BRIEF HISTORY

For more than five hundred years previous to the discovery of America, the territory which now constitutes the Republic of Chile was inhabited by bands of nomadic, barbarous Indians. The indigenous races of Chile possessed none of the arts of civilization. They had no knowledge of cultivating the soil, and the rich mineral resources of the country remained undisturbed and undeveloped during all the centuries in which they were left in undisputed possession. They had no system of government, no recognized social or moral laws, no commerce, no medium of exchange, no occupations. The nearest approach they had to houses were rude huts “rucas,” made from the branches of trees, which afforded little protection against rain or cold; neither had they clothing with which to cover their bodies or protect them from the elements. They were nomadic, cannibalistic savages, living like the beasts of the forests, subsisting upon wild fruits, berries, nuts, and such animals as they could capture or kill with crude weapons, made from wood and bamboo. There being few animals and birds indigenous to the country, the Indians were often driven to the extremity of eating insects, mollusks, lizards and reptiles, as a means of sustaining life. The absolute lack of civilization, the low level of the intellectual standard, depraved moral condition, vicious habits and disgusting customs that prevailed among the indigenous races of Chile previous to the peaceful conquest of portions of the territory by the Incas, finds few parallels in the history of the world. Might was right; there was no law, no restraint, no incentive or encouragement to progress or improvement; no punishment provided for those who committed murder and outrage. When one person killed another, he feasted upon the flesh of his vanquished adversary, eating it raw, the formality of cooking being dispensed with.

When the character of the aborigines of Chile is taken into consideration; the conditions out of which the Republic was evolved, a century ago—1810; the elements amalgamated into the present homogeneous population, inherited peculiarities, traditional customs and superstitions taken into account, the wonder is that progress has been so rapid along the road of national advancement, commercial and intellectual development.

More than one hundred years before Columbus discovered America; before the flood-tide, which carried in its current a curious collection of ambitious adventurers and the poor and oppressed of all the European nations, set in towards the western world, making the Atlantic Ocean the “Path of Empire;” before the advance guard of Spanish adventurers and despoilers drifted from the Antilles to tropical America, and crossing the Isthmus of Panama started in quest of gold—a mission of robbery and butchery of the defenseless inhabitants of the west coast countries; before Francisco Pizarro despoiled Peru and destroyed the Inca Empire, where existed the only material evidences of an advanced civilization in South America, created and maintained by a native race; long before Diego Almagro, friend and ally of Pizarro, who was refused a share of the spoils secured in the conquest of Peru, went to Chile, the Incas had invaded the territory and made peaceful conquest of portions of the country which now constitutes the northern part of the Republic.

In the early part of the fifteenth century the Inca of Peru sent a small army to explore the country to the south, with a view to increasing the territorial limits of his Empire. The expedition went as far south as the valley of the Aconcagua, a rich, fertile country, where later was established the city of Quillota, the first capital of Chile. An attempt was made to explore the country further south, but the advance was resented by the Araucanians, and the Incas returned to Peru to report the success of the undertaking. A few years later another army was sent by the Inca into Chile, which explored the country as far south as the River Bio Bio, which is now the northern boundary of the Araucanian territory.

The Incas being much more advanced in civilization than the Indian tribes of Chile, introduced ideas and customs that furnished the foundation upon which was later erected the superstructure of the Republic. They taught the Indians how to irrigate and to cultivate the soil, the value of precious metals, how to weave fabrics from the fur of the vicuña and guanaco, and the art of manufacturing pottery. They also introduced maize, beans and vegetables of various kinds, in the cultivation and uses of which they instructed the natives. In fact, the first advance made by the Chilean Indians from a state of absolute barbarism towards a condition of semi-civilization was due to the teachings and example of the Incas, the most intelligent, progressive and highly civilized of the numerous indigenous races in America, North or South. With a view to making Chile a part of the Peruvian Empire, the Incas built a magnificent military road across the desert of Atacama, which was later partially destroyed by the Spaniards, but portions of which still remain as evidence of the genius and creative skill of that wonderful people.

In 1535, one hundred years after the peaceful conquest of Northern Chile by the Incas, Diego de Almagro, one of the Spanish freebooters and Pacific pirates, started from Peru with five hundred adventurous soldiers on an expedition of conquest of Chile, hoping to repeat there Pizarro’s experience in the spoliation of the Inca Empire. The expedition of Almagro, to whom history generally accords the honor of the discovery of Chile, was attended with many hardships and much suffering. After leaving the road constructed by the Incas across the desert, they had to cross the Cordillera of the Andes, the higher ranges of which were covered with snow and over which there was no road and where the cold was intense. After a voyage lasting six months, in which innumerable difficulties were encountered, Almagro arrived at a point where Copiapo is now situated, with less than one half of his followers, the others having died from cold and starvation in crossing the mountains. It was on this expedition that Almagro manifested characteristics which later gave him the reputation of being one of the most cruel and inhuman of the many adventurers who invaded Chile. When animals used in transporting provisions and equipment for the expedition died, Indians encountered on the way were impressed into service as beasts of burden. They were compelled to live with the pack animals, with which they served in common, and when unable to longer support the burdens under which they struggled across deserts and over mountains, they were brutally murdered, or maimed and left to suffer the tortures of a slow death by the wayside.

When Almagro reached the valley of the Aconcagua, where he had been preceded more than a century by the Incas, who established friendly relations with the Araucanians, he was kindly received by the Indians. But the natives who had been enslaved and cruelly treated by the Spaniards enroute, related their experiences to the friendly Indians, who became suspicious and fled into the forests for protection. This angered Almagro who ordered his soldiers to go in search of them and to kill all who refused to return to their places of habitation. The Spaniards who were provided with horses and arms pursued the defenseless natives and slaughtered hundreds of them.

Having gone to Chile in search of gold, with no other motive than to sack and rob, and finding only poor, ignorant, miserable Indians in possession of the country, Almagro soon returned to Peru, disappointed and disgusted with what he described as the poverty of the territory he had explored. Because of this disappointment, previous to his departure, he committed outrages and atrocities upon the helpless natives, by whom he had been received as a friend, which have few parallels in the record of cruel deeds, with which the early history of South America is so replete. The acts of treachery and outrage committed by Almagro and his followers created a feeling in the minds of the Araucanians that ultimately led to hostilities which lasted for over three hundred years; hostile feelings that have never been removed, and prejudices that will remain so long as a representative of that brave, obstinate race survives.

Almagro’s unfavorable report and the miserable appearance of his soldiers on their return to Peru, together with the stories of suffering, created in the minds of the Spaniards the impression that Chile was the poorest of all the South American countries. But in 1540, Pedro de Valdivia, a young Spanish captain, apparently more ambitious for fame than riches, organized an expedition for the purpose of exploring Chile and taking possession of the territory in the name of the King. Writing to his sovereign concerning the undertaking he said: “I have no desire but to discover and add territory to your Majesty’s Kingdom, and fame to my memory.” With one hundred and fifty men the intrepid young officer, who had gained distinction for valor in European wars, started on a journey from Peru over deserts and mountains to Chile, where he was to lay the foundations for a future Republic. On reaching the beautiful valley of the Mapocho, surrounded by a wall of mountains, and from the center of which rises the Santa Lucia, one of the most remarkable natural formations in the world, Valdivia laid out and established the first city in Chile, which is now the splendid capital of the Republic, Santiago, on February 12, 1541.

