offer upon paper, and a sum was advanced on the evening of the same day. This mean slave of power departed; but, before following the instructions of his royal employer, went off to London, and communicated to Lord Castlereagh his mission, requiring five hundred pounds more, declaring the written promise should strictly be enforced, as he had been a loser by his former services. The amount demanded was given. "I assure you, my lord," said the captain, "I will execute my commission well; but I must also be paid well." Lord Castlereagh assented, and this unmanly spy took his leave of England to wait the expected arrival of the princess at Pisa.

These proceedings against her royal highness soon manifested themselves in a commission being appointed at Milan; and rumours were circulated in this country that her conduct was at variance with propriety.

Mr. Leech, a Chancery barrister of some eminence, and who was subsequently elevated to the situation of Vice-Chancellor, and is now Master of the Rolls; Mr. Cook, also a barrister, and a writer of great eminence on the subject of bankruptcy; Mr. Powell, a gentleman of private fortune and [294]connected with the court; a Colonel Brown, the impropriety of whose conduct met with general disapprobation; and Lord Stewart, the cowardly lordling who had repeatedly vilified the character of the princess, and had even personally insulted her, were selected as the individuals proper to conduct an inquiry into the character and conduct of her royal highness, during her residence on the Continent. To Milan they repaired. A person by the name of Vimercati was selected as the Italian agent. Colonel Brown was stationed to assist him. Salaries were of course attached to their respective offices, and each individual had his post assigned him. Vimercati was invested with the greater part of the management of this affair, and the nature of his conduct and proceedings cannot but excite mingled feelings of surprise and horror.

By this commission, witnesses were first obtained, then examined, and re-examined; exorbitant prices were offered to them for their testimony, and threats were made to those who shewed, or pretended to shew, any dislike subsequently to appear to verify their statements. Rastelli, afterwards a witness, was employed as courier, and to him was delegated the all-powerful argument of a long purse. Dumont, while in the hands of this commission, carried on a correspondence with her sister, (who was still in the queen's service) through the medium of Baron D'Ompteda, (the villain we mentioned a few pages back) for the purpose of obtaining information from her majesty's servants. And Omati was paid by [295]D'Ompteda for stealing papers, for the use of the commission, from his master, who was her majesty's professional agent at Milan. These are facts proved by witnesses whose characters are irreproachable, and whose evidence is as well written as parole.

The year

1818

was a dark and troubled period,—a period of great private distress,—so that the minds of men were bent with more acerbity than usual upon the redress of public grievances. The country, borne down by debt, harassed by taxation, which had no longer for its excuse a monopoly of commerce, looked naturally enough to the source from which these calamities had flowed. They found the theory and the practice of the constitution at variance, and hearing they had a right to be taxed by their representatives, they thought it hard and unjust that over the great majority of those who taxed them they had no controul. Retrenchment and economy were what they required. They considered parliamentary reform would be the means of producing economy and retrenchment. Public meetings in favour of parliamentary reform were, therefore, held, resolutions in favour of it passed, and petitions in favour of it presented to the two houses of parliament; the energies of a free people were roused, and great excitement prevailed. When a country is thus agitated, a minister must resist with vigour, or yield [296]with grace. Unjust and violent demands should be met with resistance; but sober and legitimate requests, with concession. When weakly opposed, they are obtained by immediate violence; successfully refused, they are put off for a day, or postponed for a week or a year; but they are not got rid of. Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning, however, were vain enough to think otherwise.

Parliament was opened by commission in January. The speech referred to the continued indisposition of his majesty, and the death of the Princess Charlotte; but without promising an inquiry into the cause of her untimely end! An address was voted in the Commons' House, according to custom, though Sir Samuel Romilly was not wanting in his expressions of severe opposition to the course ministers were pursuing. He stated, "that the despotic conduct of the ministry had produced in the minds of the people a determination to withstand any further infringement upon their rights and privileges."

Totally regardless of the sufferings of an over-burdened people, however, and during the very heavy and calamitous sorrows of the middle and lower classes, the chancellor of the Exchequer had the effrontery to move "that one million of money be raised for the purpose of supplying the deficiency of places of worship belonging to the establishment, by building new churches and chapels of ease, where the increase of population rendered it needful." How applicable are the words of Tartuffe to the advocates of this measure! "With one [297]hand, I have encouraged spies, suborned perjury, and committed murders; and with the other, built churches,—but not with my own money!" The bill passed, and an extra "plume of worldly-mindedness" was consequently placed in the cap of hypocrisy! Oh! that the pure religion of our Saviour should be thus perverted! His kingdom was not of this world, neither did he luxuriate in the "good things" of the earth. Did he wear lawn sleeves and a mitre? Did he loll in gaudy carriages, and look down with supercilious contempt on his poorer brethren? Did he require theatres for his churches, or perfumed divines to preach his gospel? Did he interfere with political matters, and exert his energies to enslave the people? We leave these questions to be answered by those locusts of the land, commonly called bishops of the established church; at the same time we call upon them to reflect, whether, if hereafter they should feel inclined to recall the opportunity of conciliating the respect of the country, they will not have the misfortune of finding it much too late!

If our readers were to look over the singular parliamentary proceedings at this gloomy period of our history, they would be forcibly struck with the littleness, servility, and the utter want of intellectual calibre, so fully set forth in the characters of those who conducted the solemn mockery of legislation. The most unjust and arbitrary laws were put in force, and the public money allowed to be squandered, without the least inquiry. As a proof of this last remark, we need only mention the fact of ninety [298]thousand pounds being voted for the department of the "Master of the Horse," who kept thirty saddle and twenty-eight carriage horses for the use of his majesty, yet the king had never been out of the castle for more than seven years! This disgraceful squandering of money was carried on, too, when honest citizens and affectionate fathers were incapable of providing bread for themselves and families! Indeed, Lord Liverpool seemed resolved to push the country to its utmost verge, by proposing and sanctioning every expensive outlay. He was, with Lords Castlereagh and Sidmouth, the author of many plans to perplex, impoverish, and subdue the people, in which plans the bishops most zealously assisted. Every contrivance that had the sanction of the queen was sure to be well-managed, till Justice herself was set at open defiance.

