Chapter XIV · PARCELS POST RAIDERS. (continued 2)

At this point, some gentlemen may be moved to ask. Why is an express company? At first glance, it does seem rather strange that the railroads should bother to do business through express companies if the railroads not only haul the express cars, but get the money the public pays. Yet there is nothing strange about it, as we shall see when we consider what the express business is.

Part of the express business is an effort to commit a crime for pay. The rest of the express business is an effort to perform a service at an exorbitant rate of compensation. In other words, part of the express business is the carrying of “packets” that should be sent only by mail, and the carrying of which by a private person or corporation is a crime, and the rest of the business is the carrying of light freight that should go by fast freight at a rate much below the express rate.

The express business, like every other business that has thriven, was based upon a public need. The public need was for a fast freight service for light freight. The railroad managers of forty years ago were not disposed to give the service, but they were willing to haul cars for an express company that wanted to carry fast freight at a high rate.

In this small, timid way the express business began. The crime of carrying mail in competition with the government had never been considered. When shippers offered mailable packages for transmission, they were accepted, but postage stamps were affixed to comply with the law. Even the volume of light freight was relatively small. The railroads themselves kept all of the light freight traffic they could. It was not until the railroads invested heavily in and obtained control of the express companies that deliberate efforts were made to compel the public to send light freight by express.

Let me explain precisely what I mean by this. The minimum freight rate from Chicago to North Platte, Neb., is $1.10. Whether a package weighs five pounds or 100 pounds, the charge is the same.

Suppose you want to send a ten-pound package. A dollar and ten cents seems an exorbitant charge, especially when the fact is considered that a ten-pound package, sent by freight, probably would not reach its destination in less than ten days. You look up express rates and find that you can send the package for 55 cents, with a certainty of delivery within forty-eight hours. Of course you send the package by express.

What has happened? Apparently, the express company has saved you 55 cents. Actually, the railroad company has clubbed you into the clutches of the express company. The railroad company never expected you to pay $1.10 for the transmission of a ten-pound package. In the good old days when the express companies were not owned by the railroad companies, and the railroad companies were not controlled by a little group of men in Wall Street, the freight rates for ten-pound and hundred-pound packages were not the same. The railroads wanted to carry small packages and made rates that brought them in. But the express companies showed the possibility of collecting a higher rate for quick delivery. For this reason, a certain amount of business naturally came to the express companies. But after the railroads obtained control of the express companies, resort was had to artificial means to drive business over to the high-priced express companies. The freight rate for 100 pounds was established as the minimum rate for all lighter packages. No one is expected to pay this exorbitant rate, but it is there for everyone to look at.

Slow freight delivery is also apparently employed by the railroads to compel the public to ship by express. If one have a full hundred pounds to send a short distance, he will find the minimum freight rate lower than the express rate. But he will also have reason to believe that freight trains are drawn by snails. The Pennsylvania Railroad and the New York Central recently struggled ten days to bring a hundred-pound package forty miles to me. An express company would have performed the same service over-night. If the railroads had wanted the business, they would have required no more than two days.

Now, I have quoted extendedly from both Mr. Atwood and Mr. Benson. I have done so, because they wrote not only what I have quoted but much more that I would like to quote, and each of them has handled his subjects pointedly and forcefully conclusive. The call for “copy” by my publisher, will, I trust, argue my excuse with the publishers of Pearson’s and The American magazines for having drawn so largely upon their columns without first asking and securing their permission to do so.

But it seems to me I can hear some barker for the interests barking “Yellow writers! Yellow magazines!”

A few years since, the fling of that appellation “yellow” may have had some influence—probably did have some influence among the thoughtless. But millions of the then indifferent and thoughtless people have become serious and thoughtful recently. To such there is no opprobrium in the word “yellow” as the barkers fling it at newspapers and magazines which attack and tell the truth about the interests for which the barkers bark. In fact, the word has become an appellation of honor rather than of discredit—of repute rather than of disrepute.

Here is another quotation—two of them. They are from an article in Pearson’s Magazine, February, 1912, issue. Get the magazine and read the whole article. The article is captioned “The Railroad Game.” It will richly compensate you:

I chanced to meet a man who is now president of one of the great Western railroad systems. He chided me good-naturedly about my antagonism to the railroads. Finally he said: … “You are too big a man to be fighting the railroads. Come get into the game with us. It isn’t how much money we make, but how much we can conceal that counts in the railroad business.”

…

These figures do not take into consideration at all the operations of the numerous express companies which impose upon the people a burden approximating $125,000,000 a year while their actual investment for all purposes does not exceed $6,000,000 a year. These companies all earn prodigiously. All pay big dividends. All have big surplus funds, and frequently have big melon cuttings. In one of these a few years ago $24,000,000 were distributed among the stockholders of a single company. And after all, these companies amount in actual service to the people to no more than a parcels post which the government should have established long ago. With government control of the railroads this pernicious form of extortion would end. In European countries express companies do not exist. There the parcels post is supreme, satisfactory to the people and remunerative to the governments.

Of course, the writer of the above when he mentions $6,000,000 as the “actual investment for all purposes” means all the actual investment for all express service purposes. In that statement he is entirely correct.