On the arrival of Valdivia and his soldiers, the Indians remembering the deception and cruelty practiced by Almagro, abandoned the country near where the Spaniards located. But on being informed by Valdivia that he desired to live on terms of peace with them, they returned to their “rucas” and resumed the cultivation of their “sitios.”

The beautiful city of Santiago of to-day, with its palatial residences, magnificent Alameda, grand cathedral, splendid public buildings and miles of fine business blocks, bears little resemblance to the pioneer village of 1541. The first houses were built of the trunks of trees, plastered with mud and thatched with maize stocks. One of the first buildings erected was a little temple at the corner of the Plaza de Armas, on the site of which now stands the cathedral of Santiago, the corner-stone of the Catholic church in Chile, which is to-day a potent political factor, and exercises a far-reaching influence in the Republic, through its representation in Congress and in the press of the country.

The friendly relation first established with the Indians by Valdivia, and by which means he hoped to take peaceful possession of the country, did not long continue. The necessity of means and greater resources for carrying out his schemes of conquest encouraged Valdivia to prospect for gold, and some mines were opened near the port of Valparaiso. In these mines Indians were placed by force and worked as slaves. In return for the gold secured the Spaniards incurred the enmity of the Indians, who determined to kill all their persecutors as a means of ending the tyranny to which they were subjected. With that cunning and strategy which has always characterized the Araucanians in war, they waited to make the attack until Valdivia was absent on an exploring expedition in the south with some of his followers, leaving only thirty mounted and twenty foot soldiers to guard the little garrison at Santiago. For fifteen hours the fifty men held the fort which was besieged and assaulted by a force of Indians numbering six thousand. Finally Captain Alonso de Monroy, who was in charge of the Spanish forces changed his tactics from defensive to the offensive, and leading his little band of soldiers attacked the Indians with such courage and ferocity that, notwithstanding their great numbers they were driven off. A great number of Indians and several of the soldiers were killed, but the greatest loss suffered by the Spaniards was the destruction by fire of the entire village, except the fort. When Valdivia returned he found himself and his men without houses in which to live, and without provisions or supplies, everything except the clothing they wore having been burned or destroyed during the battle.

After several years of indecisive warfare, in which the Spaniards made no progress in the way of conquering the Indians, or the undisputed occupation of the territory, Valdivia decided to return to Peru for the purpose of enlisting a more formidable force of men and arms with which to prosecute the war against the Araucanians. He started on this mission in 1547, leaving the depleted forces in Chile in charge of Francisco Villagran, returning two years later with two hundred infantry and a troop of one hundred cavalry, all well armed and equipped. Feeling secure with this army, Valdivia began an aggressive warfare against the Araucanians immediately after his arrival. Soon after the beginning of this war several important battles took place, chief among which was that of Concepcion, in which over two thousand Indians were killed and two hundred taken prisoners. The Spaniards also lost a number of men in the engagement. Following his cruel instincts, and with a view to terrorizing the Indians, Valdivia cut off the right hand and the nose of each of the prisoners captured in the battle, and then released them to return to their people, maimed and disfigured. This act of cruelty, instead of having the desired effect, incensed the Araucanians to greater hostilities. So persistent became their pursuit and attack that the Spaniards were given no time to sleep or rest from the strife. Day and night they were harassed by the Indians who finally collected their forces for a decisive battle at Tucapel. In this encounter Valdivia employed the same tactics used in other engagements, charging the enemy with his cavalry. But on this occasion the Indians seemed to be innumerable and invincible, and after being almost annihilated, the heroic little band of soldiers were forced to submit to superior numbers, and those who were not killed in battle were taken prisoner, Pedro de Valdivia being among the latter. When brought into the presence of the Araucanian chief, Valdivia said: “If you will give me my liberty I will promise to retire with my soldiers from the country.” Painful experience had taught the Indians to place no value upon the promises of the Spaniards, and desiring to avenge the cruelties inflicted upon their people, they refused to release the prisoners. Valdivia was tortured with all the horrible cruelties he had practiced upon the Indians, and all the soldiers taken at Tucapel were put to a tortuous death.

Soon after the death of Valdivia, the colonial government in Chile was organized by the worst class of Spanish Bohemians,—men who had not even a cheap or spectacular glory to their credit, and who lacked the capacity or disposition to engage in work of any character, or to develop the resources of the country. It was a sad and calamitous existence the people led under the despotic and ruinous misrule of Spain. Nothing flourished or savored of goodness. The only landmarks of civilization left from that period are various towns, some of which from geographical positions have grown into important cities.

All traces of progress lay buried beneath bigotry and tyranny. The sovereign and his representatives retarded development and advancement, evincing only selfish and unpatriotic ambition for personal gain, treacherous deception and cruel oppression. Chilean officials under Castilian rule had to be Spanish born, and with impunity they plundered the colony of all that was worth possessing. For nearly three centuries Chile lived with modest labor in honest poverty. Those conditions served as antecedents to the special characteristics of economy, industry, independence and love of liberty so manifest in the Chileans of to-day.

Then there was little communication with the outside world. Colonists suffered and endured without encouragement, hope of relief, or promise of better things. But during those turbulent times, those years of oppression and Spanish misrule, when the Republican idea was growing, there was one powerful force in operation, resenting and resisting the authority of those who were plundering and robbing the country in the name of law and civilization. That force was the courageous, valiant, unconquered Araucanians who maintained their independence for over three hundred years, preferring annihilation to subjugation.

A great majority of the colonists in Chile lived in poverty and ignorance, apparently resigned to their unfortunate condition. For two hundred and fifty years there had been transmitted from parents to children the idea of obedience to the king, believing that person to be of divine origin, and that his power was omnipotent. They also believed that the Spanish-American colonies would always remain subject to the authority of Spain. Fortunately, however, there was a small minority that entertained a hope of relief from the rule of oppression. This hope was encouraged, and the idea of independence implanted in the minds of the people, by the revolution of the English colonists, the declaration of independence of the United States, and the establishment of the first American Republic. The success of the North American patriots encouraged the revolutionary idea in Chile to such an extent that in 1810, when Spain was involved in the turmoil of a general European war, the opportunity was seized by the colonists to secure their independence, which was declared September 18, 1810.

The new Republic, born of patriotism and christened in war, was destined to struggle through its first years of existence in poverty, and afflicted with that most fatal of national maladies, internal strife. The people, long subject to despotic rule, filled with doubt and distrust of those who promised better things, had little experience, training or knowledge to fit them for the political liberty they had been so anxious to secure, and in possession of which they found themselves. Inexperienced in self-government, depressed with poverty, disturbed with internal dissensions and burdened with exploded theories, Chile began to set her national house in order without example or precedent to guide her in the experiment.

The government of Chile, organized in Santiago, September 18, 1810, was provisional and experimental, consisting of a “junta” (committee) of sixty persons, with Mateo de Toro y Zambrano as president of the junta, and in fact the first president of independent Chile. On July 4 of the following year an election was held at which congressional deputies were selected. A month later the national congress appointed a government junta, composed of three persons. The first laws of the new government were promulgated in August, 1811, among which was one prohibiting the importation of slaves, and declaring freedom to the children of all slaves then in the country. Thus did the young Republic place her seal of disapproval upon slavery, thereby setting an example for other nations, including the United States, after which the Chilean Republic was modeled.

