BOOK I. (continued 2)
Reading edition
Before I conclude this article, I cannot help observing, that the reader will see, in this ballad, the character of the old Minstrels (those successors of the Bards) placed in a very respectable light:[424] here he will see one of them represented mounted on a fine horse, accompanied with an attendant to bear his harp after him, and to sing the poems of his composing. Here he will see him mixing in the company of kings without ceremony: no mean proof of the great antiquity of this poem. The farther we carry our inquiries back, the greater respect we find paid to the professors of poetry and music among all the Celtic and Gothic nations. Their character was deemed so sacred, that under its sanction our famous king Alfred (as we have already seen)[425] made no scruple to enter the Danish camp, and was at once admitted to the king's headquarters.[426] Our poet has suggested the same expedient to the heroes of this ballad. All the histories of the North are full of the great reverence paid to this order of men. Harold Harfagre, a celebrated King of Norway, was wont to seat them at his table above all the officers of his court: and we find another Norwegian king placing five of them by his side in a day of battle, that they might be eye-witnesses of the great exploits they were to celebrate.[427] As to Estmere's riding into the hall while the kings were at table, this was usual in the ages of chivalry; and even to this day we see a relic of this custom still kept up, in the champion's riding into Westminster Hall during the coronation dinner.[428]
Some liberties have been taken with this tale by the editor, but none without notice to the reader in that part which relates to the subject of the harper and his attendant.
[Percy refers to two copies of this ballad, but there is every reason to believe that one of these was the bishop's own composition, as it was never seen by others and has not since been found. The copy from the folio MS. was torn out by Percy when he was preparing the fourth edition of the Reliques for the press, and is now unfortunately lost, so that we have no means of telling what alterations he made in addition to those which he mentions in the footnotes. The readings in the fourth edition are changed in several places from those printed in the first edition.]

Hearken to me, gentlemen, Come and you shall heare; Ile tell you of two of the boldest brethren[429] That ever borne y-were. The tone[430] of them was Adler younge,5 The tother was kyng Estmere; The were as bolde men in their deeds, As any were farr and neare. As they were drinking ale and wine Within kyng Estmeres halle:[431]10 When will ye marry a wyfe, brothèr, A wyfe to glad us all? Then bespake him kyng Estmere, And answered him hastilee:[432] I know not that ladye in any land15 That's able[433] to marrye with mee. Kyng Adland hath a daughter, brother, Men call her bright and sheene;[434] If I were kyng here in your stead, That ladye shold be my queene.20 Saies, Reade me,[435] reade me, deare brother, Throughout merry Englànd, Where we might find a messenger Betwixt us towe to sende. Saies, You shal ryde yourselfe, brothèr,25 Ile beare you companye; Many throughe fals messengers are deceived,[436] And I feare lest soe shold wee. Thus the renisht[437] them to ryde Of twoe good renisht[438] steeds,30 And when the came to king Adlands halle, Of redd gold shone their weeds.[439] And when the came to kyng Adlands hall Before the goodlye gate, There they found good kyng Adlànd35 Rearing[440] himselfe theratt. Now Christ thee save, good kyng Adlànd; Now Christ you save and see. Sayd, You be welcome, king Estmere, Right hartilye to mee.40 You have a daughter, said Adler younge, Men call her bright and sheene, My brother wold marrye her to his wiffe, Of Englande to be queene. Yesterday was att my deere daughtèr45 Syr Bremor the kyng of Spayne;[441] And then she nicked[442] him of naye, And I doubt sheele[443] do you the same. The kyng of Spayne is a foule paynim,[444] And 'leeveth[445] on Mahound;50 And pitye it were that fayre ladyè Shold marrye a heathen hound. But grant to me, sayes kyng Estmere, For my love I you praye; That I may see your daughter deere55 Before I goe hence awaye. Although itt is seven yeers and more Since my daughter was in halle, She shall come once downe for your sake To glad my guestès alle.60 Downe then came that mayden fayre, With ladyes laced in pall,[446] And halfe a hundred of bold knightes, To bring her from bowre to hall; And as many gentle squiers,65 To tend upon them all. The talents of golde were on her head sette, Hanged low downe to her knee; And everye ring on her small fingèr, Shone of the chrystall free.70 Saies, God you save, my deere madàm; Saies, God you save and see. Said, You be welcome, kyng Estmere, Right welcome unto mee. And if you love me, as you saye,75 Soe well and hartilèe, All that ever you are comen about Soone sped now itt shal bee. Then bespake her father deare: My daughter, I saye naye;80 Remember well the kyng of Spayne, What he sayd yesterdaye. He wold pull downe my halles and castles, And reave[447] me of my lyfe I cannot blame him if he doe,85 If I reave him of his wyfe. Your castles and your towres, father, Are stronglye built aboute; And therefore of the king of Spaine[448] Wee neede not stande in doubt.90 Plight me your troth, nowe, kyng Estmère, By heaven and your righte hand, That you will marrye me to your wyfe, And make me queene of your land. Then kyng Estmere he plight his troth95 By heaven and his righte hand, That he wolde marrye her to his wyfe, And make her queene of his land. And he tooke leave of that ladye fayre, To goe to his owne countree,100 To fetche him dukes and lordes and knightes, That marryed the might bee. They had not ridden scant a myle, A myle forthe of the towne, But in did come the kyng of Spayne,105 With kempès[449] many one. But in did come the kyng of Spayne, With manye a bold baròne, Tone day to marrye kyng Adlands daughter, Tother daye to carrye her home.110 Shee sent one after kyng Estmère In all the spede might bee, That he must either turne againe and fighte, Or goe home and loose his ladyè. One whyle then the page he went,115 Another while he ranne; Till he had oretaken king Estmere, I wis, he never blanne.[450] Tydings, tydings, kyng Estmere! What tydinges nowe, my boye?120 O tydinges I can tell to you, That will you sore annoye. You had not ridden scant a mile, A mile out of the towne, But in did come the kyng of Spayne125 With kempès many a one: But in did come the kyng of Spayne With manye a bold baròne, Tone daye to marrye king Adlands daughter, Tother daye to carry her home.130 My ladye fayre she greetes you well, And ever-more well by mee: You must either turne againe and fighte, Or goe home and loose your ladyè. Saies, Reade me, reade me, deere brothèr,135 My reade shall ryde[451] at thee, Whether it is better to turne and fighte, Or goe home and loose my ladye. Now hearken to me, sayes Adler yonge, And your reade must rise[452] at me,140 I quicklye will devise a waye To sette thy ladye free. My mother was a westerne woman, And learned in gramaryè.[453] And when I learned at the schole,145 Something shee taught itt mee. There growes an hearbe within this field, And iff it were but knowne, His color, which is whyte and redd, It will make blacke and browne:150 His color, which is browne and blacke, Itt will make redd and whyte; That sworde is not in all Englande, Upon his coate will byte. And you shal be a harper, brother,155 Out of the north countrye; And Ile be your boy, soe faine of fighte,[454] And beare your harpe by your knee. And you shal be the best harpèr, That ever tooke harpe in hand;160 And I wil be the best singèr, That ever sung in this lande. Itt shal be written in our forheads All and in grammaryè, That we towe are the boldest men,165 That are in all Christentyè. And thus they renisht them to ryde, On tow good renish steedes: And when they came to king Adlands hall, Of redd gold shone their weedes.170 And whan the came to kyng Adlands hall, Untill the fayre hall yate,[455] There they found a proud portèr Rearing himselfe thereatt. Sayes, Christ thee save, thou proud portèr;175 Sayes, Christ thee save and see. Nowe you be welcome, sayd the portèr, Of what land soever ye bee. Wee beene harpers, sayd Adler younge, Come out of the northe countrye;180 Wee beene come hither untill this place, This proud weddinge for to see. Sayd, And your color were white and redd, As it is blacke and browne, I wold saye king Estmere and his brother185 Were comen untill this towne. Then they pulled out a ryng of gold, Layd itt on the porters arme: And ever we will thee, proud portèr, Thow wilt saye us no harme.190 Sore he looked on kyng Estmère, And sore he handled the ryng, Then opened to them the fayre hall yates, He lett[456] for no kind of thyng. Kyng Estmere he stabled his steede195 Soe fayre att the hall bord; The froth, that came from his brydle bitte, Light in kyng Bremors beard. Saies, Stable thy steed, thou proud harpèr, Saies, Stable him in the stalle;200 It doth not beseeme a proud harpèr To stable 'him' in a kyngs halle.[457] My ladde he is so lither,[458] he said, He will doe nought that's meete; And is there any man in this hall205 Were able him to beate. Thou speakst proud words, sayes the king of Spaine, Thou harper here to mee: There is a man within this halle, Will beate thy ladd and thee.210 O let that man come downe, he said, A sight of him wold I see; And when hee hath beaten well my ladd, Then he shall beate of mee. Downe then came the kemperye man,[459]215 And looked him in the eare; For all the gold, that was under heaven, He durst not neigh him neare.[460] And how nowe, kempe, said the kyng of Spaine, And how what aileth thee?220 He saies, It is writt in his forhead All and in gramaryè, That for all the gold that is under heaven, I dare not neigh him nye. Then kyng Estmere pulld forth his harpe,225 And plaid a pretty thinge: The ladye upstart from the borde, And wold have gone from the king. Stay thy harpe, thou proud harpèr, For Gods love I pray thee230 For and thou playes as thou beginns, Thou'lt till[461] my bryde from mee. He stroake upon his harpe againe, And playd a pretty thinge; The ladye lough[462] a loud laughter,235 As shee sate by the king. Saies, sell me thy harpe, thou proud harper, And thy stringès all, For as many gold nobles 'thou shalt have' As heere bee ringes in the hall.240 What wold ye doe with my harpe, 'he sayd, If I did sell itt yee? "To playe my wiffe and me a Fitt,[463] When abed together wee bee." Now sell me, quoth hee, thy bryde soe gay,245 As shee sitts by thy knee, And as many gold nobles I will give, As leaves been on a tree. And what wold ye doe with my bryde soe gay, Iff I did sell her thee?250 More seemelye it is for her fayre bodye To lye by mee then thee. Hee played agayne both loud and shrille,[464] And Adler he did syng, "O ladye, this is thy owne true love;255 Noe harper, but a kyng. "O ladye, this is thy owne true love, As playnlye thou mayest see; And Ile rid thee of that foule paynim, Who partes thy love and thee."260 The ladye looked, the ladye blushte, And blushte and lookt agayne, While Adler he hath drawne his brande, And hath the Sowdan slayne. Up then rose the kemperye men,265 And loud they gan to crye: Ah! traytors, yee have slayne our kyng, And therefore yee shall dye. Kyng Estmere threwe the harpe asyde, And swith[465] he drew his brand;[466]270 And Estmere he, and Adler yonge Right stiffe in stour[467] can stand. And aye their swordes soe sore can byte, Throughe help of Gramaryè That soone they have slayne the kempery men,275 Or forst them forth to flee. Kyng Estmere tooke that fayre ladyè, And marryed her to his wiffe, And brought her home to merry Englànd With her to leade his life.280