Our readers will recollect our former statements respecting the Princess Charlotte, and we think the circumstance we are now about to relate will not operate against the proofs we have adduced concerning her untimely end.

Dr. Sir Richard Croft, the accoucheur of that lamented princess, had been engaged to attend the lady of the Rev. Dr. Thackeray, at her house, 86, Wimpole-street, Cavendish-square. Sir Richard went there on Monday, the 9th of February, and remained in attendance until Thursday morning, at eleven o'clock, when, finding his continued presence unnecessary, he went out for a short time to fulfil his other engagements. An apartment on the floor [299]above that occupied by Mrs. Thackeray was appointed for the residence of Sir Richard. In this chamber, there were two pistols belonging to Dr. Thackeray, hanging within the reach of Dr. Croft. Sir Richard retired to bed at half-past twelve, and about one, Dr. Thackeray heard a noise, apparently proceeding from the room occupied by Dr. Croft, and sent a female servant to ascertain the cause; she returned, saying, "the doctor is in bed, and I conceive him to be asleep." A short time after, a similar noise was heard, and the servant was sent again. She rapped at the door, but received no answer. This circumstance created alarm; in consequence of which, the door of his apartment was broken open. Here an awful spectacle presented itself. The body of Sir Richard was lying on the bed, shockingly mangled, his hands extended over his breast, and a pistol in each hand. One of the pistols had been loaded with slugs, the other with ball. Both were discharged, and the head of the unfortunate gentleman was literally blown to pieces.

On the inquest, Doctors Latham and Baillie, and Mr. Finch, proved that the deceased had, since the death of the Princess Charlotte, laboured under mental distress. He had frequently been heard to say, that "this lamentable occurrence weighs heavily on my mind, and I shall never get over it." Mr. Finch said, he was well aware that the deceased had been labouring under derangement of intellect for a considerable time past; and he should not have reposed confidence or trust in him on any [300]occasion since the lamented catastrophe alluded to. The jury returned a verdict, "that the deceased destroyed himself while in a fit of temporary derangement."

During the inquest, the newspaper reporters were denied admission, which circumstance gave rise to various rumours of a suspicious tendency. This was certainly an unconstitutional act; but we will, as honest historians, speak candidly upon the subject. Delicacy to surviving friends must not prevent our detail of facts.

It will appear evident, then, that Sir Richard had not been perfectly sane since the ever-to-be-regretted fatal event at Claremont. Was it not therefore astonishing, that his professional as well as other friends, who were suspicious, if not fully aware, of the doctor's derangement, should have been silent upon this important point, and have allowed Sir Richard to continue in the exercise of his professional practice? Did they not, by such silence, contribute to the peril of females in the most trying moment of nature's sorrow? The disinterested reader will, doubtless, join us in our expressions of indignation at such wanton and cruel conduct.

The letter written to Sir Richard, by order of the prince, proves nothing but the folly of those who advised it. That letter was not calculated to remove any of those suspicions respecting the untimely death of the Princess Charlotte, which rolled like heavy clouds over the intelligent minds of the greater portion of the nation; neither was it likely to hush [301]the spirit of inquiry, because its details were evidently meant to prevent any special explanation. The Marquis of Hertford, chamberlain to the regent, well knew, at this period, how to estimate medicinal cause and effect!

Presuming my Lord Bloomfield to have been an actor in "the tragedy," we cannot help thinking that his reward was more than adequate to the services performed. His pension of twelve hundred pounds per annum was dated December, 1817. What extraordinary benefits had he rendered to this oppressed nation to merit such an income? We ought also to mention, that, after this period, we find his lordship named as "envoy and minister-plenipotentiary in Sweden," for which he received the annual sum of four thousand, nine hundred pounds, and, as colonel of artillery, one thousand and three pounds, making in all the enormous annual sum of seven thousand, one hundred, and three pounds!

These remarks are not intended to wound the feelings of private families; but are made with a view to urge a strict investigation into the cause of the Princess Charlotte's death. We are well aware that many great persons have reason to fear the result of such an inquiry, yet the injured ought to have justice administered, even at the "eleventh hour," if it cannot sooner be obtained. Many a murderer has been executed twenty, or even thirty, years after the commission of his crime!

Though at this time ministers had a parliament almost entirely devoted to their wishes, there were a [302]few members of it who vigorously opposed unjust measures, and they could not always carry their plans into execution. The amount solicited for the Duke of Clarence upon his intended marriage with the Princess of Saxe Meiningen is a proof of this; for, although the regent sent a message to the House to accomplish this object, it was at first refused, and the duke did not gain his point till a considerable time afterwards.

In this year, the Duke of Kent was united to a sister of Prince Leopold.

In September, while most requisite to her party, the queen was taken ill. Bulletin followed upon bulletin, and the disorder was reported to increase. Some of the public papers announced, that her majesty had expressed an ardent desire to witness a reconciliation between the Prince and Princess of Wales, as she imagined her dissolution was now near at hand. The report, however, was as false as it was unlikely; for, only a month before this period, spies had been despatched to obtain witnesses, of any description, against the honour of the princess, by which means her enemies hoped to accomplish their most ardent desires. Queen Charlotte's conscience was not of a penetrable nature as her bitter enmity to the Princess of Wales continued even to her death!

With her majesty, it had ever been an invariable maxim, that "might constitutes right;" but the reflections of her mind, while surveying the probability of a speedy dissolution, must have been of a [303]complexion too dreary to be faithfully pictured. She,—who had been the arbitress of the fates of nations, whose commands none dared dispute or disobey, and at whose frown numberless sycophants and dependents trembled,—was now about to face the dread enemy of mankind! The proud heart of Queen Charlotte must have been humbled at the thought of meeting HER Judge, who is said to be "no distinguisher of persons."