For more than twenty years after the organization of the government the country was rent by jealousy, dissension, revolution and general disorder. The patriots who were struggling for national life and independence, and who were confident that out of chaos would come order, peace and prosperity, had to contend not only with an aggressive foreign foe, but to encounter intrigue and disloyalty at home. During the first decade of national life, numerous able and courageous men endeavored to direct the Ship of State through the turbulent sea of strife and discord to a safe and secure harbor. None succeeded, but many contributed materially to the final solution of the problem of government by the people. Among those who were conspicuous in the service of the country during its formative period may be mentioned Juan Martinez de Rozas, Camilo Henriquez, Manuel Salas, Admiral Blanco Encalada and Lord Cochrane. But the two characters that stand out most conspicuously, the names that are inscribed first upon the roll of honor of Chilean patriots, the men who contributed most to the establishment of order and law in the government, are Bernardo O’Higgins, the first capable, courageous Governor of Chile, and the brave, patriotic San Martin, who united the forces of the Argentine with those of Chile, Bolivia and Peru, for the purpose of putting an end to Spanish rule, and establishing independent government in the several colonies.

O’Higgins was Governor from 1817 to 1823, during which time he used his splendid executive ability in an honest effort to establish law and order, and to introduce some kind of system into the government. After six years of vain endeavor, and believing that the people were unprepared for self-government, he resigned, asked permission to leave the country, and went to Peru. General O’Higgins was succeeded as Governor by Ramon Freire, who held the position for three years, 1826. Then followed a period of several years during which the country was in a state of political anarchy. Changes of government were so frequent that it was impossible to maintain anything like law and order. Revolutions, conspiracies and intrigue were organized and practiced by political combinations and individuals. Independent government was a theory only, and many sincere patriots doubted the wisdom of further effort to establish and maintain a Republic, believing that existing conditions were even worse than Spanish rule.

The theory that if the seed of independence is once planted in the soil of public opinion, it will ultimately bring forth a harvest of good national results, holds true in the case of Chile. For notwithstanding the political disorder, frequent changes of government and the sanguinary revolutions that prevailed from the first, the declaration of independence produced beneficent results. The greatest of these benefits was the liberty of trade and freedom of commerce. People were permitted to buy and sell merchandise when, where and to whom they pleased, while under the colonial system all commercial privileges were controlled by the crown; and while Chile was under the authority of Spain, foreigners were not permitted to engage in trade in the colony.

Under the influence of approaching peace, the gradual amalgamation of political factions into united parties, the expansion of trade and the development of the country’s natural resources, the young Republic developed national life to such an extent that a political constitution was promulgated on May 25, 1833. The independence of the Republic was not recognized by Spain, however, until 1846. The constitution gave to the president authority as ample as that possessed by the king, over the colonies, authorizing him to use in certain cases and emergencies extraordinary powers even to the suspension of the constitutional authority. These provisions were embodied in the constitution for the purpose of suppressing political anarchy and revolution, which had so often interrupted the progress and threatened the life of the Republic from the time of its organization, without waiting for congressional approval. The constitution as adopted in 1833 remained unchanged until 1868. Since that date various amendments have been adopted, limiting the powers of the executive, and adjusting constitutional authority and law to meet the changed conditions of the times and the country.

FORM OF GOVERNMENT.

The form of government under the constitution adopted in 1833 is republican with legislative, executive and judicial branches. The legislative power is vested in the National Congress, consisting of a Senate and House of Deputies, the former, under the latest census, being composed of 37, and the latter of 108 members. Senators are elected for a term of six years, one-half the number being elected every three years. Members of the lower branch of Congress are elected for three years by direct vote, the apportionment being one for every 30,000 inhabitants or fraction of not less than 15,000. Congress is in session from June 1 to September 1 of each year. During the recess of that body a permanent committee consisting of seven senators and seven deputies acts for Congress, and is consulted by the executive upon all questions of importance.

The president is elected for a term of five years by electors who are chosen by direct vote. He is ineligible to election for two consecutive terms. The salary of the chief executive is 60,000 pesos, equal to about $20,000 in U. S. currency. He is assisted by a Council of State consisting of 11 members, six of whom are appointed by Congress and five by the president; and also by six cabinet ministers who are named by the executive, but are responsible to the Congress.

The constitution having become an established law, Chile made rapid progress along the road of national life, leading to order, authority and prosperity. But it was not until Manuel Montt, who was president from 1851 to 1861, had put down two revolutions that order and executive authority were firmly established, and the force of organized national defense demonstrated. In 1861 Montt was succeeded as president by Jose Joaquin Perez, who continued as chief executive for ten years. The condition of law and order that was established and maintained by the government previous to his election continued throughout his two administrations, and national authority was extended and enlarged until liberty of action and speech was insured to every citizen of the Republic. By his political moderation and conciliation, President Perez established a feeling of internal peace and security that had not been previously felt in the country. Unfortunately Chile was soon to be disturbed again by a war-cloud upon the peaceful horizon. Having secured their own freedom, and established an independent government, the patriotic people were not content to remain indifferent to the arbitrary actions of Spain in taking forceful possession of the Chincha Islands in 1865. By force of public opinion and popular sentiment, President Perez was compelled to make an alliance with Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador, to defend the interests of South American Republics against the domination of Spain.

Spain sent a fleet to blockade the ports of Chile, which was not a difficult undertaking, as the Chilean navy then consisted of one gunboat, the Esmeralda. On November 26, the Esmeralda, under command of Captain William Rebolledo, made a brilliant coup by attacking and capturing the Spanish corvette, Covadonga, which daring deed was accomplished within view of the Spanish squadron blockading the harbor of Valparaiso. The admiral commanding the fleet was so humiliated by the fact that one of his ships had been taken by the Chileans that he committed suicide on board his flagship, a few hours afterwards.

To avenge the loss, and apparently as an act of spite inspired by the humiliating incident of the Covadonga, Spain sent a more powerful fleet to Valparaiso, and on March 31, 1866, bombarded the city, causing considerable loss of life, and destruction of property to the value of fifteen million dollars.

At that time Valparaiso had no land fortifications nor means of resisting an attack from a hostile fleet, and Spain’s action in bombarding the port has been generally condemned. This apparent unjustifiable destruction of a defenseless city was the last armed demonstration of Spain in South America. For three centuries she attempted to govern Chile as a colony, and for the first fifty years of national life of the Republic the threatening attitude of the parent government continued as a menace and an obstacle to progress and industrial development. Peace was not established between the two countries until 1884, but after the bombardment of Valparaiso, there was no further hostile demonstration, and Chile was permitted to direct the force of her energies towards building up neglected national institutions and developing the natural resources of the country.

The bombardment of Valparaiso forced upon Chile a realization of her defenseless position against attack from a naval force. Without a navy to defend her extensive coast country, or fortifications with which to protect her ports, she was at the mercy of any maritime power. To meet this requirement and to strengthen her national position, she acquired a formidable navy, the most powerful in South America, and constructed modern fortifications in all the principal ports. Since that time Chile has been regarded as one of the most formidable and aggressive naval and military powers among the Latin-American Republics.