⁂ The word Gramaryè,[468] which occurs several times in the foregoing poem, is probably a corruption of the French word Grimoire, which signifies a conjuring book in the old French romances, if not the art of necromancy itself.
†‡† Termagaunt (mentioned above, p. 85) is the name given in the old romances to the god of the Saracens, in which he is constantly linked with Mahound or Mahomet. Thus, in the legend of Syr Guy, the Soudan (Sultan), swears
"So helpe me Mahowne of might, And Termagaunt my god so bright."
Sign. p. iii. b.
This word is derived by the very learned editor of Junius from the Anglo-Saxon Tẏꞃ very, and Maᵹan mighty. As this word had so sublime a derivation, and was so applicable to the true God, how shall we account for its being so degraded? Perhaps Tẏꞃ-maᵹan or Termagant had been a name originally given to some Saxon idol, before our ancestors were converted to Christianity; or had been the peculiar attribute of one of their false deities; and therefore the first Christian missionaries rejected it as profane and improper to be applied to the true God. Afterwards, when the irruptions of the Saracens into Europe, and the Crusades into the East, had brought them acquainted with a new species of unbelievers, our ignorant ancestors, who thought all that did not receive the Christian law were necessarily pagans and idolaters, supposed the Mahometan creed was in all respects the same with that of their pagan forefathers, and therefore made no scruple to give the ancient name of Termagant to the god of the Saracens, just in the same manner as they afterwards used the name of Sarazen to express any kind of pagan or idolater. In the ancient romance of Merline (in the editor's folio MS.) the Saxons themselves that came over with Hengist, because they were not Christians, are constantly called Sarazens.
However that be, it is certain that, after the times of the Crusades, both Mahound and Termagaunt made their frequent appearance in the pageants and religious interludes of the barbarous ages; in which they were exhibited with gestures so furious and frantic, as to become proverbial. Thus Skelton speaks of Wolsey:—
"Like Mahound in a play, No man dare him withsay."
Ed. 1736, p. 158.
In like manner Bale, describing the threats used by some papist magistrates to his wife, speaks of them as "grennyng upon her lyke Termagauntes in a playe." (Actes of Engl. Votaryes, pt. ii. fo. 83, Ed. 1550, 12mo.) Accordingly in a letter of Edward Alleyn, the founder of Dulwich College, to his wife or sister, who, it seems, with all her fellows (the players), had been "by my Lorde Maiors officer[s] mad to rid in a cart," he expresses his concern that she should "fall into the hands of suche Tarmagants." (So the orig. dated May 2, 1593, preserved by the care of the Rev. Thomas Jenyns Smith, Fellow of Dulw. Coll.) Hence we may conceive the force of Hamlet's expression in Shakspeare, where, condemning a ranting player, he says, "I could have such a fellow whipt for ore-doing Termagant: it out-herods Herod" (Act iii. sc. 3). By degrees the word came to be applied to an outrageous turbulent person, and especially to a violent brawling woman; to whom alone it is now confined, and this the rather as, I suppose, the character of Termagant was anciently represented on the stage after the eastern mode, with long robes or petticoats.
Another frequent character in the old pageants or interludes of our ancestors, was the sowdan or soldan, representing a grim eastern tyrant. This appears from a curious passage in Stow's Annals (p. 458). In a stage-play "the people know right well that he that plaieth the sowdain, is percase a sowter [shoe-maker]; yet if one should cal him by his owne name, while he standeth in his majestie, one of his tormenters might hap to break his head." The sowdain, or soldan, was a name given to the Sarazen king (being only a more rude pronunciation of the word sultan), as the soldan of Egypt, the soudan of Persia, the sowdan of Babylon, &c., who were generally represented as accompanied with grim Sarazens, whose business it was to punish and torment Christians.
I cannot conclude this short memoir, without observing that the French romancers, who had borrowed the word Termagant from us, and applied it as we in their old romances, corrupted it into Tervagaunte; and from them La Fontaine took it up, and has used it more than once in his tales. This may be added to the other proofs adduced in these volumes of the great intercourse that formerly subsisted between the old minstrels and legendary writers of both nations, and that they mutually borrowed each other's romances.
FOOTNOTES:
VII. SIR PATRICK SPENCE,
A Scottish Ballad,

Is given from two MS. copies transmitted from Scotland. In what age the hero of this ballad lived, or when this fatal expedition happened that proved so destructive to the Scots nobles, I have not been able to discover; yet am of opinion, that their catastrophe is not altogether without foundation in history, though it has escaped my own researches. In the infancy of navigation, such as used the northern seas were very liable to shipwreck in the wintry months: hence a law was enacted in the reign of James III. (a law which was frequently repeated afterwards), "That there be na schip frauched out of the realm with any staple gudes, fra the feast of Simons day and Jude, unto the feast of the purification of our Lady called Candelmess." Jam. III. Parlt. 2, ch. 15.
In some modern copies, instead of Patrick Spence hath been substituted the name of Sir Andrew Wood, a famous Scottish admiral who flourished in the time of our Edward IV., but whose story has nothing in common with this of the ballad. As Wood was the most noted warrior of Scotland, it is probable that, like the Theban Hercules, he hath engrossed the renown of other heroes.
[The fact that this glorious ballad was never heard of before Percy printed it in 1765, caused some to throw doubts upon its authenticity, and their scepticism was strengthened by the note at p. 102, which refers to the author of Hardyknute. It was thought that the likeness in expression and sentiment there mentioned might easily be explained if the two poems were both by Lady Wardlaw. This view, advocated by Robert Chambers in his general attack on the authenticity of all The Romantic Scottish Ballads (1859), has not met with much favour, and Professor Child thinks that the arguments against the genuineness of Sir Patrick Spence are so trivial as hardly to admit of statement. He writes, "If not ancient it has been always accepted as such by the most skilful judges, and is a solitary instance of a successful imitation in manner and spirit of the best specimens of authentic minstrelsy."[469] Coleridge, no mean judge of a ballad, wrote—
"The bard be sure was weather-wise who framed The grand old ballad of Sir Patrick Spens."
Antiquaries have objected that Spence is not an early Scottish name, but in this they are wrong, for Professor Aytoun found it in a charter of Robert III. and also in Wyntoun's Chronicle.
There has been considerable discussion as to the historical event referred to in the ballad, and the present version does not contain any mention of one of the points that may help towards a settlement of the question. The version in Scott's Minstrelsy contains the following stanza:—
"To Noroway, to Noroway To Noroway o'er the faem The king's daughter of Noroway 'Tis thou maun bring her hame."
Professor Aytoun would change the third line to
"The king's daughter to Noroway,"
as he agrees with Motherwell in the view that the ballad refers to the fate of the Scottish nobles who in 1281 conveyed Margaret, daughter of Alexander III., to Norway, on the occasion of her nuptials with King Eric.
Fordun relates this incident as follows:—"In the year 1281 Margaret, daughter of Alexander III., was married to the King of Norway, who, leaving Scotland in the last day of July, was conveyed thither in noble style in company with many knights and nobles. In returning home after the celebration of her nuptials, the Abbot of Balmerinoch, Bernard of Monte-alto, and many other persons, were drowned." As to the scene of the disaster, Aytoun brings forward an interesting illustration of the expression "half over to Aberdour," in line 41. He says that in the little island of Papa Stronsay one of the Orcadian group lying over against Norway, there is a large grave or tumulus which has been known to the inhabitants from time immemorial as "the grave of Sir Patrick Spens," and he adds, that as the Scottish ballads were not early current in Orkney, it is unlikely that the poem originated the name.
The other suggestions as to an historical basis for the ballad are not borne out by history. It is well, however, to note in illustration of line 1, that the Scottish kings chiefly resided in their palace of Dunfermline from the time of Malcolm Canmore to that of Alexander III.
The present copy of the ballad is the shortest of the various versions, but this is not a disadvantage, as it gains much in force by the directness of its language.
Buchan prints a ballad called Young Allan, which is somewhat like Sir Patrick Spence.]