During her indisposition, the queen seemed much impressed with the idea that she should recover, and it was not till the 2nd of November that the physicians deemed it requisite to acquaint the queen of her danger. The intelligence was given in the most delicate manner possible; yet her majesty exhibited considerable alarm at the information. It was pressingly hinted by the princesses to their mother, that the sacrament ought to be administered; but the queen positively refused the "holy rite," saying, "It is of no use, as I am unable to take it." One of the princesses immediately said, "You do not mean to say that you murdered the Princess Charlotte?" "No," faintly answered the queen, "but I connived at it!" We pledge ourselves to the truth of this statement, however incredible it may appear to those who have considered Queen Charlotte as "a pattern to her sex." When the general servility of the press to royalty is taken into consideration, it is hardly to be wondered at that people are misinformed as to the real characters of kings and queens. Take the following false and [304]most inconsistent eulogium, copied from the "Atlas" newspaper, as an example of this time-serving violation of truth:

"Queen Charlotte's constant attendance on the king, and her GRIEF FOR THE LOSS OF HER GRAND-DAUGHTER, gained ground on her constitution; and her majesty expired at Kew, on the 17th of November, 1818. In all the relations of a wife and mother, the conduct of the queen had been EXEMPLARY. Pious, without bigotry; virtuous, but not austere; serious, yet capable of the most perfect enjoyment of innocent pleasure; unostentatious, economical, adorned with all domestic virtues, and not without the charities of human nature, the queen had lived respected, and she died full of years and honour, regretted by her subjects, and most by those who knew her best. If her talents were not shining, nor her virtues extraordinary, she never employed the first in faction, nor bartered the second for power. She was occasionally accused of political interference, by contemporary jealousy; but history will acquit her of the charge. She was a strict moralist, though her conduct to one part of her family (the heroic Caroline, we suppose) was perhaps more RIGOROUS than JUST. Her proudest drawing-room was the hearth of her home. Her brightest gems were her children, (heaven save the mark!) and her greatest ambition to set an example of MATRONLY VIRTUE and feminine dignity to the ladies of her adopted country!"

We should absolutely blush for the writer of this paragraph, did we think that he really meant his panegyric to be taken literally. For the sake of common honesty, however, we will not suppose he so intended it; he must be some severe critic who adopted this style as the keenest kind of wit, for

The august remains of this royal lady were, on the 2nd of December, deposited in the vault prepared for their reception, with all the parade [305]usual on such expensive occasions. We will not detain our readers by describing the funeral pomp, though we cannot avoid noticing that the body was not opened, but immediately enclosed in prepared wrappers, and very speedily deposited in the first coffin, which was a leaden one. Indeed, her majesty was not in a fit state to undergo the usual formalities of embalming, &c. Her body was literally a moving mass of corruption.

Let us now sum up the mortal train of evils which were so generously nourished "by the departed," for virtues she had none. The power of royalty may intimidate the irresolute, astonish the uninformed, or bribe the villain; but, as we do not claim affinity with either of these characters, we honestly avow, that her majesty did not deserve the title "of blessed memory." At the commencement of her alliance with the much-to-be-pitied George the Third, she took every advantage of his weakness, and actually directed the helm of government alone, which untoward circumstance England has abundant cause to remember!

The next brother to the king, (Edward) whom we have before mentioned, was most unexpectedly and unaccountably sent abroad, notwithstanding his being next in succession. His royal highness' marriage with a descendant of the Stuarts, though strictly legal, was never acknowledged by Queen Charlotte, and his only child, soon after its birth, was thrown upon the compassionate attention of strangers. As there is something so horrible relative to the death [306]of this amiable duke and duchess, and something so heartless and cruel in the treatment to which their only son has been subjected, we are induced, for the sake of truth and justice, to lay a brief statement of the matter before our readers.