During the administration of President Perez the liberal element in the Republic began to assert itself, and to demand political reforms. This was the first demonstration and show of resistance against the conservative church party, which had been in control of the government since its formation. The program of the liberals was: “The absolute guarantee of personal liberty; that local governments shall be invested with that complete independence necessary for the thorough exercise of their prerogatives; that the different branches of government shall be independent of each other, that all persons shall be equal before the law and that all special privileges shall be abolished.” This was a move from the oligarchy towards democracy. The liberals scored their first victory in 1868, when Congress passed an amendment to the constitution, making the president ineligible to reëlection. The laws providing for civil responsibility, for political treason, and imprisonment for debt were also abolished by the same Congress.

Don Federico Errazuriz, who was elected to the presidency in 1871, was a man of scholarly attainments, and had had a long and varied experience in public life. He had been minister of foreign affairs, of the interior, of justice, and of war, and had served in both branches of the legislative body.

During the administration of President Errazuriz, the liberal party succeeded in passing a number of reformatory measures, among which was one providing that the clergy should be amenable to the civil authorities, and further that all sects might worship in churches erected by private enterprise. The president also decreed that space should be reserved in catholic or public cemeteries for the interment of dissenters, who could be given the right of burial according to the form of their respective denominations. Against these acts the clerical party filed a remonstrance which was signed by the Archbishop of Santiago; and members of Congress who voted for the measures, as well as magistrates who should attempt to enforce the laws, were threatened with excommunication from the church. But those progressive measures still remain upon the statute books of Chile.

Don Anibal Pinto succeeded Don Federico Errazuriz as president in 1876. His administration was early confronted with a financial crisis, and in 1878 the government authorized the banks to suspend specie payment, and guaranteed their emission of paper money to the amount of $15,500,000, which was made redeemable in coin on August 31, 1879. A year later the government found it necessary to resort to a second issue of paper currency to the amount of $6,000,000.

The church question, which had been made the paramount political issue in previous campaigns continued with unabated zeal and acrimony throughout President Pinto’s administration. In 1878 the Archbishop of Santiago died, and the government recommended the appointment of Don Francisco de Paula Taforo as his successor. The clergy of the country opposed the appointment, but the government maintained that inasmuch as the State supported the ecclesiastical officials, the civil authorities should name the church dignitaries. After a bitter contest lasting for several years an apostolic delegate was sent from Rome to make report on the affair. He was expelled by President Santa Maria, who succeeded President Pinto, and the victory was won by the government.

Throughout the administrations of Presidents Perez, Errazuriz, and Pinto the country made rapid advancement along the road of national progress and civilization. Previous to that time all reforms and advanced measures were initiated and directed by the executive, whose political power made him practically the government.

Neither the House of Deputies nor the Senate made any pretense to parliamentary rule or order. In both national and private life the poor but honest element predominated. People earned a legitimate livelihood by honest industry, and wanton extravagance was little known.

THE WAR OF 1879.

There are various versions of the causes leading up to the war between Chile, Peru and Bolivia, but the immediate cause of hostilities, which placed Chile in possession of the greatest nitrate fields in the world, was the cession by the Bolivian government to the Anglo-Peruvian firm of Gibbs & Company, of the right to work the nitrate deposits north of twenty-four degrees south, to construct a mole at Antofagasta and build a railway to some mines in the interior. Later this firm disposed of a portion of its concessions to a Chilean company, the “Compañia Salitres y Ferrocarril de Antofagasta.” When the Bolivian government discovered that Chilean capital and industry were developing the desert into a source of wealth, it laid an export bounty of ten cents per hundred weight upon manufactured nitrate of soda. The Compañia Salitres y Ferrocarril objected to paying export duties upon the products of its properties, and appealed to Chile for protection. Bolivia then threatened to seize all nitrate in the hands of exporters. The Chilean government protested against this arbitrary action and sent a fleet to blockade the ports of Antofagasta, Cobija and Tocopilla. On February 14, 1879, Chile took possession of Antofagasta and sent troops to the interior to protect the property interests of its citizens. General Hilarion Daza, President of Bolivia, then declared war, expelled some Chilenos from the country and confiscated their properties. Thus the fraternity and harmony of interests of the neighboring Republics were destroyed, the trumpets of war sounded, and the result was a change in the map of South America.

Peru tendered her services as mediator and sent special envoys to Santiago and La Paz. But Chile,—having knowledge of a secret treaty celebrated between Bolivia and Peru in 1873, the purpose of which was declared to be the mutual guarantee of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the two republics, and mutual defense against aggression,—the proposition was looked upon by Chile with distrust. Peru proposed that Chilean troops should evacuate Antofagasta; that the three republics should guarantee a neutral administration of affairs. Chile demanded the annulment of the secret treaty of 1873, and that preparations for war on the part of Peru should cease. These propositions were rejected, and Chile declared war against the allies on April 5, 1879.

Hostilities began at once and in earnest, both upon land and sea, continuing until Chile gained her final victories in the battles of Miraflores and Chorrillos, January 13, 1881, and four days later the victorious troops marched into Lima and occupied the Peruvian capital. The campaign was a succession of brilliant victories and achievements for the Chilean arms.

Peru believed her navy superior to that of Chile, but she had not reckoned the valor, skill and zeal of the patriotic Chilean officers, whose feats won for them not only victory, but the admiration of the world, and established for Chile an international reputation as a fighting nation. Equally brilliant and successful was the campaign of the land forces. In the battles of Pisagua, Tacna, Arica, and finally at Miraflores the Chilean troops were invincible.

Among those who distinguished themselves in the navy during the war with Peru and Bolivia was Captain Arturo Prat, who gave up his life in the battle of Iquique, where, after his ship, the Esmeralda, had been disabled and was being rammed by the Peruvian cruiser Huascar, leaped from the deck of his own vessel to that of the enemy, and with his sword attacked single-handed the forces that confronted him in overwhelming numbers. There is in the Plaza Intendencia, Valparaiso, a handsome bronze monument erected to the memory of Arturo Prat, whose heroic deeds and valiant service form some of the most brilliant chapters in the history of his country. Admiral Patricio Lynch was another naval officer with a foreign name who distinguished himself in the war with Peru, and later received the title of general for meritorious service in the Chilean army. During the occupation of Lima, by the Chilean forces, Admiral Lynch was placed in command of the troops in the Peruvian capital, where he remained in charge until April, 1884, when the treaty of peace was ratified and Chile withdrew her army from the conquered country.

By the treaty of peace celebrated with Bolivia on December 11, 1882, Chile obtained all the latter’s seacoast, including the port of Cobija, privileges for constructing railways into the interior and twenty per cent. of Bolivian port customs.

The treaty between Chile and Peru, which was signed at Ancon, on October 20, 1883, contained provisions that led to complications which still leave the question of final settlement in dispute; complications that resulted in a discontinuance of diplomatic relations, which at times became so strained that another conflict at arms seemed imminent. Peru ceded to Chile the province of Tarapaca, forever and unconditionally. In lieu of $10,000,000 cash indemnity, and as security for payment of same, the territory constituting the provinces of Tacna and Arica passed into the possession of Chile for a period of ten years, at the end of which time the ownership of the territory was to be determined by a vote of the legal residents of those provinces. Whatever the result of the election, the country to which the provinces should be annexed, engaged to pay the other $10,000,000 in cash. The time limit for this provision of the treaty expired in 1894, and Peru not being prepared to comply with its requirements, Chile continued in possession of the territory, and the question of Tacna and Arica remained a disputed one.