The king sits in Dumferling toune, Drinking the blude-reid wine: O quhar will I get guid sailòr, To sail this schip of mine? Up and spak an eldern knicht,5 Sat at the kings richt kne: Sir Patrick Spence is the best sailòr, That sails upon the se. The king has written a braid letter,[470] And signd it wi' his hand;10 And sent it to Sir Patrick Spence, Was walking on the sand. The first line that Sir Patrick red, A loud lauch lauched he: The next line that Sir Patrick red,15 The teir blinded his ee. O quha is this has don this deid, This ill deid don to me; To send me out this time o'the yeir, To sail upon the se?20 Mak hast, mak haste, my mirry men all, Our guid schip sails the morne.[471] O say na sae, my master deir, For I feir a deadlie storme. Late late yestreen I saw the new moone25 Wi' the auld moone in hir arme; And I feir, I feir, my deir mastèr, That we will com to harme. O our Scots nobles wer richt laith[472] To weet their cork-heild schoone;[473]30 Bot lang owre[474] a' the play wer playd, Thair hats they swam aboone.[475] O lang, lang, may thair ladies sit Wi' thair fans into their hand, Or eir they se Sir Patrick Spence35 Cum sailing to the land. O lang, lang, may the ladies stand Wi' thair gold kems[476] in their hair, Waiting for thair ain deir lords, For they'll se thame na mair.40 Have owre,[477] have owre to Aberdour,[478] It's fiftie fadom deip: And thair lies guid Sir Patrick Spence, Wi' the Scots lords at his feit.[479]
FOOTNOTES:
VIII. ROBIN HOOD AND GUY OF GISBORNE.

We have here a ballad of Robin Hood (from the editor's folio MS.) which was never before printed, and carries marks of much greater antiquity than any of the common popular songs on this subject.
The severity of those tyrannical forest laws that were introduced by our Norman kings, and the great temptation of breaking them by such as lived near the royal forests at a time when the yeomanry of this kingdom were everywhere trained up to the long-bow, and excelled all other nations in the art of shooting, must constantly have occasioned great numbers of outlaws, and especially of such as were the best marksmen. These naturally fled to the woods for shelter, and, forming into troops, endeavoured by their numbers to protect themselves from the dreadful penalties of their delinquency. The ancient punishment for killing the king's deer was loss of eyes and castration, a punishment far worse than death. This will easily account for the troops of banditti which formerly lurked in the royal forests, and, from their superior skill in archery and knowledge of all the recesses of those unfrequented solitudes, found it no difficult matter to resist or elude the civil power.
Among all those, none was ever more famous than the hero of this ballad, whose chief residence was in Shirewood forest, in Nottinghamshire, and the heads of whose story, as collected by Stow, are briefly these.
"In this time [about the year 1190, in the reign of Richard I.] were many robbers, and outlawes, among the which Robin Hood, and Little John, renowned theeves, continued in woods, despoyling and robbing the goods of the rich. They killed none but such as would invade them; or by resistance for their own defence.
"The saide Robert entertained an hundred tall men and good archers with such spoiles and thefts as he got, upon whom four hundred (were they ever so strong) durst not give the onset. He suffered no woman to be oppressed, violated, or otherwise molested: poore mens goods he spared, abundantlie relieving them with that which by theft he got from abbeys and the houses of rich carles: whom Maior (the historian) blameth for his rapine and theft, but of all theeves he affirmeth him to be the prince, and the most gentle theefe."—Annals, p. 159.
The personal courage of this celebrated outlaw, his skill in archery, his humanity, and especially his levelling principle of taking from the rich and giving to the poor, have in all ages rendered him the favourite of the common people, who, not content to celebrate his memory by innumerable songs and stories, have erected him into the dignity of an earl. Indeed, it is not impossible but our hero, to gain the more respect from his followers, or they to derive the more credit to their profession, may have given rise to such a report themselves: for we find it recorded in an epitaph, which, if genuine, must have been inscribed on his tombstone near the nunnery of Kirklees in Yorkshire; where (as the story goes) he was bled to death by a treacherous nun to whom he applied for phlebotomy:—
"Hear undernead dis laitl stean laiȝ robert earl of huntingtun nea arcir ver aȝ hie sae geud an pipl kauld im Robin Heud sick utlaws as hi an is men vil England nivir si agen. obiit 24 kal. dekembris. 1247."[480]
This epitaph appears to me suspicious; however, a late antiquary has given a pedigree of Robin Hood, which, if genuine, shows that he had real pretensions to the Earldom of Huntingdon, and that his true name was Robert Fitz-ooth.[481] Yet the most ancient poems on Robin Hood make no mention of this earldom. He is expressly asserted to have been a yeoman[482] in a very old legend in verse, preserved in the archives of the public library at Cambridge,[483] in eight fyttes, or parts, printed in black letter, quarto, thus inscribed: "¶ Here begynneth a lytell geste of Robyn hode and his meyne, and of the proude sheryfe of Notyngham." The first lines are—
"Lithe and lysten, gentylmen, That be of fre-bore blode: I shall you tell of a good yeman, His name was Robyn hode. "Robyn was a proude out-lawe, Whiles he walked on grounde; So curteyse an outlawe as he was one, Was never none yfounde," &c.
The printer's colophon is, "¶ Explicit Kinge Edwarde and Robin hode and Lyttel Johan. Enprented at London in Flete-strete at the sygne of the sone by Wynkin de Worde." In Mr. Garrick's Collection[484] is a different edition of the same poem, "¶ Imprinted at London upon the thre Crane wharfe by Wyllyam Copland," containing at the end a little dramatic piece on the subject of Robin Hood and the Friar, not found in the former copy, called, "A newe playe for to be played in Maye games very plesaunte and full of pastyme. ¶(∴)⁋."
I shall conclude these preliminary remarks with observing, that the hero of this ballad was the favourite subject of popular songs so early as the time of King Edward III. In the Visions of Pierce Plowman, written in that reign, a monk says:—
"I can rimes of Roben Hod, and Randal of Chester, But of our Lorde and our Lady, I lerne nothyng at all."
Fol. 26, ed. 1550.
See also in Bishop Latimer's Sermons[485] a very curious and characteristic story, which shows what respect was shown to the memory of our archer in the time of that prelate.
The curious reader will find many other particulars relating to this celebrated outlaw, in Sir John Hawkins's Hist. of Music, vol. iii. p. 410, 4to.
For the catastrophe of Little John, who, it seems, was executed for a robbery on Arbor-hill, Dublin (with some curious particulars relating to his skill in archery), see Mr. J. C. Walker's ingenious Memoir on the Armour and Weapons of the Irish, p. 129, annexed to his Historical Essay on the Dress of the Ancient and Modern Irish. Dublin, 1788, 4to.
Some liberties were, by the editor, taken with this ballad; which, in this edition, hath been brought nearer to the folio MS.
[Robin Hood is first mentioned in literature in Piers Plowman, the earliest of the three forms of which poem was written probably about the year 1362. The ballad of Robin Hood and the Monk, printed in Child's English and Scottish Ballads, as the oldest of its class, and possibly as old as the reign of Edward II., commences:—
"In somer when the shawes be sheyne And leves be large and longe Hit is full mery in feyre foreste To here the foulys song."
Verses which bear a strong likeness to the opening lines of the present ballad.
Gisborne is a market town in the West Riding of the county of York on the borders of Lancashire, and Guy of that place is mentioned by William Dunbar in a satirical piece on "Schir Thomas Nory," where he is named in company with Adam Bell and other well-known worthies.
It is not needful to extend this note with any further particulars of Robin Hood, as he possesses, in virtue of his position as a popular hero, a literature of his own. Those who wish to know more of his exploits should consult Ritson's (1795) and Gutch's (1847) Collections of Robin Hood Ballads, Child's Ballads, vol. v. and Chappell's Popular Music of the Olden Time, vol. i. pp. 387-400.
There are several Robin Hood Ballads in the folio MS., but Percy only chose the one containing an account of the encounter with Guy for printing. Ritson copied this ballad from Percy's book, but indulged at the same time in a tirade against the bishop's treatment of his original.]