Historians have either been treacherous or ignorant of the circumstances connected with the case of this Duke of York, who was the second son of Frederick, Prince of Wales, and next brother of George the Third. Most writers have represented "that he died in consequence of a malignant fever," as we have before mentioned; but one historian ventured to assert that "Edward, Duke of York, was ASSASSINATED in September, 1767, near Monaco, in Italy!" This statement, we are sorry to say, is but too true, which caused the book containing it to be bought up at an immense expense. The unhappy widow of his royal highness was then far advanced in pregnancy, and very shortly after this melancholy, and (to her) irreparable loss, she came over to England, and took up her residence at Haverford West, in South Wales. At this place, her royal highness gave birth to a son, whose baptism was duly entered in the register of St. Thomas' parish. What afterwards became of this illustrious lady, however, is not known; but her infant was, shortly after its birth, conveyed to London, and placed, by George the Third, under the immediate care and protection of a tradesman and his wife, by whom he was represented to be their own son. This tradesman, [307]although only twenty-seven years of age, enjoyed the particular confidence of his majesty, and has been known to walk with the king by the hour, in the gardens adjoining Buckingham House, conversing with all the familiarity of an old acquaintance or an especial friend, and who at all times could command an interview with his majesty, or with the ministers. When about twelve years old, this ill-fated offspring of the duke was placed at Eton, upon which occasion his majesty took especial notice of the youth, and was in the habit of conversing very freely with him. He had not been long at Eton when his majesty allowed him to go with his reputed father to see the hounds throw off at Taplow Heath; a chaise was ordered for this purpose, and they arrived just before the deer were let out. Upon their alighting, the king rode up to them, and expressed his very great satisfaction at the appearance of the youth; and, after asking many questions relative to the arrangements made for him at school, said, "Well, my little fellow, do you be a good boy, and you shall never want friends. Good bye, good bye; the deer will soon be out!" His majesty then rode back to his attendants. Whenever George the Third passed through Eton, it was his invariable practice either to speak to, or inquire after, this youth, in whose welfare he ever appeared deeply interested. From Eton, he was removed to college; and after this period, vexations of an unpleasant nature were experienced by this orphan: his income was too limited, and unkindness and illiberality were too [308]frequently his portion; even during severe indisposition, he was permitted to languish without being supplied with sufficient means to procure the needful restoratives. His life now became little else than one continued scene of unhappiness; his associates at the university were well acquainted with these facts, and appeared deeply interested in his welfare, regretting that the mind and talent of such an amiable and promising youth should be enervated by the severity or inattention of his connexions. But as he had been severely rebuked for making a complaint, and offering a remonstrance, he resolved to suffer in "silent sorrow," much to the injury of his mental enjoyments. During a vacation, and previous to his removal from college, a dispute arose amongst the members of his reputed father's family upon the subject of religion. The debate at length assumed a formidable appearance, and bigotry plainly supplied the place of sound reasoning. The family separated in the evening, each displeased with the other, and all, except one individual, at issue with the royal protégé. Early in the ensuing morning, this dissentient member of the family requested the favour of an interview with the illustrious youth, and remarked, that the occurrence was not a matter of surprise, as the very peculiar circumstances connected with the reputed father of the young gentleman were of a most serious description. "To what do you allude?" said the youth. "You ought to know," answered this honourable friend, "that you have no right to submit to insult here. You are the highest [309]person in this house, and are, by your rank, entitled to the greatest respect from every one. Your pretended father forgets his duty and his engagements, when he permits you to be treated with disrespect; and if his majesty knew these circumstances, your abode would soon be changed; and your profession would be abandoned. The king never would allow an indignity to be offered to you in any way, much less by the person into whose care he has so confidingly entrusted you." "What!" said the young prince, "am I not the son of Mr. ******? but, if I am, why should his majesty take so much interest in my case?" "No," answered his informant, "you are not the son of Mr. ******. But ask no more; my life might probably pay for my explanation!" From this period, the subject of our memoir was treated with the greatest unkindness and personal indignity by almost every member of his reputed father's family. Indeed, the imperious behaviour of the elder branches was such as could not be passed over in silence; in consequence of which, the high-spirited and noble victim was sent back to college for the remainder of the vacation, with little more in his purse than would defray the expenses of the journey; but the command was peremptory! After remaining some time in utter destitution, the royal protégé wrote to request an early supply of cash, naming for what purposes. This appeal was considered as the effect of extravagance and profligacy, and, instead of being properly complied with, was answered with acrimony, every thing the reverse of [310]parental feeling. Under these heart-rending circumstances, did this ill-fated son of Prince Edward labour for nearly four years at the university,—not daring to make any further appeals to the austere, impatient, and arbitrary person, to whose care the king had so fully, though secretly, entrusted him. At length, however, a severe illness was the consequence; and censure, in no very measured terms, was heaped upon the unfeeling character who had so cruelly immolated a promising and worthy young gentleman, and who, he well knew, was of the most illustrious descent. Those who were acquainted with the particulars of the case were most incensed against such heartless conduct. Mr. ****** had undertaken the important charge of seeing this protégé able to realize the ardent wish of his majesty, either as a legal or clerical character, and thereby, in some degree, provided for. But, while his majesty's nephew was refused means to live respectably, and excluded from all youthful amusements, the real sons of his reputed father were allowed all the pleasures and enjoyments of life. At his final removal from college, this ill-treated prince represented to his unfeeling guardian that he should take greater pleasure in pursuing legal to clerical engagements; but his wishes in this, as in most other matters, were totally disregarded, and the church was destined, by arbitrary will, to be his profession. He, therefore, at the proper age, was compelled to take orders, and enter upon a profession he had not chosen. As the home of his reputed father was scarcely to be [311]endured, a curacy was eagerly accepted, and the son of the Duke of York, the nephew of George the Third, was transformed into "a clergyman of the church of England!!!" Here he toiled in an obscure village, scarcely receiving sufficient means to discharge the small demands required for his maintenance!

Shortly after this, the principal of the living died insolvent, and the little remuneration due to the curate could not be obtained. In this distressing state of affairs, the persecuted prince could obtain no settlement from his guardian; yet from comparative nothingness, this man was raised to affluence, and was then living in much style, keeping his carriage and horses, inhabiting a mansion of very superior description, and the whole of his family enjoying every superfluity of life. He, however, on whose sole account this sumptuous appearance was bestowed, was "eating the bread of Carefulness, and reposing upon the couch of Sorrow!" We need not enter more fully into the case of this unfortunate, but worthy, descendant of Prince Edward, than say, that, from the commencement of his studies to a very recent period, he has been the victim of Power! His sufferings and his sorrows have been too great for language to describe; and, but for the blessings of a fine constitution, he must have fallen under them. But, if he be called upon in a suitable manner, we doubt not that he has yet preserved to him sufficient of his natural courage, though in his [312]65th year, to make "False Accusation blush, and Tyranny tremble at Patience!"

We claim the attention of our readers while we offer PROOF that our assertions are founded upon the glorious principle of TRUTH. We have ourselves, to elucidate this matter, examined all the registers of the various parishes in Carnarvonshire and Carmarthenshire, and found every register complete from 1760, until we came to that of St. Thomas, Haverford West, at which place we could not find a single register before the year 1776. To substantiate this fact, we subjoin the following certificate of the parish clerk:

"Haverford West,

"Parish of St. Thomas.

"There are no registers in the possession of the present rector of the above parish, prior to the year 1776.

(Signed) "Joseph Lloyd Morgan,

"Parish Clerk."

"13th Sept., 1831."

Here, then, is a BLANK for which no apology can be received,—no obsequious profession of sorrow or regret can compensate. We presume to declare that if the parish registers throughout the whole of the United Kingdoms be investigated, a similar defect will not be found. We are, therefore, justified in supposing that this defect arose solely and entirely from concerted measures, to keep the subject of our [313]memoir from ever having it in his power to bring legal proof of his noble descent.

The time will probably arrive when we may be permitted to enter more fully into this atrocious business, and then we shall not spare the "Oppressors of Innocence," for truth is bold, and not always to be defied! It would have been better for such oppressors to have never seen the light than to have gained their wicked purposes by such an unmanly sacrifice of the rights of nature. Every individual ought to feel interested in the full and fair explanation of this chicanery; for if such misdeeds are suffered to remain unpunished, a safeguard is offered to future tyrants! Startling facts like these speak volumes, and any honest and upright member of the community will not need more than their simple avowal to rouse his indignation. Such encroachments on the rights of individuals call aloud for retributive justice, and we trust the call will not long be made in vain. Surely there is yet sufficient virtue left amongst us to prevent this once great nation from being sacrificed to the fluctuating interests or wayward prejudices of ministers, or even of a monarch! It is high time to shake off all lethargy! This, as well as many other subjects, which we have exposed,—deserve,—nay, DEMAND,—parliamentary investigation. Hitherto, some dreadful infatuation seems to have presided over the councils of this country. Insatiable ambition has caused all the horrors imposed upon the United Kingdoms, and has plunged a professedly free and great people [314]into debt and disgrace. Indolence now, therefore, is only comparable with the conduct of a prodigal, who has wasted his estate without reflection, and then has not the courage to examine his accounts; far be this from Britons!