THE TACNA AND ARICA QUESTION.

A few years later Peru became more prosperous through the development of her rich mineral resources and began pressing for a settlement of the question. To the arbitration proposition presented by Peru Chile maintained that there was nothing to arbitrate. In 1905 Peru presented her side of the question in the form of a written protest against certain proposed industrial improvements in the disputed territory. The reply of the Chilean government to the arguments offered in the protest was an able statement of the case, which left little doubt in the minds of those familiar with the subject that it was Chile’s intention to retain possession of the territory in question.

In June 1905 diplomatic relations between the two republics were resumed, and Peru sent Don Manuel Alvarez Calderon as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Santiago, where he was warmly received by President Riesco and his Cabinet Ministers. In his address in presenting his credentials to the President of Chile, on November 4, 1905, Señor Calderon stated that he was charged with the task of settling outstanding questions in conformity with treaty stipulations, meaning, it was understood, the Tacna and Arica question. In February 1906 the Chilean government named Don Rafael Balmaceda as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Peru.

The more amicable relations resulting from the appointment of diplomatic representatives continued until 1909 when Chile proposed the taking of the plebiscite on certain bases which were then considered unacceptable by Peru, and diplomatic relations were again broken off by the latter country. The main points at issue in this instance involved the questions of who were to constitute the voters, who should preside at the proceedings of the plebiscite, and at what date the election to secure an expression of the residents of the disputed territory should take place.

During the year 1912 an effort was made on the part of the respective governments to agree upon terms acceptable to both countries for the celebration of the plebiscite provided for in the treaty of Ancon, to determine the nationality of the provinces of Tacna and Arica, and the following general agreement was reached:

Peru agrees that all inhabitants, whether Chilean or Peruvian, shall have the right to vote, provided that they enjoy electoral rights under the constitutions of their respective governments. This is the proposition made by Chile in 1909, except that she was willing to include foreigners amongst the voters, while Peru insisted on their exclusion. Chile assuming that the plebiscite would then take place at once, proposed six months’ residence as a necessary condition for voters, and Peru demanded that the time be extended to three years. The plebiscite under the latest arrangement is to be postponed for twenty-one years, during which interval it is hoped and believed that the prejudices engendered by the war, and the ill-feeling existing on the part of the citizens of both republics living in the disputed territory will greatly change for the better, and lessen the chances of a conflict in the final settlement of a difficult question of long standing.

Peru is willing to accede the claim to preside at the taking of the plebiscite, and the president of the Supreme Court of Chile will preside. The rest of the board will be composed of two Chileans and two Peruvians, and final decision will be reached by the majority.

The most important feature of the arrangements, however, is the contemplated treaty of commerce and navigation, by which both countries hope to create such a powerful influence for peace that the question which for so many years has proven an insuperable difficulty to the best efforts of the statesmen of both countries will play a secondary and unimportant part in the relations between the two republics.

Chile is no longer disposed to treat with Peru in a conciliatory manner, or submit to arbitration a question in which she has the right of possession. Having settled peacefully the long standing boundary dispute with the Argentine Republic, which for a quarter of a century hung like a war cloud over the Cordilleras, and got possession of Bolivia “tregua” (tentatively), by means of a treaty of peace and amity, Chile is no longer afraid of a triple alliance with the Argentine, Bolivia and Peru, which once menaced her security and national life.

When the Spanish-American colonies united to secure their independence from Spain it was mutually agreed that there should be no “no man’s land.” To attain this end it was covenanted that the boundaries of the new Republics should be those assigned to each as a colony. In many instances those boundaries were ill defined, and in others conjectural or imaginary. As explorations proceeded these errors were discovered and naturally gave rise to territorial questions between neighboring nations.

Chile had but two neighbors and she had boundary disputes with both. The dispute with the Argentine led to the erection of a fort and the founding of a settlement in the Strait of Magellan by Chile in 1843. From that time until the boundary award by King Edward in 1903, the two republics were in a continual controversy over territorial limits, which on more than one occasion led them to the brink of war. With her other neighbor, Bolivia, Chile had a boundary dispute which has had far-reaching consequences. A modus vivendi which seemed to promise lasting peace was agreed upon. Contrary to expectation, however, the agreement produced war, procuring for Chile another neighbor and still another territorial dispute. Previous to the war of the Pacific, the province of Antofagasta, which was Bolivian territory, separated Chile and Peru, but as a result of that war Chile came into possession of the province of Antofagasta and consequently became a neighbor to Peru. Surrounded as she was then with three Republics individually and collectively maintaining a hostile attitude to her independent and aggressive policy, Chile was placed in a peculiarly delicate and dangerous political position. If one of her three neighbors made a move in its boundary question the other two pressed for a settlement of similar claims.

During the civil conflict in Chile her three neighbors took advantage of the internal disturbance to urge settlement of their boundary questions. And when the relations between Argentina and Chile became so strained as to make war imminent, Bolivia and Peru assumed a most aggressive attitude in demanding a settlement of the questions growing out of the war of ’79. Chile has not forgotten these acts of her neighbors, but her attitude is not one of resentment. Her desire is for peace, as has been demonstrated by her generous and amicable adjustment of differences with Bolivia and Argentina; peace at home and abroad, but peace with honor. She governs her sword in accordance with the motto of the Castilian Hidalgo: “No me desenvainas sin causa; no me envainas sin honor.” (I do not unsheath my sword without cause; I do not sheath it without honor.)

The territorial questions of Chile with Argentina and Bolivia have been definitely settled, and the three countries have been greatly benefited thereby. Chile and the Argentine have been relieved of the enormous drain upon their resources in the purchase of ships and preparations for war, and under treaty arrangements capital is seeking investment in Bolivia in the development of its natural resources. The only outstanding territorial question that Chile now has to deal with is that relating to Tacna and Arica.

Bolivia’s loss in the war with Chile was irreparable, depriving it of all coast territory and an outlet to the sea. It now occupies the unique position of being one of two inland countries in the sisterhood of South American Republics. After the war Chile took possession of the long strip of desert bordering on the Pacific, which furnished Bolivia access to the ocean and direct communication with the outside world. The territory is a rainless region, devoid of vegetation, but beneath its surface are nitrate deposits sufficient to supply the world, and its acquisition made Chile the richest country on the globe, in proportion to its population. It derives from that source about 90,000,000 pesos, equal to $30,000,000 United States currency, or $8.50 per capita, annually. The source of this enormous revenue has become the permanent possession of Chile. Bolivia has apparently abandoned the idea of pressing further claims for readjustment of questions growing out of the war, and is endeavoring to make the best of a bad situation by developing the resources of her remaining territory and promoting her industrial interests. In 1905 she celebrated a treaty of commerce and amity with Chile, which provides among other things for the building of a system of railroads through the provinces of Tacna and Arica, thereby giving to Bolivia access to Pacific ports, providing means of communication and facilities for transporting her products to the coast, as well as to ports of entry.

Bolivia also has a large scheme of railway-building of her own, some of the more important branches of which will connect with the lines built by Chile, extending from the coast across the pampa. It was the announcement of this treaty agreement that caused the last vigorous protest by Peru against Chile’s course in the Tacna and Arica question.