When shaws beene sheene,[486] and shradds[487] full fayre,[488] And leaves both large and longe, Itt is merrye walking in the fayre forrèst To heare the small birdes songe.[489] The woodweele[490] sang, and wold not cease,[491]5 [Sitting upon the spraye,[492] Soe lowde, he wakened Robin Hood,[492] In the greenwood where he lay.[492] Now by my faye,[493] sayd jollye Robìn,[492] A sweaven[494] I had this night;[492]10 I dreamt me of tow wighty[495] yemen,[492] That fast with me can fight.][492] Methought they did mee beate and binde, And tooke my bow mee froe;[496] If I be Robin alive in this lande,15 Ile be wroken[497] on them towe. Sweavens are swift, Master, quoth John, As the wind that blowes ore a hill; For if itt be never so loude this night, To-morrow itt may be still.20 Buske yee, bowne yee,[498] my merry men all, And John shall goe with mee, For Ile goe seeke yond wight yeomen, In greenwood where thé bee. Thé cast on their gownes of grene,25 [And tooke theyr bowes each one; And they away to the greene forrèst] A shooting forth are gone;[499] Untill they came to the merry greenwood, Where they had gladdest bee,30 There were thé ware[500] of a wight yeomàn, His body leaned to a tree. A sword and a dagger he wore by his side, Of manye a man the bane;[501] And he was clad in his capull hyde[502]35 Topp and tayll and mayne. Stand you still, master, quoth Litle John, Under this tree so grene, And I will go to yond wight yeoman To know what he doth meane.[503]40 Ah! John, by me thou settest noe store, And that I farley[504] finde:[505] How offt send I my men beffore, And tarry my selfe behinde? It is no cunning a knave to ken,45 And a man but heare him speake; And itt were not for bursting of my bowe, John, I thy head wold breake. As often wordes they breeden bale,[506] So they parted Robin and John;50 And John is gone to Barnesdale: The gates[507] he knoweth eche one. But when he came to Barnesdale, Great heavinesse there hee hadd, For he found tow of his owne fellòwes55 Were slaine both in a slade.[508] And Scarlette he was flyinge a-foote Fast over stocke and stone, For the sheriffe with seven score men Fast after him is gone.60 One shoote now I will shoote, quoth John,[509] With Christ his might and mayne; Ile make yond fellow that flyes soe fast, To stopp he shall be fayne.[510] Then John bent up his long bende-bowe,[511]65 And fetteled[512] him to shoote: The bow was made of a tender boughe, And fell downe to his foote. Woe worth, woe worth thee, wicked wood,[513] That ere thou grew on a tree;70 For now this day thou art my bale, My boote[514] when thou shold bee. His shoote it was but loosely shott, Yet flewe not the arrowe in vaine,[515] For itt mett one of the sherriffes men,75 Good William a Trent was slaine. It had bene better of William a Trent To have bene abed with sorrowe,[516] Than to be that day in the green wood slade[517] To meet with Little Johns arrowe.[518]80 But as it is said, when men be mett Fyve can doe more than three,[519] The sheriffe hath taken little John,[520] And bound him fast to a tree. Thou shalt be drawen by dale and downe,85 And hanged hye on a hill. But thou mayst fayle of thy purpose, quoth John,[521] If itt be Christ his will.[522] Let us leave talking of Litle John, And thinke of Robin Hood,[523]90 How he is gone to the wight yeomàn, Where under the leaves he stood. Good morrowe, good fellowe, sayd Robin so fayre,[524] "Good morrowe, good fellow, quoth he:" Methinkes by this bowe thou beares in thy hande95 A good archere thou sholdst bee.[525] I am wilfull[526] of my waye, quo' the yeman,[527] And of my morning tyde. Ile lead thee through the wood, sayd Robin; Good fellow, Ile be thy guide.100 I seeke an outlàwe, the straunger sayd,[528] Men call him Robin Hood; Rather Ild meet with that proud outlàwe[529] Than fortye pound soe good.[529] [Now come with me, thou wighty yeman,[530]105 And Robin thou soone shalt see:[530] But first let us some pastime find[530] Under the greenwood tree.][530] First let us some masterye[531] make[532] Among the woods so even,[532]110 Wee may chance to meet with Robin Hood Here att some unsett steven.[533] They cutt them downe two summer shroggs,[534] That grew both under a breere,[535] And sett them threescore rood in twaine115 To shoote the prickes[536] y-fere.[537] Leade on, good fellowe, quoth Robin Hood,[538] Leade on, I doe bidd thee. Nay by my faith, good fellowe, hee sayd,[539] My leader thou shalt bee.[540]120 The first time Robin shot at the pricke,[541] He mist but an inch it froe:[541] The yeoman he was an archer good,[541] But he cold never shoote soe. The second shoote had the wightye yeman,[542]125 He shote within the garlànde:[543] But Robin he shott far better than hee, For he clave the good pricke wande.[544] A blessing upon thy heart, he sayd;[545] Good fellowe, thy shooting is goode;130 For an thy hart be as good as thy hand, Thou wert better then Robin Hoode. Now tell me thy name, good fellowe, sayd he,[546] Under the leaves of lyne.[547] Nay by my faith, quoth bolde Robìn,[548]135 Till thou have told me thine.[549] I dwell by dale and downe, quoth hee, And Robin to take Ime sworne; And when I am called by my right name I am Guye of good Gisbòrne.140 My dwelling is in this wood, sayes Robin, By thee I set right nought: I am Robin Hood of Barnèsdale, Whom thou so long hast sought.[550] He that had neither beene kithe nor kin,145 Might have seene a full fayre sight, To see how together these yeomen went With blades both browne[551] and bright. To see how these yeomen together they fought[552] Two howres of a summers day:150 Yett neither Robin Hood nor sir Guy[553] Them fettled to flye away. Robin was reachles[554] on a roote, And stumbled at that tyde; And Guy was quicke and nimble with-all,155 And hitt him ore the left side. Ah deere Lady, sayd Robin Hood, tho That art both mother and may',[555] I think it was never mans destinye To dye before his day.160 Robin thought on our ladye deere, And soone leapt up againe, And strait he came with a "backward" stroke,[556] And he sir Guy hath slayne.[557] He took sir Guys head by the hayre,165 And sticked itt on his bowes end: Thou hast beene a traytor all thy liffe, Which thing must have an ende. Robin pulled forth an Irish kniffe, And nicked sir Guy in the face,170 That he was never on woman born, Cold tell whose head it was.[558] Saies, Lye there, lye there, now sir Guye,[559] And with me be not wrothe; If thou have had the worse strokes at my hand,175 Thou shalt have the better clothe. Robin did off his gowne of greene, And on sir Guy did it throwe, And hee put on that capull hyde, That cladd him topp to toe.180 The bowe, the arrowes, and little horne, Now with me I will beare;[560] For I will away to Barnèsdale, To see how my men doe fare. Robin Hood sett Guyes home to his mouth,185 And a loud blast in it did blow. That beheard the sheriffe of Nottingham, As he leaned under a lowe.[561] Hearken, hearken, sayd the sheriffe, I heare nowe tydings good,190 For yonder I heare sir Guyes horne blowe, And he hath slaine Robin Hoode. Yonder I heare sir Guyes horne blowe, Itt blowes soe well in tyde, And yonder comes that wightye yeoman,195 Cladd in his capull hyde. Come hyther, come hyther, thou good sir Guy, Aske what thou wilt of mee. O I will none of thy gold, sayd Robin,[562] Nor I will none of thy fee:200 But now I have slaine the master, he sayes, Let me go strike the knave; This is all the rewarde I aske; Nor noe other will I have. Thou art a madman, said the sheriffe,205 Thou sholdest have had a knights fee: But seeing thy asking hath beene soe bad, Well granted it shale be. When Litle John heard his master speake, Well knewe he it was his steven:[563]210 Now shall I be looset, quoth Litle John, With Christ his might in heaven. Fast Robin hee hyed him to Little John, He thought to loose him belive;[564] The sheriffe and all his companye215 Fast after him did drive. Stand abacke, stand abacke, sayd Robin; Why draw you mee soe neere? Itt was never the use in our countryè, Ones shrift another shold heere.220 But Robin pulled forth an Irysh kniffe, And losed John hand and foote, And gave him sir Guyes bow into his hand, And bade it be his boote.[565] Then John he took Guyes bow in his hand,[566]225 His boltes and arrowes eche one: When the sheriffe saw Little John bend his bow, He fettled him to be gone. Towards his house in Nottingham towne,[567] He fled full fast away;230 And soe did all his companye: Not one behind wold stay. But he cold neither runne soe fast,[568] Nor away soe fast cold ryde,[568] But Litle John with an arrowe soe broad,[568]235 He shott him into the 'backe'-syde.[568]
⁂ The title of Sir was not formerly peculiar to knights, it was given to priests, and sometimes to very inferior personages.
Dr. Johnson thinks this title was applied to such as had taken the degree of A. B. in the universities, who are still stiled, Domini, "Sirs," to distinguish them from Undergraduates, who have no prefix, and from Masters of Arts, who are stiled Magistri, "Masters."
FOOTNOTES:

IX. AN ELEGY ON HENRY FOURTH EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND.

The subject of this poem, which was written by Skelton, is the death of Henry Percy, fourth earl of Northumberland, who fell a victim to the avarice of Henry VII. In 1489 the parliament had granted the king a subsidy for carrying on the war in Bretagne. This tax was found so heavy in the North, that the whole country was in a flame. The E. of Northumberland, then lord lieutenant for Yorkshire, wrote to inform the king of the discontent, and praying an abatement. But nothing is so unrelenting as avarice: the king wrote back that not a penny should be abated. This message being delivered by the earl with too little caution, the populace rose, and, supposing him to be the promoter of their calamity, broke into his house, and murdered him, with several of his attendants, who yet are charged by Skelton with being backward in their duty on this occasion. This melancholy event happened at the earl's seat at Cocklodge, near Thirske, in Yorkshire, April 28, 1489. See Lord Bacon, &c.
If the reader does not find much poetical merit in this old poem (which yet is one of Skelton's best), he will see a striking picture of the state and magnificence kept up by our ancient nobility during the feudal times. This great earl is described here as having, among his menial servants, knights, squires, and even barons: see v. 32. 183. &c. which, however different from modern manners, was formerly not unusual with our greater barons, whose castles had all the splendour and offices of a royal court before the laws against retainers abridged and limited the number of their attendants.
John Skelton, who commonly styled himself Poet Laureat, died June 21, 1529. The following poem, which appears to have been written soon after the event, is printed from an ancient MS. copy preserved in the British Museum, being much more correct than that printed among Skelton's Poems in bl. let. 12mo. 1568.—It is addressed to Henry Percy, fifth earl of Northumberland, and is prefaced, &c. in the following manner:
Poeta Skelton Laureatus libellum suum metrice alloquitur.
Ad dominum properato meum mea pagina Percy, Qui Northumbrorum jura paterna gerit, Ad nutum celebris tu prona repone leonis, Quæque suo patri tristia justa cano. Ast ubi perlegit, dubiam sub mente volutet Fortunam, cuncta quæ male fida rotat. Qui leo sit felix, & Nestoris occupet annos; Ad libitum cujus ipse paratus ero.
[Percy does not do justice to Skelton's poetical powers in the above note, as this Elegy is written in a style not at all characteristic of him and is also far from being one of his best poems. Skelton was one of the earliest personal satirists in our language, and he flew at high game when he attacked the powerful Wolsey with fierce invective, in his "Why come ye nat to courte?" His Boke of Phyllyp Sparrowe is described by Coleridge as "an exquisite and original poem," and its subject entitles him to the designation of the modern Catullus. It was very popular in his day, and the nursery rhyme of Who killed Cock robin? was probably paraphrased from the portion of the poem in which the funeral of the sparrow is related. Skelton was a distinguished scholar and his earlier poems are written in the serious strain of the Elegy, but curiously enough about the time that he took orders (1498) and became rector of Diss in Norfolk, he began to write in a more natural, frolicsome and satirical vein, and adopted the metre now known as Skeltonian. He was not very particular as to the words he used, but he does not deserve the opprobrious epithet that Pope applies to him in the couplet—
"Chaucer's worst ribaldry is learned by rote, And beastly Skelton heads of houses quote."
Skelton graduated as poet laureate at the two Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, and the King allowed him to wear an appropriate decoration at court. There is a full length portrait of the poet in Brydges' British Bibliographer (vol. iv. p. 389), taken from one on the back of the title of A ryght delectable tratyse upon a goodly Garlande or Chaplet of Laurell by Mayster Skelton, Poete laureat.
The Rev. Alexander Dyce published the first complete collected edition of Skelton's Poetical Works in 1843 (2 vols. 8vo.)]
SKELTON LAUREAT UPON THE DOLORUS DETHE AND MUCH LAMENTABLE CHAUNCE OF THE MOOST HONORABLE ERLE OF NORTHUMBERLANDE.