From this digression, we return to the consideration of Queen Charlotte's character. The open and virtuous conduct of the Earl of Chatham, and his rebuffs from the queen in consequence thereof affords another proof of the domination which her majesty endeavoured to exercise over all advisers of the crown. The imbecility of the king, owing to circumstances formerly noticed by us, as well as the horrors of a ruinous war, must also be ascribed to the dictatorial conduct of Queen Charlotte. The unjustifiable hatred her majesty imbibed against the Princess of Wales, and the consequent unfeeling demeanour she exhibited to that victim, would of itself be sufficient to refute the praises of her minions, and stamp her name with everlasting infamy. But many other convincing proofs are upon record. Her majesty well knew that the country was bending under an enormous load of debt, which encumbered its inhabitants; she knew of their sufferings and complaints; but the appealing voices of reason and supplication were never deemed worthy of her attention. What traits of "matronly" goodness or natural affection did she exhibit for the Princess Charlotte, when advancing to the hour of her peril? And what proofs have we of "her grief for the loss [315]of her grand-daughter" so satirically ascribed, by the writer quoted a few pages back, to be one of the causes of her majesty's last illness? Alas! her majesty's abject, though horrible, confession on her death-bed, relative to this unfortunate princess, too fatally corroborated the infamy of her general conduct! We need not proceed farther with her majesty's character; this, this unnatural act is enough to chill the blood in the veins of every human being!

At this time, very little was said of the afflicted king; indeed the bulletins assumed such a sameness of expression, that the country thought there was not satisfactory evidence to prove the sovereign was really alive. His majesty's disorder did not require that close and solitary confinement so arbitrarily imposed upon him. If he had been a private gentleman, associated with an affectionate wife and dutiful children, would he not have frequently been persuaded to take an airing in an open carriage? But how infinitely superior were the facilities attendant upon the situation of the king than could possibly be possessed by any private gentleman! His majesty had long been languishing, and was, at the commencement of

1819,

insensible to all around him. Death was evidently making rapid strides, and yet the bulletins continued of the same general expression.

At this time, we had the honour of being personally [316]acquainted with one of the king's sons, whose integrity has ever been considered unimpeachable, both in his public and private character. The information we received relative to the KING'S DEATH came directly from his royal highness.

It will be remembered, that much doubt prevailed upon the reality of the king's existence, and numerous bets were entered into upon the subject by persons in the higher circles. Notwithstanding this, on the 25th of January, the Earl of Liverpool introduced a motion to the House of Lords for the purpose of nominating the Duke of York to the office of "guardian to the king," as, in consequence of the demise of her majesty, that trust had become vacant. Much altercation ensued. The duke's former delinquencies had not been forgotten, and the country was tired with the subjection they then endured from the IMPOSING privileges of royalty. But, in despite of all opposition and remonstrance, the care of the king's person was committed to the Duke of York, for which his royal highness had the unblushing effrontery to receive TEN THOUSAND POUNDS A YEAR FOR VISITING HIS DYING FATHER TWICE A WEEK!!! What an unprecedented example of avarice and undutifulness was here manifested by a son to his parent, who would have travelled the same distance any time to have gratified his passions! Oh, Shame! where is thy blush? Oh, Infamy, art thou not now detected? A few weeks after this motion had received the approbation of the agents of corruption, the long-afflicted and disappointed [317]George the Third DIED! but the event was carefully concealed from the public. Prayers were still read in churches for his recovery, though the bishops knew they were mocking heaven, by praying for the life of one who was already dead! Ye sticklers for upholding the present impious system of church government, what say ye to this? Could Infamy and Blasphemy go any farther? And yet those at the head of this system are still allowed to insult the country by proposing general fasts to people already starving, as well as impiously accusing the Almighty with spreading distress and pestilence over the land which they themselves have laid waste by their rapacity and worldly-mindedness! While the clergy were praying for the life of the deceased king to be preserved, the apartments formerly in the occupation of his majesty were kept in the same state as when the monarch was alive, and the royal body, after being embalmed, was placed in a leaden coffin of needful substance. Our royal informant went on to state, that these impositions were practised upon the public to give time for selecting proper persons to be despatched to Milan, or elsewhere, to gain intelligence what the Princess of Wales intended upon the demise of the king, as, in that event occurring, her royal highness would become queen consort.

Notwithstanding all this cunning and trickery, her royal highness was informed of the death of her father-in-law many months before it became publicly known. A junior branch of the royal family wrote [318]to her, "The king is now dead, but this event will not be made known to the nation till certain arrangements are made, on behalf of the prince regent, to degrade you; and either keep you abroad for the remainder of your life, void of your title as Queen of England, and with other restrictions, or to obtain witnesses, and, giving you the form of a trial, insult and destroy you!" Her royal highness, however, was precluded from acting upon this information by her correspondent, who enjoined her to the strictest secrecy till the event should be made known to her by the ministers of the crown.

In the mean time, every opportunity to suppress unpleasant inquiries or investigations upon subjects connected with royalty and the time-serving ministry were carefully embraced. That unparalleled junto, Liverpool, Castlereagh, Sidmouth, and others of the same profession, not forgetting our dear venerable Lord Eldon and the pious bishops, were well aware of George the Third's death, at the time it happened. They had, indeed, been expecting it for some time; yet these were the persons who assisted to deceive the public mind, and prevent the straightforward acknowledgment of TRUTH! The evidence we have adduced of this fact is so palpable and strong, that he who can resist its force must be strangely void of perception, or else have made a previous resolve not to suffer himself to be the subject of conviction.