During the administration of the phlegmatic but conscientious Domingo Santa Maria, who was president from 1881 to 1886, Chile passed through an important epoch, the pivotal point in her national history. It includes the war with Peru and Bolivia, and an international complication with the Argentine Republic in which war was averted only by a diplomatic handling of the question.

Argentina had an unsigned alliance with Peru and Bolivia, and advantage was taken of Chile’s war engagement to press the question of boundary limits, and also that of the possession of Patagonia and the Straits of Magellan. To meet this emergency and to avoid if possible another war, the government commissioned Jose Manuel Balmaceda, who was then serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs, to go to the Argentine capital and save Chile from impending difficulties. Although coldly received in Buenos Aires, Señor Balmaceda entered upon the task with zeal and determination, unraveled the tangle of international questions, and tied the hands of Argentina by withdrawing Chile’s claim to that portion of Patagonia lying east of the Cordilleras. Previous to that time all of Patagonia was Chilean territory. It was included in the Spanish Vice-royalty inherited by the Republic. This concession precipitated other boundary disputes which were the cause of many years of international contention, almost resulting in war between the two nations on several occasions. It was finally settled by arbitration in May, 1903, when a boundary line, established by a commission appointed by King Edward VII, was accepted and approved by a treaty agreement between the two countries.

On his return from the Argentine, Balmaceda was made Prime Minister and became a most potent political factor and powerful incentive to material progress and development. From armed conflicts and international complications Chile emerged triumphant and successful. Her territorial limits had been extended to include some of the richest mineral deposits on the continent, her national prestige greatly increased, her credit unimpaired and her wealth producing resources multiplied.

From that time Chile made rapid advancement along lines of industrial development and intellectual progress. For the first time in her national existence the exports exceeded her imports; the balance of trade was favorable to her commerce, and the surplus in the national treasury reached 100,000,000 pesos. A remarkable thing about this surplus is that it was accumulated while the government was engaged in building railroads, bridges, public schools and colleges, penal and correctional institutions, constructing highways and providing better means of communication throughout the country. The Congress of that period, 1882-5, was notable in the history of the Republic for its progressive policies, unity of purpose and patriotic support of the government.

The administration party, led by Balmaceda, with the encouragement of President Santa Maria, was marshaling its forces for some radical departures from former governmental policies. The president issued a message in which it was declared the intention of the administration to enact a law providing for the civil registry of births, deaths and marriages. In the National Congress, September 26, 1885, Balmaceda, representing the administration, declared the following to be the government program:

“Reciprocate and counterpoise every arm of public power; sacredly maintain the independence of constitutional and judicial powers; protect from abuse the electoral power and liberty of suffrage; formally reorganize municipalities for honest, harmonious legislation; separate the church from the state and protect the liberty of thought; foment progressive public instruction, examine proofs of character and competency in the exercise of public functions; realize national administration in the most correct, upright and economical manner.”

Little attention was given to these patriotic sentiments at the time, but later when Balmaceda became minister of the interior, he declared in congress that “the Catholic religion marches contrary to the current of the century, restrains the liberty of State, refuses modern progress, denies freedom of thought and destroys liberal ideas; the church condemns culture and fosters ignorance. With the creed of Catholicism it is difficult to unite the politics of modern State, as the Catholic religion is an exclusive compulsory factor and beneficiary in Chilean administrations.”

After a bitter congressional campaign, in which the measure was opposed by the church element, the civil registry act became a law. History credits President Santa Maria with giving his country this beneficent law, but it was the aggressive Balmaceda who led the fight against all the fortified conservative forces, religious and traditional prejudices of Chile, inculcating into the minds of the people new and advanced ideas, and making the passage of the law possible. Inspired by patriotic motives, and with excessive confidence in others, including his enemies, Balmaceda committed the common mistake of politicians in believing the cause he advocated would prevail because it was right. The war with Peru and Bolivia had left multiform internal and external questions for settlement. While these international problems were pressing for solution, requiring the attention of the administration, the opposition party made a fierce fight in the elections of 1886, securing a majority in the Congress. Then followed the greatest political struggle in the history of Chile. The elements opposing the civil registry law, and other political measures advanced by the administration, employed every means within their power to arrest the liberal advance, which had made such rapid progress in the few years immediately preceding, to embarrass the administration of Santa Maria and destroy the influence of Balmaceda, who had become a political power in the Republic.

ELECTION OF BALMACEDA.

The contending forces and warring political elements of that critical period in Chile’s history reached a climax in the struggle for supremacy in the campaign of 1886, which resulted in the election of Balmaceda as president. During the years intervening between the war with Peru and Bolivia, and the inauguration of Balmaceda, Chile had prospered wonderfully. The rich nitrate properties, acquired as the fruits of war, were being developed and worked with foreign capital, and were producing an enormous annual revenue. The Republic was then in the period of its greatest prosperity, having accumulated a large surplus in the national treasury, notwithstanding the fact that public works, including highways, school houses, bridges, harbor improvements, etc., were being constructed. Order and system prevailed in the management of government affairs, and the country was in the bloom of industrial progress and national prosperity.

Under these favorable conditions, Don Jose Manuel Balmaceda became president. To the creation of these conditions he had contributed much in the way of honest industry, but the full fruition of his hopes to make of Chile an independent Republic, where every citizen, irrespective of condition, creed or religion, might exercise his rights without prejudice to his individual interests was never to be realized. Not only was he destined to disappointment and ultimate defeat, but this strong, brilliant man, the greatest in many respects that Chile has produced, proved the rock upon which the Ship of State foundered. His administration ended in a revolution, the tragic end of which was the death of the president by suicide in the Argentine Legation, in Santiago, where he sought asylum after the final success of the revolutionists and the overthrow of the government.

It was on a constitutional question that Balmaceda clashed with Congress, which resulted in his downfall. Under the constitution the president must convoke Congress in regular session from June 1 to September 1, each year; he has power to prorogue it at any time for a term of fifty days, and he can summon it in special session whenever he chooses. He appoints his cabinet ministers, governors of provinces, diplomatic representatives, and five out of eleven members of the Council of State, “Consejo de Estado.” He also appoints the judges of the several courts, upon recommendation of the Council of State. He approves, promulgates and takes part in the making of laws, issues decrees, regulations, etc., which he may consider desirable for the execution of laws. The authority thus vested in the president gives him a power which, if abused, might become a menace to the Republic. It was perhaps for this reason that the framers of the constitution of Chile, apparently desiring to avoid the possibility of the concentration of political power in the Republic, made the ministry responsible to the legislative branch of the government instead of the executive. Following the plan of the French Republic, legislation affecting the general policy of the government originates with the ministry. When Congress convenes the president outlines the administration policy in a message calling attention to such measures as he thinks should receive attention and consideration from the legislative bodies. Bills are prepared by the cabinet ministers and presented to Congress. A failure to approve by their votes any measure coming from the executive branch is taken as a vote of lack of confidence in the administration, and the only course left for the president is to dissolve his ministry. The power bestowed upon Congress to overthrow ministries, and defy the president by refusing to coöperate with the executive branch of government, was never indulged in to any considerable extent until Balmaceda’s time. Then the political elements opposed to the administration policy allied their interests and exercised their power to defeat the progressive measures presented, thereby repeatedly rejecting the ministry. Since that time the custom of obstruction has grown into such a gigantic abuse that it is now almost impossible for the president of Chile to maintain a ministry for a sufficient length of time to carry out any general plan or policy of government. In fact it has become one of the crying evils of the country which the press denounces vigorously and persistently. During the administration of President German Riesco, 1901-6, ministerial changes became so frequent that a cabinet crisis was not regarded as a matter of any interest or consequence by the public.