I wayle, I wepe, I sobbe, I sigh ful sore The dedely fate, the dolefulle destenny Of him that is gone, alas! withoute restore, Of the blode[569] royall descendinge nobelly; Whos lordshepe doutles was slayne lamentably5 Thorow treson ageyn[570] hym compassyd and wrought; Trew to his prince, in word, in dede, and thought. Of hevenly poems, O Clyo calde by name In the college of musis goddess hystoriall, Adres the to me, whiche am both halt and lame10 In elect uteraunce to make memoryall: To the for soccour, to the for helpe I call Myne homely rudnes and drighnes to expelle With the freshe waters of Elyconys[571] welle. Of noble actes auncyently enrolde,15 Of famous princis and lordes of astate,[572] By thy report ar wonte to be extold, Regestringe trewly every formare date; Of thy bountie after the usuall rate, Kyndle in me suche plenty of thy noblès,[573]20 Thes sorrowfulle dities that I may shew expres. In sesons past who hathe harde or sene Of formar writinge by any presidente That vilane hastarddis[574] in ther furious tene,[575] Fulfyld with malice of froward entente,25 Confeterd[576] togeder of commoun concente Falsly to slo[577] ther moste singular goode lorde? It may be registerde of shamefull recorde. So noble a man, so valiaunt lorde and knight, Fulfilled with honor, as all the worlde dothe ken;30 At his commaundement, whiche had both day and night Knyghtis and squyers, at every season when He calde upon them, as menyall houshold men: Were no thes commones uncurteis karlis of kynde[578] To slo their owne lorde? God was not in their minde.35 And were not they to blame, I say also, That were aboute hym, his owne servants of trust, To suffre hym slayn of his mortall fo? Fled away from hym, let hym ly in the dust: They bode[579] not till the rekening were discust.40 What shuld I flatter? what shulde I glose[580] or paynt? Fy, fy for shame, their harts wer to faint. In Englande and Fraunce, which gretly was redouted;[581] Of whom both Flaunders and Scotland stode in drede; To whome grete astates obeyde and lowttede;[582]45 A mayny[583] of rude villayns made him for to blede: Unkindly they slew hym, that holp them oft at nede: He was their bulwark, their paves,[584] and their wall, Yet shamfully they slew hym; that shame mot[585] them befal. I say, ye commoners, why wer ye so stark mad?50 What frantyk frensy fyll[586] in youre brayne? Where was your wit and reson, ye shuld have had? What willfull foly made yow to ryse agayne[587] Your naturall lord? alas! I can not fayne. Ye armed you with will, and left your wit behynd;55 Well may you be called comones most unkynd. He was your chyfteyne, your shelde, your chef defence, Redy to assyst you in every tyme of nede: Your worship[588] depended of his excellence: Alas! ye mad men, to far ye did excede:60 Your hap was unhappy, to ill was your spede: What movyd you agayn hym to war or to fight? What aylde you to sle your lord agyn all right? The grounde of his quarel was for his sovereyn lord, The welle concernyng of all the hole lande,65 Demaundyng soche dutyes as nedis most acord To the right of his prince which shold not be withstand; For whos cause ye slew hym with your awne hande: But had his nobill men done wel that day, Ye had not been hable to have saide him nay.70 But ther was fals packinge,[589] or els I am begylde: How-be-it the matter was evident and playne, For yf they had occupied[590] ther spere and ther shelde, This noble man doutles had not be slayne. Bot men say they wer lynked with a double chayn,75 And held with the commouns under a cloke, Whiche kindeled the wyld fyre that made all this smoke. The commouns renyed[591] ther taxes to pay Of them demaunded and asked by the kinge; With one voice importune, they playnly said nay:80 They buskt them on a bushment[592] themself in baile[593] to bringe: Agayne the kings plesure to wrastle or to wringe,[594] Bluntly as bestis withe boste[595] and with cry They saide, they forsede[596] not, nor carede not to dy. The noblenes of the northe this valiant lorde and knyght,85 As man that was innocent of trechery or trayne, Presed forthe boldly to witstand the myght, And, lyke marciall Hector, he fauht them agayne, Vigorously upon them with myght and with mayne, Trustinge in noble men that wer with hym there:90 Bot all they fled from hym for falshode or fere. Barons, knights, squyers, one and alle, Togeder with servaunts of his famuly, Turnid their backis, and let ther master fall, Of whos [life] they counted not a flye;95 Take up whos wolde for them, they let hym ly. Alas! his golde, his fee, his annuall rente Upon suche a sort[597] was ille bestowde and spent. He was envyronde aboute on every syde Withe his enemys, that were stark mad and wode;[598]100 Yet whils he stode he gave them woundes wyde: Alas for routhe![599] what thouche his mynde were goode, His corage manly, yet ther he shed his bloode! All left alone, alas! he fawte in vayne; For cruelly amonge them ther he was slayne.105 Alas for pite! that Percy thus was spylt,[600] The famous erle of Northumberlande: Of knightly prowès the sworde pomel and hylt, The myghty lyoun[601] doutted[602] by se and lande! O dolorous chaunce of fortuns fruward hande!110 What man remembring how shamfully he was slayne, From bitter weepinge hymself kan restrayne? O cruell Mars, thou dedly god of war! O dolorous teusday, dedicate to thy name, When thou shoke thy sworde so noble a man to mar!115 O grounde ungracious, unhappy be thy fame, Whiche wert endyed with rede blode of the same! Moste noble erle! O fowle mysuryd[603] grounde Whereon he gat his fynal dedely wounde! O Atropos, of the fatall systers thre,120 Goddes mooste cruell unto the lyf of man, All merciles, in the ys no pitè! O homycide, whiche sleest[604] all that thou kan, So forcibly upon this erle thow ran, That with thy sworde enharpid[605] of mortall drede,125 Thou kit[606] asonder his perfight[607] vitall threde! My wordis unpullysht be nakide and playne, Of aureat[608] poems they want ellumynynge;[609] Bot by them to knoulege ye may attayne Of this lordis dethe and of his murdrynge.130 Which whils he lyvyd had fuyson[610] of every thing, Of knights, of squyers, chef lord of toure and toune, Tyl fykkill[611] fortune began on hym to frowne. Paregall[612] to dukis, with kings he myght compare, Surmountinge in honor all erls he did excede,135 To all cuntreis aboute hym reporte[613] me I dare. Lyke to Eneas benygne in worde and dede, Valiaunt as Hector in every marciall nede, Provydent, discrete, circumspect, and wyse,139 Tyll the chaunce ran agyne him of fortunes duble dyse. What nedethe me for to extoll his fame With my rude pen enkankerd all with rust? Whos noble actis shew worsheply his name, Transcendyng far myne homely muse, that must Yet sumwhat wright supprisid with hartly lust,[614]145 Truly reportinge his right noble astate, Immortally whiche is immaculate. His noble blode never disteynyd was, Trew to his prince for to defende his right, Doublenes hatinge, fals maters to compas,150 Treytory[615] and treson he bannesht out of syght, With trowth to medle was all his hole delyght, As all his kuntrey kan testefy the same: To slo suche a lord, alas, it was grete shame. If the hole quere[616] of the musis nyne155 In me all onely wer sett and comprisyde, Enbrethed with the blast of influence dyvyne, As perfightly as could be thought or devysyd; To me also allthouche it were promysyde Of laureat Phebus holy the eloquence,160 All were to litill for his magnyficence. O yonge lyon, bot tender yet of age,[617] Grow and encrese, remembre thyn astate, God the assyst unto thyn herytage, And geve the grace to be more fortunate,165 Agayne rebellyouns arme to make debate. And, as the lyoune, whiche is of bestis kinge, Unto thy subjectis be kurteis and benyngne. I pray God sende the prosperous lyf and long, Stabille thy mynde constant to be and fast,170 Right to mayntein, and to resist all wronge: All flattringe faytors[618] abhor and from the cast, Of foule detraction God kepe the from the blast: Let double delinge in the have no place, And be not light of credence in no case.175 Wythe hevy chere, with dolorous hart and mynd, Eche man may sorrow in his inward thought, Thys lords death, whose pere is hard to fynd Allgyf[619] Englond and Fraunce were thorow saught. Al kings, all princes, all dukes, well they ought180 Bothe temporall and spirituall for to complayne This noble man, that crewelly was slayne. More specially barons, and those knygtes bold, And all other gentilmen with hym enterteynd In fee, as menyall men of his housold,185 Whom he as lord worsheply manteynd: To sorowfull weping they ought to be constreynd, As oft as thei call to ther remembraunce, Of ther good lord the fate and dedely chaunce. O perlese prince of hevyn emperyalle,190 That with one worde formed al thing of noughte; Hevyn, hell, and erth obey unto thi kall; Which to thy resemblance wondersly hast wrought All mankynd, whom thou full dere hast boght, With thy blode precious our finaunce[620] thou dyd pay,195 And us redemed, from the fendys pray;[621] To the pray we, as prince incomperable, As thou art of mercy and pite the well, Thou bringe unto thy joye etermynable[622] The sowle of this lorde from all daunger of hell,200 In endles blis with the to byde and dwell In thy palace above the orient, Where thou art lorde, and God omnipotent. O quene of mercy, O lady full of grace, Maiden moste pure, and goddis moder dere,205 To sorowfull harts chef comfort and solace, Of all women O floure withouten pere, Pray to thy son above the starris clere, He to vouchesaf by thy mediatioun To pardon thy servant, and bringe to salvacion.210 In joy triumphaunt the hevenly yerarchy,[623] With all the hole sorte[624] of that glorious place, His soule mot[625] receyve into ther company Thorowe bounte of hym that formed all solace: Well of pite, of mercy, and of grace,215 The father, the son, and the holy goste In Trinitate one God of myghts moste.
†‡† I have placed the foregoing poem of Skelton's before the following extract from Hawes, not only because it was written first, but because I think Skelton is in general to be considered as the earlier poet; many of his poems being written long before Hawes's Graunde Amour.
FOOTNOTES:
X. THE TOWER OF DOCTRINE.