In the early part of May, several persons were introduced at court, and received the royal smile, on [319]being appointed to investigate the private conduct of the Princess of Wales. Their purses were also amply supplied by the royal command, and if further sums were found needful, they received letters of credit upon the principal banking houses named in the route they had to take. If any person in the common ranks of life gives away that which is not his to give, he renders himself liable to transportation; but it is said, a "king can do no wrong!" The most disreputable of society were solicited to give information against the Princess of Wales, either with regard to any public or private intelligence they might have received; the most liberal offers were also made to remunerate the persons so inquired of. After an immense expense, information, though of a doubtful character, against the princess was obtained, ONLY BY PURCHASE; and various were the despatches sent over to this country, and answered by the ministerial plotters, who exerted all their energies to bring the business to a consummation.

During such disreputable transactions, the princess knew the real cause of all the attempts to insult and degrade her character; and she, therefore, without delay, advised with her legal friends what steps were most proper to take. Alas! the princess was doomed only to receive fresh insults; delay followed delay; excuses of the most palliative description were used, instead of sound advice and positive opinion, and it appeared as if every hand were raised against her! Indeed, the perplexed and mortifying situation of the princess was attended with such [320]dangerous consequences, that, had she not been a most courageous woman, and supported by her innocence, she must have sank under her fears. Driven into exile, abandoned by the ministry, deserted by her friends, through the bribery of her enemies, attacked by her nearest relations, the only resource she had left was in committing her person, her sceptre, her crown, and her honour, to the care of the representatives of the British people. For our own parts, we cannot forget that when she was accused before parliament on a former occasion, the whole nation was melted into tears, or inflamed with rage; and, except those princes and their minions, who should have felt for her the most, there was found but one heart, one will, and one voice, on the subject throughout the kingdoms! Nor can it have escaped the observation of our countrymen, that all those persons, originally employed in bringing to trial this illustrious and virtuous woman, have been munificently rewarded; while those who advocated her cause, and stood between her and the axe uplifted for her destruction, have experienced nothing but the blackest calumny and detraction.

Lord Moira, the author of the first investigation, was made Marquis of Hastings, and Governor-General of India. This individual, however, desired his right hand might be amputated immediately after his decease, as an expiatory judgment against himself, in having signed dishonourable deeds to injure the happiness of the princess. Conant, the poor Marlborough-street magistrate, who procured the attested [321]evidence for impeachment, was created Sir Nathaniel, with an increase of a thousand pounds a year, as chief of all the police offices. The Douglases were all either elevated to wealth, office, or rank. The Jerseys stood in the sunshine of the court; and the Rev. Mr. Bates, then editor of the "Herald," and her bitterest enemy, was created a baronet, and promoted high in the church! Such was the fortune of her accusers; but how different was that of her supporters!

In June, the Chancellor of the Exchequer submitted his plan of finance. It proved that the revenue was reduced eighteen millions, to meet which, extra loans were proposed to be raised and new taxes enforced. In doing this, the Speaker of the House of Commons, in the address to the regent, said, "In adopting this course, his majesty's faithful Commons do not conceal from themselves that they are calling upon the nation for a great exertion; but, well knowing that honour, character, and independence have at all times been the first and dearest objects of the hearts of Englishmen, we feel assured that there is no difficulty that the country would not encounter, and no pressure to which it would not cheerfully submit, to enable us to maintain pure and unimpaired that which has never yet been shaken or sullied,—our public credit, and our national good faith." Now let us ask the reason why an extra immense burden of taxation was to be levied upon the people. The queen was acknowledged to be dead, and certainly could not be chargeable to the [322]nation by her personal expenditure or allowance. The king was also dead, though his income was received as usual! as well as the Duke of York's ten thousand pounds for attending him!!! Royal and ministerial extravagance likewise caused the useless outlay of twenty thousand, five hundred pounds, for SNUFF-BOXES, besides twelve hundred guineas as presents to three German barons. The gift of an axe or a halter would have better accorded with the financial state of the empire!

The prince regent closed the session in person on the 13th of July; and, at the conclusion of his speech, adverted to the seditious spirit (what sensible man could feel surprised at it?) which was evident in the manufacturing districts, and avowed a firm determination to employ the powers provided by law for its suppression, instead of promising the people redress of grievances!

In Glasgow, Leeds, Manchester, and Stockport, the meetings of the inhabitants now became very numerous, while all means were taken by the local authorities to provoke general confusion.

On the 16th of August, the MEMORABLE MEETING at Manchester took place, for the purpose of petitioning for a reform in the representation. The assembly consisted of from sixty to one hundred thousand persons, who conducted themselves in the most peaceable manner. The assembled multitude, however, were suddenly surprised by the arrival of the Manchester yeomanry cavalry; to which were afterwards added a regiment of the Cheshire yeomanry, [323]and a regiment of huzzars,—the outlets being occupied by other military detachments. The unarmed thousands were now driven one upon another, and many were killed and wounded, while others were ridden over by the horses. The number ascertained to have been killed were eight men, two women, and one child; but the wounded were about six hundred! How well the words of a celebrated author apply to this diabolical proceeding: "A kingdom for a stage, princes to act, and to behold the grand effect; but at their heels, leashed in like hounds, may not sword, famine, fire, crouch for employment?" Numerous imprisonments followed, and many poor families were consequently deprived of support.

Historians are at issue whether or not the riot act was read before the scene of carnage commenced, as it is unconstitutional to send a military force to act before so doing. We, however, confidently assert IT WAS NOT READ in the hearing of any of the populace, neither was it at all likely that the soldiers could have come so suddenly and unexpectedly upon the multitudes, unless by previous order and arrangement. Further than this, an hour ought to have transpired after such reading before a soldier or civil officer could be authorised to interfere in dispersing the meeting. As a proof of the corresponding features of this unexampled and murderous business, a letter was written by the pious Lord Sidmouth, in the name of the regent, to the Earl of Derby, presenting thanks for the vigorous and able conduct of the magistracy and military of Manchester on the [324]16th. Thus were the lives and liberties of the open-hearted population of these kingdoms allowed to be at the controul of an impotent and heartless statesman; for it appeared that the regent was not at hand to have given his assent to this unparalleled piece of barefaced audacity. Lord Sidmouth should have been more careful of dates, as the "royal dandy" was at that time taking a little pleasure near the Isle of Wight. But the following particulars will explain the systematic plan of this cold-blooded massacre:

Mr. H. N. Bell, before this period, was confidentially employed at the office of the secretary of state, in the capacity of genealogist, under the immediate controul of Lord Sidmouth. Some considerable period before the melancholy butchery, he was engaged to proceed to Manchester, in company with two other persons, for the avowed purpose of inflaming the public mind against the ministry. He went, and the result was as his patron and employer, Lord Sidmouth, desired it. Mr. Bell and his associates expressed to the people of Manchester, that they need not remain in their then starving condition, if, in an orderly and peaceable manner, they were to assemble on some convenient spot, and unanimously resolve to petition for a reform, so much needed, in the representation. These tools of the secretary of state told the famishing multitudes, that if they pleased to enjoy happiness and plenty, together with civil liberty, they had now an opportunity of accomplishing their most earnest wishes. Under their influence, clubs and unions were soon formed, [325]and public notices were ultimately given, that a general meeting would take place on the 16th of August.