During the first years of Balmaceda’s administration, Chile enjoyed an era of golden prosperity and national progress. Numerous reforms were proposed, which had for their purpose the improvement of the government service. One project was to prohibit senators and deputies from having an interest in any public contract; another that neither the president nor any cabinet minister should appoint a near relative to office unless the person possessed the necessary qualifications for the position. Believing himself secure in the performance of his duties and the administration of government affairs, President Balmaceda prepared to utilize a portion of the large income from the nitrate fields in the construction of public works. He contracted for the building of new lines of railway in the central and southern provinces at a cost of $30,000,000; built schools and colleges in every city in the Republic, amounting to $10,000,000 in value; ordered the construction of three modern warships and two torpedo boats in Europe. He also continued and completed the work of constructing a government dry dock at Talcahuano; armed and equipped the army with modern rifles and munitions of war, and improved the coast defenses, to which were added new modern batteries at Talcahuano and Iquique.

The questions affecting the prerogatives of the members of Congress and cabinet ministers, together with the extravagant policy of the administration caused much political agitation and exciting debate in the Senate and House of Deputies. The constant attack of the clerical party, the bitter denunciations of the press, added to the conservative opposition finally created dissension among the liberals, who had elected and until then supported the president. Charges of usurpation of power and dictatorship were made against Balmaceda, and the political situation became such that a revolt was imminent. Various ministries had been rejected by Congress because of the policy pursued in erecting costly public works instead of employing the government revenues in reducing the foreign debt and redeeming the paper currency, and the president found himself in the embarrassing situation of having entered upon a policy of extensive government improvement and industrial development without the support of Congress. An extraordinary session was called for the purpose of providing government revenues. Other measures were taken up by Congress and the appropriation bill deferred until the president should recede from his arbitrary position. Balmaceda refused to compromise, and the ministry again resigned. He then appointed a new cabinet in harmony with his views and declared the session closed, maintaining that Congress when called in extraordinary session for the express purpose of passing an appropriation bill had no constitutional authority to go into the consideration of other measures. In explaining his action he said: “Congress by the express terms of the constitution has no more right to dictate to me what ministers I shall appoint than it has to advise what food I shall eat or clothes I shall wear.”

The Constitutional Advisory Committee was convened and as a result of its deliberations the president was advised to again convene Congress in extraordinary session. Balmaceda hesitated, fearing that Congress if again convened might declare the office of president vacant. While he and his ministers deliberated, the Constitutional Committee arrogated to itself the authority to call an extra session. The opposition was rapidly securing support from various political elements throughout the country and by popular sympathy among the people. The dictatorial attitude of the administration aroused intense feeling and there was a clamor for the deposition of the alleged dictator. Realizing that summary action was necessary to maintain his power and aggressive policy, the president issued a manifesto on January 1, 1891, declaring his intention to exercise his constitutional powers and functions,—to stand by the strict letter of the law. He declared that he had nothing to do with the effete provisions of the constitution, nor with new theories of parliamentary government until they were enacted into law. He maintained that under the constitution the appropriation bill passed by the previous Congress held good until another was passed. The supreme court declared the acts of the president unconstitutional. He ignored the court. This assumption of authority on the part of the executive was contrary to precedent and to republican ideas, even if constitutional, and the cry of “dictator” was raised. Thus the machinery of government was disabled, and while the Ship of State lay stranded upon the rock of party politics, Congress declared the country in revolution, and the tempest of war struck the Republic on January 7, 1891, when the navy, under command of Señor Don Jorge Montt went over to the revolutionists. The squadron sailed for the north with the presiding officers of the Senate and House of Deputies on board, and a floating Congress was established.

The Congress which declared Balmaceda deposed, empowered Don Jorge Montt to assume provisional command, and a junta was organized on board the warship Blanco Encalada, composed of Señor Montt, Don Waldo Silva, vice-president of the Senate and Don Ramon Barros Luco, president of the Chamber of Deputies.

The revolution started by Balmaceda’s manifesto of January 1, 1891, was apparently poorly prepared to cope with the government. The insurgents had no military organization, no arms or munitions of war. The junta proceeded north and took possession of the provinces of Tarapaca, Atacama and Antofagasta, which include the rich nitrate fields and wealth producing mineral territory of Chile, the revenues from which were employed in purchasing arms, provisions and equipment for an army. They also had possession of the majority of the naval squadron. By the middle of the year 1891 the government had 45,000 troops in the field, four thousand of which were cavalry. The revolutionists had only about twelve thousand soldiers, which encouraged the sanguine Balmaceda to believe that he could easily suppress the uprising.

Congressional elections were held in May, and a majority of the members elected were in sympathy with the administration. In June presidential electors were chosen, and they selected as the candidate for president Don Claudio Vicuña, who was Balmaceda’s choice for his successor. Señor Vicuña, who was of an old and distinguished family, was declared duly elected president on July 25, 1891, but the final success of the insurgents prevented him from ever taking his seat.

As the struggle continued the revolutionary cause gained strength and reinforcements from various sources. The superior skill of the military officer directing the opposition forces made itself manifest, and the position of Balmaceda and his government became daily more and more menaced with dissolution and overthrow. On August 20, ten thousand revolutionary troops were disembarked at Quintero, a few miles from Valparaiso, and on the following day a decisive battle was fought, at Concon, situated at the mouth of the Aconcagua River, resulting in the defeat of the government forces. This crushing defeat, in which about 2,500 of the government troops were killed, practically caused the fall of Balmaceda. He made a strenuous and brave effort to recover from the disaster, but the railway communication having been destroyed, it was impossible to send reserve troops from the south, where they had been stationed, in time to save the situation.

After the battle of Concon the opposition forces advanced upon Valparaiso, and two days later endeavored to capture Fort Callao, at Viña del Mar, a beautiful suburban place six miles from Valparaiso. The fortress, which commands the bay of Valparaiso, the valley and surrounding heights, being equipped with modern guns, and well-nigh impregnable, resisted the attack of both warships and artillery, and a repulse prevented a direct advance upon Valparaiso, the objective point of the Congressional army. Retiring from Viña del Mar, Generals Canto and Korner, commanding the revolutionary forces, fell back to Salto, a few miles distant, where they destroyed a railway bridge spanning the river, thus cutting off communication with Santiago, and preventing the possibility of Balmaceda forwarding troops from the capital. Making a detour of some thirty miles, the revolutionists endeavored to approach Valparaiso from the south, but encountered the government forces, under command of Generals Barbosa and Alzerreca, occupying a formidable position upon the hills near Placilla, a few miles from the city of Valparaiso. This was on August 27th. On the 30th the election of Señor Claudio Vicuña would be formally ratified by the Senate, and he would become president. It was important to the revolutionists to force a decisive engagement and overthrow Balmaceda before the newly elected president should take his seat. Before daylight on the morning of the 28th, under cover of the darkness and protection of the hills, the revolutionists got into position to give battle without being seen by the government forces. Early in the morning as the advancing army was crossing an open plain Balmaceda’s troops opened an artillery fire upon it, and the battle of Placilla, the final and decisive engagement in the revolution, was begun. The opposition forces numbered about twelve thousand and the government, nine thousand. The former, flushed with success and inspired with the hope of final victory, fought like demons, while the latter, discouraged and disheartened with failure, menaced with disaster and annihilation, showed lack of order, discipline, and courage manifested and displayed on previous occasions. Some companies even deserted and joined the enemy during the battle. After a few hours’ terrific fighting, in which more than a thousand men were killed and a greater number wounded, on the government side, the Balmaceda army was put to rout. The victorious forces which had lost five hundred killed and over a thousand wounded, pursued the fleeing remnants of the routed army, driving many of them into the quebrades (ravines), where they were unmercifully slaughtered. Generals Barbosa and Alzerreca were both killed in the engagement. On the evening of the 28th, Valparaiso was in possession of the revolutionists and the Balmaceda government was overthrown.