The reader has here a specimen of the descriptive powers of Stephen Hawes, a celebrated poet in the reign of Hen. VII. tho' now little known. It is extracted from an allegorical poem of his (written in 1505.) intitled, The History of Graunde Amoure and La Bel Pucell, called the Pastime of Pleasure, &c. 4to. 1555. See more of Hawes in Ath. Ox. v. 1. p. 6. and Warton's Observ. v. 2. p. 105. He was also author of a book, intitled, The Temple of Glass. Wrote by Stephen Hawes, gentleman of the bedchamber to K. Henry VII. Pr. for Caxton, 4to. no date.
The following Stanzas are taken from Chap. III. and IV. of the Hist. above-mentioned. "How Fame departed from Graunde Amoure and left him with Governaunce and Grace, and how he went to the Tower of Doctrine, &c."—As we are able to give no small lyric piece of Hawes's, the reader will excuse the insertion of this extract.
[Most readers will probably be satisfied with the seventy-four lines that Percy has extracted from Hawes's long didactic poem, but those who wish to read the whole will find it reprinted by Mr. Thomas Wright in the fifteenth volume of the Percy Society's publications. The account of Rhetorick and the other allegorical nullities is weary reading, but the chapter in commendation of Gower, Chaucer and the author's master Lydgate, "the chefe orygynal of my lernyng," is interesting from a literary point of view. The poem was very popular in its own day and passed through several editions, and it has found admirers among critics of a later age. The Rev. Dr. Hodgson in a letter to Percy, dated Sept. 22, 1800,[626] speaks of it in very extravagant terms, and regrets that it had not then found an editor, as he regarded it "as one of the finest poems in our own or any other language." Warton describes Hawes as the only writer deserving the name of a poet in the reign of Henry VII. and says that "this poem contains no common touches of romantic and allegoric fiction." Mr. Wright however looks at it as "one of those allegorical writings which were popular with our forefathers, but which can now only be looked upon as monuments of the bad taste of a bad age." Hawes was a native of Suffolk, but the dates of his birth and death are not known. He studied in the University of Oxford and afterwards travelled much, becoming "a complete master of the French and Italian poetry."]
Cap. III.

* * * * * I loked about and saw a craggy roche, Farre in the west, neare to the element, And as I dyd then unto it approche, Upon the toppe I sawe refulgent The royal tower of Morall Document,5 Made of fine copper with turrettes fayre and hye, Which against Phebus shone so marveylously, That for the very perfect bryghtnes What of the tower, and of the cleare sunne, I could nothyng behold the goodlines10 Of that palaice, whereas Doctrine did wonne:[627] Tyll at the last, with mysty wyndes donne, The radiant brightnes of golden Phebus Auster gan cover with clowde tenebrus.[628] Then to the tower I drewe nere and nere,15 And often mused of the great hyghnes Of the craggy rocke, which quadrant did appeare: But the fayre tower, so much of ryches Was all about, sexangled doubtles; Gargeyld[629] with grayhoundes, and with manylyons,20 Made of fyne golde; with divers sundry dragons.[630] The little turrets with ymages of golde About was set, whiche with the wynde aye moved. Wyth propre vices,[631] the I did well beholde About the towers, in sundry wyse they hoved[632]25 With goodly pypes, in their mouthes i-tuned, That with the wynde they pyped a daunce, I-clipped[633] Amour de la hault plesaunce.
Cap. IV.
The toure was great and of marvelous wydnes, To whyche ther was no way to passe but one,30 Into the toure for to have an intres:[634] A grece[635] there was y-chesyled all of stone Out of the rocke, on whyche men dyd gone Up to the toure, and in lykewyse dyd I Wyth bothe the Grayhoundes in my company:[636]35 Tyll that I came unto a ryall gate, Where I sawe stondynge the goodly Portres, Whiche axed me, from whence I came a-late? To whome I gan in every thynge expresse All myne adventure, chaunce, and busynesse,40 And eke my name; I tolde her every dell: Whan she herde this, she lyked me right well. Her name, she sayd, was called Countenaunce; Into the besy[637] courte she dyd me then lede, Where was a fountayne depured[638] of pleasance,45 A noble sprynge, a ryall conduyte hede, Made of fyne golde enameled with reed; And on the toppe four dragons blewe and stoute Thys dulcet water in foure partyes dyd spout. Of whyche there flowed foure ryvers ryght clere,50 Sweter than Nylus[639] or Ganges was theyr odoure; Tygrys or Eufrates unto them no pere: I dyd than taste the aromatyke lycoure, Fragraunt of fume, swete as any floure; And in my mouthe it had a marveylous cent[640]55 Of divers spyces, I knewe not what it ment. And after thys farther forth me brought Dame Countenaunce into a goodly Hall, Of jasper stones it was wonderly wrought: The wyndowes cleare depured all of crystall,60 And in the roufe on hye over all Of golde was made a ryght crafty vyne; In stede of grapes the rubies there did shyne. The flore was paved with berall clarified, With pillers made of stones precious,65 Like a place of pleasure so gayely glorified, It myght be called a palaice glorious, So muche delectable and solacious;[641] The hall was hanged hye and circuler With cloth of arras in the rychest maner.70 That treated well of a ful noble story, Of the doubty waye to the Tower Perillous;[642] Howe a noble knyght should wynne the victory Of many a serpente fowle and odious. * * * * *
FOOTNOTES:
XI. THE CHILD OF ELLE,

Is given from a fragment in the Editor's folio MS. which, tho' extremely defective and mutilated, appeared to have so much merit, that it excited a strong desire to attempt a completion of the story. The Reader will easily discover the supplemental stanzas by their inferiority, and at the same time be inclined to pardon it, when he considers how difficult it must be to imitate the affecting simplicity and artless beauties of the original.
Child was a title sometimes given to a knight.
[The Child of Ell, as it appears in the folio MS., is a fragment without beginning or ending, so that Percy was forced to add some verses in order to fit it for his book, but the above note does not give any adequate notion of his contributions to the ballad. The verses that are entirely due to the bishop's pen are placed between brackets, and it will be seen from the copy of the original printed at the end that the remaining thirty lines are much altered from it. It is unfortunate that Percy's taste was not sufficient to save him from adding sentimental verses so out of character with the directness of the original as—
"Fair Emmeline sighed, fair Emmeline wept, And aye her heart was woe: At length he seized her lilly-white hand, And downe the ladder he drewe."
On the other hand, the poem as it stands is certainly elegant, and Sir Walter Scott was justified in his high praise when he pointed out the beauty of verses 181-184.
"The baron he stroked his dark brown cheek, And turned his head aside To wipe away the starting tear, He proudly strave to hide."
Scott published a ballad called "Erlinton" for the first time in his Border Minstrelsy, which he says "seems to be the rude original, or perhaps a corrupt and imperfect copy of The Child of Elle."
The original fragment from the MS. is worth reading for its own sake as a genuine antique, which must outweigh in interest all manufactured imitations.]

