ILLUSTRATIVE NOTES.

When the news of this astounding piece of bad faith was communicated to Louis Philippe, at the first blush he was inclined to repudiate it; but Guizot persuaded him to delay a while. And now Lord Palmerston had returned to office and suggested a Prince of Saxe-Coburg as a consort for the Spanish Queen—in which suggestion Guizot immediately detected a chance to indict England for disloyalty to the House of Bourbon. It may be said that this objection was puerile. But what happened was that on October 10, 1846, the poor Queen and her sister were simultaneously married at Madrid, as per programme of Maria Cristina and the French Ambassador.

Of this performance Fyffe says (p. 506): “Few intrigues have been more disgraceful than that of the Spanish marriages; none more futile. The course of history mocked its ulterior purposes; its immediate results were wholly to the injury of the House of Orleans. The cordial understanding between France and Great Britain, which had been revived after the differences of 1840, was now finally shattered. Louis Philippe stood convicted before his people of sacrificing a valuable alliance to dynastic ends; his Minister, the austere and sanctimonious Guizot, had to defend himself against charges which would have covered with shame the most hardened man of the world.”

All of which goes to affirm the familiar lesson taught by history that, in the long run, intrigue does not pay. As to the charge met in this speech that Great Britain led to the downfall of Louis Philippe, Lord Palmerston’s answer is easily adequate.

This fair proposal came to naught, largely through the delays necessary for coming to an understanding with France, and the reluctance of Switzerland to take advice, however good. She was left to settle her own troubles.

These things being so, the speaker concludes: “I am justified in denying that the policy which we pursued in Italy was that of exciting revolutions, and then abandoning the victims we had deluded. On the contrary, I maintain that we gave advice calculated to prevent revolutions, by reconciling opposite parties and conflicting views. Ours was a policy of improvement and peace; and therefore the Government deserves not condemnation, but praise.”

The direct reference made to Turkish questions in this speech, delivered as events were gathering for the Crimean War, is to the incident of the Hungarian refugees. Following the insurrection in Hungary headed by Kossuth and others, the leaders had fled (1849) to Turkey. Kossuth himself was among these refugees; and his children were taken care of at the British embassy. Austria and Russia directly demanded of the Porte that it should give the refugees up. Strange to say, the Sultan, in a new rôle for an Ottoman Emperor, refused. The public opinion of Western Europe rallied to a position of the Porte so sympathetic, and, as recounted in the text, fleets, English and French, were ordered to the Dardanelles. With these Powers behind the Sultan, there was only one thing for the two Emperors to do: they withdrew their demand. Thus closed another incident in that problem of problems, the Eastern Question.

“1. Motion for leave to bring in the Bill. Order to bring it in.

“2. Motion to have Bill read a first time. Order that it be read a first time.

“3. Motion to have Bill read a second time. Order that it be read a second time.

“4. Motion to have the Bill committed. Order that it be committed.

“5. Committee on details of Bill. Report of Committee.

“6. Motion that Bill be read a third time. Motion that it be passed. Passing of a Bill and sending of it to House of Lords.”

Passed by the House of Lords, it then receives the assent of the Crown—the latter now a mere formality.

In his “Nineteenth Century” (p. 109, London, 1880), Mr. Mackenzie tells what the Act of 1832 had done: “The Reform Act bestowed the privilege of the franchise in towns upon occupants who paid a rental of ten pounds; in counties, upon those who paid a rental of forty pounds. In England, fifty-six burghs with a population under two thousand, and returning one hundred and eleven members, were disfranchised; thirty burghs with a population under four thousand, and returning each two members, were reduced to one member. Twenty new burghs received each one member; twenty-two received each two members; the county members were raised from ninety-four to one hundred and fifty-nine. Scotland received an addition of eight burgh members.”

A great step had been taken. Briefly, there had been abolished the monopoly of government which the aristocracy and landed gentry had enjoyed; and the middle classes had been admitted to a share of things. But the right of the working people to representation was still ignored. It was not in reason that agitations to secure this representation should not continue. At intervals from the reform year until 1866, the unrest that had not yet been allayed found vent in many measures, of which the more notable are the Bills of 1852–54, introduced by Lord John Russell; that of 1859, a Conservative Bill, introduced by Disraeli; and that of 1860, again proposed by Lord John Russell. All were unsuccessful.

England and Wales.

52 Counties 187 Members.

197 Boroughs 295 ”

3 Universities 5 ”

487 ”

Scotland.

32 Counties 32 Members.

22 Boroughs 26 ”

4 Universities 2 ”

60 ”

Ireland.

32 Counties 64 Members.

33 Boroughs 39 ”

1 University 2 ”

105 ”

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