Leading government supporters, including Don Claudio Vicuña, president elect, and who only lacked a few days of being formally declared the chief executive of the Republic, sought refuge on board foreign warships in the harbor.

That night Valparaiso was the scene of a Bacchanalian rabble that would have shamed Rome in the reign of Nero. The city was in possession of a mob, intoxicated with success, drunk upon wine and athirst for blood, that murdered with impunity and sacked the town without restraint. Drunken men and women reeled through the streets, shooting at each other as a matter of sport, and on the following morning four hundred victims of the mob’s violence were found dead in the streets.

The scenes enacted in Santiago were equally as wild and tragic as those witnessed in Valparaiso. The houses of Balmaceda, Claudio Vicuña and other Balmacedistas were attacked, looted and everything they contained destroyed or carried away. A statue of the deposed president was dismembered and kicked through the streets. From balconies ladies cheered the performance, while opprobrium was heaped upon the inanimate form by the drunken mob. Beggars and thieves appropriated with impunity works of art and beautiful articles of furniture found in the residences of those who had remained loyal to the administration.

That night President Balmaceda left the Moneda (Government Palace), and sought asylum in the Argentine Legation, where he remained until his legal term as president expired, September 18. On September 19 he took his own life by firing a revolver-shot into his brain, thus avoiding the chronicle in history that he committed suicide while president of the Republic.

Thus the tragic and untimely death of this strong, brave man, who was called a tyrant and dictator by his enemies, but was loved and revered by his friends. Through the vista of years that intervene between the present and the close of the revolution, the official acts of Balmaceda and the monuments he left to his memory in the form of government works and public enterprises, loom large and conspicuous when compared with the works of those who have succeeded him. Public opinion and sentiment in Chile have undergone wonderful changes since the day a shot from a revolver in his own hand crashed into and stilled forever the fertile, creative brain of Jose Manuel Balmaceda, and an ungrateful Republic is now beginning to set its seal of approbation upon his official life and private character. History will yet write the name of Balmaceda large upon the roll of honor reserved for Chile’s patriots, statesmen, diplomats and scholars.

At the close of the revolution the “Junta de Gobierno,” with Captain Jorge Montt at its head, took charge of the government. On October 18, a general election was held, and on November 18 the electors met and named Don Jorge Montt president. President Montt, while a man of mediocre ability, possessed a high sense of honor, and was conscientious in the strict performance of his official duties. While he did nothing to distinguish himself as a man of great intellectual attainments, his administration marked a period of national tranquillity and general prosperity, securing for him the good will and political support of a majority of the citizens of the Republic. After serving one term as president he was placed at the head of the navy, where he served as a most efficient and popular officer. He held the position as ranking admiral of the navy until 1905, when he was sent on a special government mission to the United States, Japan, Europe and England.

President Montt was succeeded by Don Federico Errazuriz in 1896. There was little in President Errazuriz’ administration worthy of special mention. He was a man of brilliant intellect, cultivated tastes, charming manner and attractive personality, but lacked in the moral qualities that characterized the private and official life of his predecessor.

President Errazuriz died in July, 1901, and was succeeded by Don German Riesco, who had been formally elected a month previous. President Riesco had not been conspicuous in national politics previous to his nomination, and had few political enemies when inaugurated in September, 1901. He was known as a good lawyer, had occupied the position of judge of one of the courts of appeal, and was universally respected for his honesty, industry and high moral character. Being a man of mediocre ability, lacking in precision and firmness, his administration was early embarrassed by politicians who employed obstructive measures to prevent the passage of laws recommended by the executive branch of the government.

The president found it difficult to maintain a ministry for a sufficient length of time to accomplish anything in the way of needed legislation, or to carry out important government policies. He was constantly forced into compromising with various political factions and coalitions. In an effort to secure political influence he lost the support of a majority of the members of the legislative bodies, and also the confidence of the people. The result was a condition of political chaos in the Republic. Ministries were overthrown with frequency, Congress was hopelessly divided into contending factions and there was a general lack of united and concerted effort in the various branches of government.

Chile made substantial commercial progress during the Riesco administration, however, and there prevailed throughout the country a condition of general prosperity. New and important industries were established, many new companies with large capital were organized, and money was plentiful during most of the period. The only disturbing feature of the commercial and financial situation was the constantly fluctuating value of the paper currency.

Another feature of President Riesco’s administration is the fact that it closed with a national calamity, caused by the great earthquake that occurred in August, 1906, causing serious loss of life and great destruction of property in the cities and towns throughout the country.

In the general election of 1906, Don Pedro Montt, son of Manuel Montt, President of Chile from 1851 to 1861, was elected president by a larger majority than that received by any candidate in the history of the Republic.

Señor Montt was for many years previous to his election regarded as the most able and conservative statesman in the country. He was born in Santiago in 1846, and was graduated from the University in his native city in 1870. In 1874 he was elected a member of the House of Deputies, where he remained for several years. He also served as Speaker of the House, Minister in different cabinets and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States. With a long and successful political career to his credit he was inaugurated under more favorable and auspicious circumstances than any president since his father, to whom history gives the credit of being one of the ablest executives ever elected to the office.

It was President Montt’s ambition to improve the industrial and financial conditions of the country by establishing the gold standard, and thereby do away with the ruinous fluctuations in the currency values. But in this commendable undertaking he was doomed to disappointment, being defeated in his plans for accomplishing that most desirable reform by the factions that dominated the politics of the Republic, and in 1908-9, the exchange rate reached its lowest level, the Chilean peso being worth at one time only 20 cents U. S. currency, whereas upon a gold standard basis it represents a value of 34 cents.

In May 1910 President Montt attended the inauguration of the centennial exposition of the Argentine Republic in Buenos Aires, making the trip by rail over the Transandine Railway, which was opened to traffic about that time. In July he started on a trip to Europe, going by way of the United States, arriving in New York, August 3. On August 9 he sailed for Europe, arriving in Hamburg on the 16th, where he died soon after his arrival.

After the death of President Montt, Vice-President Elias Fernandez Albano became president. On September 6, of the same year President Albano died and Senator MacIver Como, vice-president of the Council of State became the acting president.

At the regular election in 1910, Don Raymon Barros Luco was elected to the presidency.