[On yonder hill a castle standes With walles and towres bedight,[643] And yonder lives the Child of Elle, A younge and comely knighte. The Child of Elle to his garden wente,5 And stood at his garden pale, Whan, lo! he beheld fair Emmelines page Come trippinge downe the dale. The Child of Elle he hyed him thence, Y-wis he stoode not stille,10 And soone he mette faire Emmelines page Come climbing up the hille. Nowe Christe thee save, thou little foot-page, Now Christe thee save and see! Oh telle me how does thy ladye gaye,15 And what may thy tydinges bee? My lady shee is all woe-begone, And the teares they falle from her eyne; And aye she laments the deadlye feude Betweene her house and thine.20 And here shee sends thee a silken scarfe Bedewde with many a teare, And biddes thee sometimes thinke on her, Who loved thee so deare. And here shee sends thee a ring of golde25 The last boone thou mayst have, And biddes thee weare it for her sake, Whan she is layde in grave. For, ah! her gentle heart is broke, And in grave soone must shee bee,30 Sith her father hath chose her a new new love, And forbidde her to think of thee. Her father hath brought her a carlish[644] knight, Sir John of the north countràye, And within three dayes shee must him wedde,35 Or he vowes he will her slaye. Nowe hye thee backe, thou little foot-page, And greet thy ladye from mee, And telle her that I her owne true love Will dye, or sette her free.40 Nowe hye thee backe, thou little foot-page, And let thy fair ladye know This night will I bee at her bowre-windòwe, Betide me weale or woe. The boye he tripped, the boye he ranne,45 He neither stint ne stayd Untill he came to fair Emmelines bowre, Whan kneeling downe he sayd, O ladye, I've been with thy own true love, And he greets thee well by mee;50 This night will he bee at thy bowre-windòwe, And dye or sette thee free. Nowe daye was gone, and night was come, And all were fast asleepe, All save the ladye Emmeline,55 Who sate in her bowre to weepe: And soone shee heard her true loves voice Lowe whispering at the walle, Awake, awake, my deare ladyè, Tis I thy true love call.60 Awake, awake, my ladye deare, Come, mount this faire palfràye: This ladder of ropes will lette thee downe, Ile carrye thee hence awaye. Nowe nay, nowe nay, thou gentle knight,65 Nowe nay, this may not bee; For aye shold I tint my maiden fame, If alone I should wend with thee. O ladye, thou with a knighte so true Mayst safelye wend alone,70 To my ladye mother I will thee bringe, Where marriage shall make us one. "My father he is a baron bolde, Of lynage proude and hye; And what would he saye if his daughtèr75 Awaye with a knight should fly? Ah! well I wot, he never would rest,] Nor his meate should doe him no goode, Until he had slayne thee, Child of Elle, And seene thy deare hearts bloode."80 O ladye, wert thou in thy saddle sette, And a little space him fro, I would not care for thy cruel fathèr, Nor the worst that he could doe. O ladye, wert thou in thy saddle sette,85 And once without this walle, I would not care for thy cruel fathèr, Nor the worst that might befalle. [Faire Emmeline sighed, fair Emmeline wept, And aye her heart was woe:90 At length he seized her lilly-white hand, And downe the ladder he drewe: And thrice he clasped her to his breste, And kist her tenderlìe: The teares that fell from her fair eyes,95 Ranne like the fountayne free.] Hee mounted himselfe on his steede so talle, And her on a fair palfràye, And slung his bugle about his necke, And roundlye they rode awaye.100 [All this beheard her owne damsèlle, In her bed whereas shee ley, Quoth shee, My lord shall knowe of this, Soe I shall have golde and fee. Awake, awake, thou baron bolde!105 Awake, my noble dame! Your daughter is fledde with the Child of Elle, To doe the deede of shame. The baron he woke, the baron he rose, And called his merrye men all:110 "And come thou forth, Sir John the knighte, Thy ladye is carried to thrall."[645]] Faire Emmeline scant had ridden a mile, A mile forth of the towne, When she was aware of her fathers men115 Come galloping over the downe: [And foremost came the carlish knight, Sir John of the north countràye: "Nowe stop, nowe stop, thou false traitòure, Nor carry that ladye awaye.120 For she is come of hye lineàge, And was of a ladye borne, And ill it beseems thee a false churl's sonne To carrye her hence to scorne."] Nowe loud thou lyest, Sir John the knight,125 Nowe thou doest lye of mee; A knight mee gott, and a ladye me bore, Soe never did none by thee. But light nowe downe, my ladye faire, Light downe, and hold my steed,130 While I and this discourteous knighte Doe trye this arduous deede. But light now downe, my deare ladyè, Light downe, and hold my horse; While I and this discourteous knight135 [Doe trye our valour's force. Fair Emmeline sighed, fair Emmeline wept, And aye her heart was woe, While twixt her love and the carlish knight Past many a baleful blowe.140 The Child of Elle hee fought soe well, As his weapon he waived amaine, That soone he had slaine the carlish knight, And layd him upon the plaine. And nowe the baron, and all his men145 Full fast approached nye: Ah! what may ladye Emmeline doe? Twere nowe no boote[646] to flye. Her lover he put his horne to his mouth, And blew both loud and shrill,150 And soone he saw his owne merry men Come ryding over the hill. "Nowe hold thy hand, thou bold baròn, I pray thee hold thy hand, Nor ruthless rend two gentle hearts,155 Fast knit in true love's band. Thy daughter I have dearly loved Full long and many a day; But with such love as holy kirke Hath freelye sayd wee may.160 O give consent, shee may be mine, And blesse a faithfull paire: My lands and livings are not small, My house and lineage faire: My mother she was an earl's daughtèr,165 And a noble knyght my sire—— The baron he frowned, and turn'd away With mickle dole and ire." Fair Emmeline sighed, faire Emmeline wept, And did all tremblinge stand:170 At lengthe she sprang upon her knee. And held his lifted hand. Pardon, my lorde and father deare, This faire yong knyght and mee: Trust me, but for the carlish knyght,175 I never had fled from thee. Oft have you called your Emmeline Your darling and your joye; O let not then your harsh resolves Your Emmeline destroye.180 The baron he stroakt his dark-brown cheeke, And turned his heade asyde To whipe awaye the starting teare, He proudly strave to hyde. In deepe revolving thought he stoode,185 And mused a little space; Then raised faire Emmeline from the grounde, With many a fond embrace. Here take her, Child of Elle, he sayd, And gave her lillye white hand;190 Here take my deare and only child, And with her half my land: Thy father once mine honour wrongde In dayes of youthful pride; Do thou the injurye repayre195 In fondnesse for thy bride. And as thou love her, and hold her deare, Heaven prosper thee and thine: And nowe my blessing wend wi' thee, My lovelye Emmeline.]200
⁂
†‡† From the word kirke in ver. 159, this hath been thought to be a Scottish Ballad, but it must be acknowledged that the line referred to is among the additions supplied by the Editor: besides, in the Northern counties of England, kirk is used in the common dialect for church, as well as beyond the Tweed.
[The following thirty-nine lines are the whole of the fragment which Percy used as the groundwork of his poem. They are taken from Bishop Percy's Folio Manuscript, vol. i. p. 133.
Sayes, Christ thee save, good child of Ell! Christ saue thee and thy steede! My father sayes he will noe meate, Nor his drinke shall doe him noe good, till he have slaine the Child of Ell And have seene his harts blood. I wold I were in my sadle sett, And a mile out of the towne, I did not care for your father And all his merry men! I wold I were in my sadle sett, And a little space him froe, I did not care for your father And all that long him to! He leaned ore his saddle bow To kisse this Lady good; The teares that went them two betweene Were blend water and blood. He sett himselfe on one good steed This lady of one palfray And sett his litle horne to his mouth And roundlie he rode away. He had not ridden past a mile A mile out of the towne, Her father was readye with her seven brether He said, sett thou my daughter downe! For itt ill beseemes thee, thou false churles sonne, To carry her forth of this towne! But lowd thou lyest, Sir John the Knight! That now doest lye of me; A knight me gott and a lady me bore; Soe never did none by thee. But light now downe, my lady gay, Light downe and hold my horsse Whilest I and your father and your brether Doe play us at this crosse; But light now downe, my owne trew loue, And meeklye hold my steede, Whilest your father [and your brether] bold.]
[Half a page missing.]
FOOTNOTES:

XII. EDOM O' GORDON,
A Scottish Ballad,

Was printed at Glasgow, by Robert and Andrew Foulis, MDCCLV. 8vo. 12 pages. We are indebted for its publication (with many other valuable things in these volumes) to Sir David Dalrymple, Bart., who gave it as it was preserved in the memory of a lady that is now dead.
The reader will here find it improved and enlarged with several fine stanzas, recovered from a fragment of the same ballad, in the Editor's folio MS. It is remarkable that the latter is entitled Captain Adam Carre, and is in the English idiom. But whether the author was English or Scotch, the difference originally was not great. The English Ballads are generally of the North of England, the Scottish are of the South of Scotland, and of consequence the country of ballad-singers was sometimes subject to one crown, and sometimes to the other, and most frequently to neither. Most of the finest old Scotch songs have the scene laid within twenty miles of England, which is indeed all poetic ground, green hills, remains of woods, clear brooks. The pastoral scenes remain: of the rude chivalry of former ages happily nothing remains but the ruins of the castles, where the more daring and successful robbers resided. The house or castle of the Rodes stood about a measured mile south from Duns, in Berwickshire: some of the ruins of it may be seen to this day. The Gordons were anciently seated in the same county: the two villages of East and West Gordon lie about ten miles from the castle of the Rodes.[647] The fact, however, on which the ballad is founded, happened in the north of Scotland,[648] yet it is but too faithful a specimen of the violences practised in the feudal times in every part of this Island, and indeed all over Europe.
From the different titles of this ballad, it should seem that the old strolling bards or minstrels (who gained a livelihood by reciting these poems) made no scruple of changing the names of the personages they introduced, to humour their hearers. For instance, if a Gordon's conduct was blameworthy in the opinion of that age, the obsequious minstrel would, when among Gordons, change the name to Car, whose clan or sept lay further west, and vice versâ. The foregoing observation, which I owed to Sir David Dalrymple, will appear the more perfectly well founded, if, as I have since been informed (from Crawford's Memoirs), the principal Commander of the expedition was a Gordon, and the immediate agent a Car, or Ker; for then the reciter might, upon good grounds, impute the barbarity here deplored, either to a Gordon or a Car, as best suited his purpose. In the third volume the reader will find a similar instance. See the song of Gil Morris, wherein the principal character introduced had different names given him, perhaps from the same cause.
It may be proper to mention that, in the folio MS., instead of the "Castle of the Rodes," it is the "Castle of Bittons-borrow," and also "Dractons-borrow," and "Capt. Adam Carre" is called the "Lord of Westerton-town." Uniformity required that the additional stanzas supplied from that copy should be clothed in the Scottish orthography and idiom: this has therefore been attempted, though perhaps imperfectly.
[Percy's note, which goes to prove that the historical event referred to in this ballad occurred in the north of Scotland, negatives the view which is expressed just before, that the borders are the exclusive country of the ballad singers, at all events in this particular instance. Sir David Dalrymple appears to have altered the place of action from Towie to Rodes under a misconception. An extract from Crawford's Memoirs (an. 1571, p. 240, ed. 1706), is a proper companion to the passage from Spotswood, and explains the title in the folio MS. The person sent was "one Captain Ker with a party of foot.... Nor was he ever so much as cashiered for this inhuman action, which made Gordon share in the scandal and the guilt." Gordon, in his History of the Family of Gordon, informs us that, in the true old spirit of Scottish family feuds, the Forbes's afterwards attempted to assassinate Gordon in the streets of Paris.
Percy showed good taste in rejecting the termination given in Dalrymple's version, which certainly does not improve the ballad, and has moreover a very modern flavour. The husband is there made to end his days as follows:—
"And round and round the wa's he went Their ashes for to view. At last into the flames he flew And bad the world adieu."
This ballad is found in various versions, which proves how wide-spread was the popularity of the striking story which it relates. In the version given from the Cotton MS. by Ritson in his Ancient Songs (vol. ii. p. 38, ed. 1829) the husband takes no vengeance on Captain Car. Another version, entitled Loudoun Castle, is reprinted in Child's English and Scottish Ballads (vol. vi. p. 254), from the Ballads and Songs of Ayrshire, where the scene is changed to Loudoun Castle, which is supposed to have been burnt about three hundred and sixty years ago by the clan Kennedy. In Ritson's version the castle is called Crechcrynbroghe, and in the Genealogy of the Forbes, by Matthew Lumsden, of Tullikerne, written in 1580 (Inverness, 1819, p. 44), the name is changed to Cargaffe. From this latter source we learn that the lady of Towie was Margaret Campbell, daughter of Sir John Campbell, of Calder, and that the husband, far from flying into the flames, married a second wife, a daughter of Forbes of Reires, who bare him a son named Arthur.]