These preliminary arrangements being completed, the soldiery had instructions to be ready. The result was as before stated; and Mr. Bell and his accomplices returned to London as soon as their object was attained. The Duke of York acted a prominent part in this plot, from his military facilities; but the besotted prince was persuaded to get out of the way until the affair should be concluded.

Mr. Bell proved very useful in the office of the secretary, and as he had once forfeited his own good opinion, by lending himself to the diabolical plot just mentioned, he made no further scruple, but became a passive engine, directed in his actions by the command of ministers and state empirics. Lord Sidmouth was dissatisfied with the Manchester business; he had hoped that many more might have been brought to suffer the extreme penalty of the law, thereby affording an awful example to deter others from daring to question the excellency of the government under which they lived, and the generous disposition of the governors. We are aware that some people attributed this affair to the magistracy; but they would not have dared to interfere in such a manner as they did, unless sanctioned and supported by the higher powers. The cause of a selfish, cruel, and despotic ministry, required the assistance of corresponding heartless servants, and they obtained it. Lord Castlereagh, however, threw out many insinuations [326]that the Manchester plot was a very bold and desperate undertaking; but the pious doctor "laid the flattering unction to his soul of its expediency," believing some such infamous procedure needful to rivet the iron sceptre of despotism. How well does the repentant language of a certain wicked king apply here!

This has proved but too true, as well in the Manchester affair as in many other diabolical state proceedings. The little value, indeed, which the ministers of this period entertained for human life ought never to be pardoned. Property, if seized or lost, may be restored; or if not, man may enjoy a thousand delightful pleasures of existence without riches. The sun shines as warmly on the poor as on the rich; the gale of health breathes its balsam into the cottage casement on the heath no less sweetly and salubriously than in the portals of the palace. But can the lords of this world, who think so little of the lives of their inferiors in wealth, with all their boasted power, relume the light of the eye once dimmed by the shades of death? "Accursed despots!" as a talented author well observes, "shew the world your [327]authority for taking away that which ye never gave, and cannot give; for undoing the work of God, and extinguishing the lamp of life which was illuminated with a ray from heaven! Where is your CHARTER TO PRIVILEGE MURDER?" All the gold of Ophir, all the gems of Golconda, cannot buy a single life, nor pay for its loss,—it is above all price. Yet when we take a view of the proceedings of Lord Sidmouth's junto, we are led to believe any thing of more value than human life. Crimes which had very little moral evil, if any, and which, therefore, could not incur the vengeance of a just and merciful God, were unceremoniously punished with death by this minister. Men, for instance, were liable to be shot for meeting peaceably together and making speeches, though proceeding from the purest and most virtuous principles, from the most enlarged benevolence, from wisdom and unaffected patriotism; or for such speeches as might proceed from mere warmth of temper, neither intending nor accomplishing any mischief. Was not such the case in that horrible affair which we have just related? But despots are ever frightened at their own shadows; they tremble and become offended at the least alarm, and nothing but the blood of the accused can expiate the offence. It is, however, from such savage acts of barbarity that the Goddess of Liberty is aroused; it is from the tyranny of her jailors that she eventually makes a progress irresistible, and carries with her fires destined to consume the throne of every despot that cannot bear the light! Various motions have been made [328]since that accursed day to bring the surviving actors in the Manchester tragedy to condign punishment. Amongst the foremost in this laudable endeavour stands Mr. Hunt; but his efforts have hitherto proved unavailing. Although we disapprove of the general conduct of the member for Preston, the meed of praise ought not to be withheld from him for the admirable speech he delivered, relative to this subject, in March, 1832, as follows:

"Mr. Hunt said the grossest misrepresentations had been made in parliament respecting that occurrence; and he felt that it was a matter deeply to be regretted, that there was not in the House of Commons, at the time, some person who had witnessed the transaction, and who could put the House in possession of the real facts. There was a hope, however, that the present government would grant an inquiry for which he was about to apply, in conformity with the prayer of the petitions which he had just presented, and with the desire of his constituents. He proceeded to detail the circumstances under which the meeting of the Manchester reformers, at which he presided, took place. He described the horrible scene which ensued upon the dispersion of the meeting by an unprovoked and unresisted charge of the yeomanry cavalry. The House would have some notion of the violence and cruelty of the military from this fact, that when a number of men, women, and children had crowded into a small court, from which there was no thoroughfare, one of the yeomanry drove them out, whilst another struck at each of them with his sabre, as they came out. The number of persons killed on that day amounted to fifteen, while the maimed and wounded were no fewer than four hundred and twenty-four. It was true that it might be said that some of these did not suffer from the sabres of the yeomanry, but a very large proportion, he would take on himself to say, were wounded in that manner; and, at all events, it was quite certain, that no accident whatever would have occurred but for the outrageous attack that had been made on the peaceable multitude. Nor was it men alone that suffered. Women were cut down also. And were these men to be called soldiers? Was this their way of showing their high courage and their honour by cutting down [329]inoffensive females? He would ask any man of humanity in that House, whether such disgraceful acts ought to be passed by unnoticed and unpunished, merely because it could be said that twelve years had elapsed since the transaction had taken place? But another excuse that perhaps might be made was, that the meeting was an illegal one. In answer to that, however, he would take on himself to say, that in his opinion, and in the opinion of those who constituted the meeting, they were as legally, aye, and as meritoriously assembled, as that House was assembled; and for as useful a purpose. No one was insulted—no tumult took place—no symptoms of riot were evinced; and yet was it for a moment to be said, that in such a country as this, where there was a continual boast of the omnipotence of justice, such things were to be passed over without notice and without censure? He could assure the House, that if this inquiry was not granted, there would be thousands of hearts rankling dissatisfied and discontented, and which could never be set at ease till justice was awarded. The petitioners, in whose name he was speaking, recollected that Earl Grey, and many of his colleagues, expressed, at the time of this outrage, a desire for an investigation into the matter. And how was that inquiry then resisted? First, by the production of official documents, emanating from the guilty party themselves; and next, by allusion to the trial at York; and the cry that the courts of justice were open to those who had any complaint to make. But the courts of justice were not open; for the relations of those that were killed had gone to those courts of justice, and even there all retribution had been denied them in the most cruel and indifferent manner! Nor was this all. All sorts of calumnious statements were allowed to be made in the House of Commons as to the conduct of the mob, by paid spies of the government. The general presumption was, that it was the intention of the Manchester meeting, had it not been interrupted, to pass resolutions similar to those passed at Smithfield, declaratory that without a reform in parliament, taxes ought not to be paid; and he believed that that presumption was the main reason why he had been found guilty. But now, what an alteration had taken place! It was only the other day that 150,000 persons had met at Birmingham, and actually made a declaration to the same effect; and yet they were not cut down—the yeomanry had not been called out to act against them. This motion for a select committee had, in a manner, become absolutely necessary; for when he had moved for the correspondence that had taken place between Lord Sidmouth (then the secretary of state) and the lord lieutenant of the county, that correspondence had been [330]refused; and, therefore, he had no other course to pursue than to ask for a committee for general inquiry into the whole question. Some part of Lord Sidmouth's correspondence, however, was before the public; for he had in his hand that letter of his lordship's in which he, in the name of the prince regent, thanked the magistracy for the way in which they had acted—yes, actually thanked them for having directed the execution of these COLD-BLOODED MURDERS,—by which name he must call those deeds, and by which name they were ever designated in that part of the country where they had been committed. The consequence of this letter was, that the parties, so far from shrinking abashed as they ought, actually gloried in the share they had taken in the transaction; and, in particular, he might mention that an Irishman of the name of Meagher, who was the trumpeter on that occasion, had boasted, when he returned to Ireland, that he had in one day spilled more Saxon blood than had ever been spilled by any one of his countrymen before! The real truth of the matter was, in spite of the false colouring that interested parties had endeavoured to put on it, that the meeting at Manchester was neither more nor less than a reform meeting, that every thing was going on peaceably, that not even so much as a pane of glass was broken, and though the government took the trouble to send Messrs. Oliver and Castles among the people to corrupt them, they were not able to succeed in their virtuous endeavours. As to his own personal feeling on the subject, he was quite willing to remember that twelve years had elapsed, and in that recollection to drown the memory of all he had himself suffered in consequence of the transactions of that day. It was enough for him, when he recollected the object of that meeting, to see the noble lord introduce such a measure of reform as he had never expected to see any government in this country introduce; and which, though it did not go the length that he could have desired, fully admitted the allegation, that the present House of Commons was not chosen by the people,—the allegation on which he had all along built his own proposition of reform. This, he repeated, was quite enough to wipe away any personal resentment that he might ever have felt. But if not—if he still were vindictive—what revenge might he not find in the events that had since taken place! Who was the prime minister of that day? The Earl of Liverpool! And where was the Earl of Liverpool? Who were the principal officers of state of that day? Lord Sidmouth, Mr. Canning, and Lord Castlereagh! Of these, Lord Sidmouth alone remained; and where was Mr. Canning? Where Lord Castlereagh, and how did he go out of the world? A remarkable [331]fact it was, that two years afterwards, on the very anniversary of that fatal 16th of August, while he was lying in prison, the very first letter that he opened detailed to him the end of that minister. Who was the reigning prince of that day?—George the Fourth—where was he? They had all gone to answer for their deeds at a tribunal where no jury could be packed, where no evidence could be stifled, and where unerring justice would be meted out to them! To carry this further, if it needed it, he might mention that two of those very yeomanry committed suicide on the very anniversary of the 16th of August, and many were now to be seen walking about the streets of Manchester, objects of a horrid pity. He would not say that all this was a just judgment on these participators in the murders of Manchester: but one might almost fancy, that though a House of Commons could not be found to deal out impartial justice, there was still a wise Providence over all, which, by its interference, had taken care not to let the guilty escape; and, as a climax to the whole, he hoped to live to see the day when the noble lord who yet lived should be brought to the bar of justice for having sent Castles, and Edwards, and Oliver, as spies, for the purpose of instigating the peaceful people to revolt. Nor was this all. Other retribution had taken place; the government of that day and its friends had not only countenanced this destruction of the people for the sake of shewing their enmity to reform, but had actually undertaken a continental war with the same objects in view; and yet now those very persons saw a reform taking place in spite of themselves, and had even been condemned unsuccessfully to battle its progress night after night in that House. He would say this too, that if this committee of inquiry should be refused, and if he should live a few years longer, he did not doubt that he should see the day arrive when a much heavier retaliation, in another way, would take place. He himself desired no such thing; but was it in the character of human nature that persons who had been so deeply injured should sit down quiet and satisfied, when every thing in the shape of redress was denied them? But he trusted that the government would not refuse this motion for inquiry; should, however, such a refusal be given, he should feel it to be his duty to bring the question again and again before the country, as often as the forms of the House would allow. In making his proposition to the House, he had not provided himself with a seconder; but, after what had taken place, he would call on the noble Chancellor of the Exchequer to second the motion. The noble lord had, twelve years ago, pretty freely expressed his opinion as to the transaction; and, he presumed, that that opinion had not been [332]altered by the lapse of time. The laws of England and of every country had always been unanimous in expressing their abhorrence of the crime of murder; and it was because he charged those parties with being guilty of a deliberate and cold-blooded murder that he demanded an inquiry, in the name of justice and retribution."