It fell about the Martinmas, Quhen the wind blew shril and cauld, Said Edom o' Gordon to his men, We maun draw till a hauld.[649] And quhat a hauld sall we draw till,5 My mirry men and me? We wul gae to the house o' the Rodes, To see that fair ladìe. The lady stude on hir castle wa', Beheld baith dale and down:10 There she was ware of a host of men Cum ryding towards the toun.[650] O see ye nat, my mirry men a'? O see ye nat quhat I see? Methinks I see a host of men:15 I marveil quha they be. She weend[651] it had been hir luvely lord, As he cam ryding hame; It was the traitor Edom o' Gordon, Quha reckt nae sin nor shame.20 She had nae sooner buskit[652] hirsel, And putten on hir goun, But Edom o' Gordon and his men Were round about the toun. They had nae sooner supper sett,25 Nae sooner said the grace, But Edom o' Gordon and his men, Were light about the place. The lady ran up to hir towir head, Sa fast as she could hie,30 To see if by hir fair speechès She could wi' him agree. But quhan he see this lady saif, And hir yates[653] all locked fast, He fell into a rage of wrath,35 And his look was all aghast. Cum doun to me, ye lady gay, Cum doun, cum doun to me: This night sall ye lig[654] within mine armes, To-morrow my bride sall be.40 I winnae[655] cum doun, ye fals Gordòn, I winnae cum doun to thee; I winnae forsake my ain dear lord, That is sae far frae me. Give owre your house, ye lady fair,45 Give owre your house to me, Or I sall brenn[656] yoursel therein, Bot and[657] your babies three. I winnae give owre, ye false Gordòn, To nae sik traitor as yee;50 And if ye brenn my ain dear babes, My lord sall make ye drie.[658] But reach my pistoll, Glaud, my man,[659] And charge ye weil my gun:[659] For, but an[660] I pierce that bluidy butcher,55 My babes we been undone. She stude upon hir castle wa', And let twa bullets flee:[659] She mist that bluidy butchers hart, And only raz'd his knee.60 Set fire to the house, quo' fals Gordòn, All wood wi' dule[661] and ire: Fals lady, ye sail rue this deid, As ye bren in the fire. Wae worth,[662] wae worth ye, Jock my man,65 I paid ye weil your fee; Quhy pu' ye out the ground-wa' stane.[663] Lets in the reek[664] to me? And ein[665] wae worth ye, Jock my man, I paid ye weil your hire;70 Quhy pu' ye out the ground-wa stane, To me lets in the fire? Ye paid me weil my hire, lady; Ye paid me weil my fee: But now I'm Edom o' Gordons man,75 Maun either doe or die. O than bespaik hir little son, Sate on the nurses knee: Sayes, Mither deare, gi' owre this house, For the reek it smithers me.80 I wad gie a' my gowd,[666] my childe, Sae wald I a' my fee, For ane blast o' the western wind, To blaw the reek frae thee. O then bespaik hir dochter dear,85 She was baith jimp[667] and sma: O row[668] me in a pair o' sheits, And tow me[669] owre the wa. They rowd hir in a pair o' sheits, And towd hir owre the wa:90 But on the point of Gordons spear, She gat a deadly fa. O bonnie bonnie was hir mouth, And cherry were hir cheiks, And clear clear was hir yellow hair,95 Whereon the reid bluid dreips. Then wi' his spear he turnd hir owre, O gin hir face was wan![670] He sayd, ye are the first that eir I wisht alive again.100 He turnd hir owre and owre againe, O gin hir skin was whyte![670] I might ha spared that bonnie face To hae been sum mans delyte. Busk and boun,[671] my merry men a',105 For ill dooms I doe guess; I cannae luik in that bonnie face, As it lyes on the grass. Thame, luiks to freits, my master deir,[672] Then freits wil follow thame:[672]110 Let it neir be said brave Edom o' Gordon Was daunted by a dame. But quhen the ladye see the fire Cum flaming owre hir head, She wept and kist her children twain,115 Sayd, Bairns, we been but dead. The Gordon then his bougill[673] blew, And said, Awa', awa'; This house o' the Rodes is a' in flame, I hauld it time to ga'.120 O then bespyed hir ain dear lord, As hee cam owr the lee; He sied[674] his castle all in blaze Sa far as he could see. Then sair, O sair his mind misgave,125 And all his hart was wae; Put on, put on, my wighty men, So fast as ye can gae. Put on, put on, my wighty[675] men, Sa fast as ye can drie;[676]130 For he that is hindmost of the thrang, Sall neir get guid o' me. Than sum they rade, and sum they rin, Fou fast out-owr the bent;[677] But eir the foremost could get up,135 Baith lady and babes were brent. He wrang his hands, he rent his hair, And wept in teenefu' muid:[678] O traitors, for this cruel deid Ye sall weep teirs o'bluid.140 And after the Gordon he is gane, Sa fast as he might drie;[679] And soon i' the Gordon's foul hartis bluid, He's wroken[680] his dear ladie.
⁂
[The following is the version of the ballad in the Percy Folio, which is entitled Captaine Carre. Bishop Percy's Folio MS., ed. J. W. Hales and F. J. Furnivall, 1867, vol. i., pp. 79-83.
ffaith, Master, whither you will, whereas you like the best, Unto the castle of Bittons borrow, and there to take your rest. But yonder stands a Castle faire, is made of lyme and stone, Yonder is in it a fayre lady, her lord is ridden and gone. The lady stood on her castle wall, she looked upp and downe, She was ware of an hoast of men came rydinge towards the towne. See you not my merry men all, and see you not what I doe see? Methinks I see a hoast of men I muse who they shold be. She thought it had beene her lovly Lord, he had come ryding home: it was the traitor, Captaine Carre the Lord of Westerton towne They had noe sooner super sett, and after said the grace but the traitor Captaine Carre was light about the place. Give over thy house, thou lady gay I will make thee a band [i.e. bond] all night within mine armes thoust lye, to-morrow be the heyre of my land. Ile not give over my house, shee said neither for ladds nor man, nor yet for traitor Captaine Carre, Untill my lord come home. But reach me my pistoll pee [i.e. piece] and charge you well my gunne, Ile shoote at the bloody bucher the lord of westerton. She stood uppon her castle wall and let the bulletts flee, and where shee mist....
[Half a page missing.]
But then bespake the little child that sate on the nurses knee, saies, mother deere, give ore this house for the smoake it smoothers me. I wold give all my gold, my childe, soe wold I doe all my fee, for one blast of the westerne wind to blow the smoke from thee. But when shee saw the fier came flaming ore her head, She tooke them upp her children two Sayes, babes we all beene dead! But Adam then he fired the house, a sorrowfull sight to see: now hath he burned this lady faire and eke her children three Then Captain Carre he rode away, he staid noe longer at that tide, he thought that place it was to warme soe neere for to abide He calld unto his merry men all bidd them make hast away for we have slaine his children three all, and his lady gay. Word came to lovly loudon[1] to loudon[681] wheras her lord lay, his castle and his hall was burned all and his lady gay. Soe hath he done his Children three, More dearer unto him then either the silver or the gold that men soe faine wold win. But when he looket this writing on, Lord in is hart he was woe! saies, I will find thee, Captain Carre, wether thou ryde or goe! Buff yee, bowne yee, my merry men all with tempered swords of steele, for till I have found out Captaine Carre, My hart it is nothing weele. But when he came to dractons Borrow, soe long ere it was day, and ther he found him, Captaine Carre; that night he ment to stay.]
[Half a page missing.]
FOOTNOTES:
THE END OF THE FIRST BOOK.

RELIQUES OF ANCIENT POETRY, ETC.
SERIES THE FIRST.