But who is the writer? Well, the man who made the statements just quoted is Mr. O. C. Barber, the American “Match King.” Certainly no one—not even the most courageous and venturesome hired liar of the raiding combinations—will call Mr. Barber “yellow.”

“Why?” Well, Mr. Barber has a lot of real long-headed and hard-headed sense. He also has money. He has a whole lot of money. That makes Mr. Barber a “strong” man, as Mr. Benson puts it, in the calculating eyes and minds of public bubblers. Not only has Mr. Barber money, but, as Pearson’s editor points out, “he is a man of affairs.” He has been a man of affairs for fifty years. He is an officer or director in companies which have a capital of fifty million dollars. Their combined freight shipments are from 150,000 to 200,000 cars per year, and go to all parts of the world.

No, there is nothing of the yapped “yellow” about Mr. Barber. When the barkers bark of him, the trajectory of their language will carry it scarcely beyond the walls or to the banqueters. In most cases the barker’s voice, when adversely criticising Mr. Barber, will take that humble, pendant expression so universally characteristic of the tail of a scared dog.

Mr. Barber is “strong.” If you don’t know it get the February, 1912, Pearson’s and read his article on “The Railroad Game.” You will know it then.

The clackers who clack for those who profit by the outrageous parcels post service in this country now, will tell you, of course, that Germany, France and some other countries can “afford” to give their citizens lower postal carriage rates, “because the governments own the railroads and have their mails carried free.”

It is sufficient to say in answer to such clack that if we can have a cheap, efficient parcels post service only by owning the railroads, then let us own them.

Why not? A good, cheap parcels post service is worth it—worth it to you, to me, to every man, woman and child of the country, both to those living and to the generations yet unborn.

Yes, sirs, such a parcels post service is worth more to our people than our railroads cost to build, or would cost to rebuild or to buy. Why do I say that? I say it because it is a fact—a fact that needs but a line or two to evidence.

1. Such a parcels post service would save our people more than $300,000,000 every year.

2. At 2 per cent (a rate at which the government can borrow all the money it wants), three hundred million dollars would pay the interest on $15,000,000,000.

3. Fifteen billions of dollars is more than either the “book” or the “market” value of all the railroads in this country—“water” included. It is more than twice their tangible, or construction, value.

So, if we can have cheap, reliable parcels post service only when the “government own the railroads,” then let’s get busy.

One of the much worn objections to a cheap parcels post service is that it cannot be established and profitably operated, as it has been in those countries which own the mail-carrying roads and pay much lower salaries to the operators of the service.

In reply, I will say that in neither Great Britain, nor in any country of continental Europe are all the rail-mail roads owned by the government. But those countries do control all their railroads—and that is exactly what this government must soon do or the railroads will control it.

To tell how these governments got control and keep control of their railroads is another story. In fact, it is a story for each of the countries. Suffice it to say here that they do control them. One element of that control compels the railroads to carry a large portion of the mails free of charge.

In Great Britain, all regular trains carry at least one mail car free, or at a mere nominal charge, and the trunk line roads are required to turn out extra mail trains of ten cars each on demand of the postoffice authorities. For such a train the road can charge no more for the run than the average cost of an average passenger train.

France guarantees and, I believe, pays the interest on a 70,000,000 franc railway bond issues. That is equivalent to $14,000,000. At 3 per cent the interest amounts to $420,000 a year. For that sum the railroads carry all the regular mails free—carry them under government direction and stipulation. Last year we paid our railroads $49,330,638.24 for carrying our mails. The French roads also carry the officials, the soldiery, and all military supplies free.

That, in brief, is about what the French government compels the railroads of France to do.

And those roads are all paying fair returns on the money invested in them!

It was only a few brief years since the railroads of the German Empire were all in the hands of private owners—of “frenzied financiers” who robbed both the government and the people in outrageous mail, freight and passenger rates. Germans will not stand for such conditions long. The people shouted aloud their grievances and demanded redress—demanded a remedy.

The German government heard and heeded the demands of its people. It usually does. When it started to give its people relief it was met on every hand with just the same sort of talk as has been heard in this country for a quarter of a century.

“You can’t cut down the rates, for the roads are now earning barely enough to pay fair interest on the investment.”

“You can’t trespass upon the ‘sacred rights’ of property.”

“You can’t think of taking such action! Why, it would create a financial upheaval—a panic—causing widespread disaster and bankrupting the railway companies.”

“You cannot possibly be so inconsiderate as to endanger the savings of the hundreds of thousands of widows and orphans who have invested in our stocks and bonds”—and a lot more of like junk.

But the Chancellor of the Exchequer was a clear-headed, clean-minded old German, with the rugged honesty for which his race is justly noted. Well, this Chancellor listened with courteous dignity to all their “you can’t do this,” “You can’t do that,” etc., until it was made quite clear to his mind that frenzied financiers and railroad grafters in his country were dictating as to the powers and policies of his government.

What happened then? Why, as Creelman put in writing of the incident, when this grand old Von heard enough of those “you can’ts” to make their object and purpose clear to him, he jumped to his feet and turned loose a few yards of forceful German language which, translated, summarized and anglicized, would sound something like this:

“I can’t! Well, you just watch me!”

“Did he give ’em anything worth looking at?” Oh, but didn’t he? The honest old Von sat quietly into their own game, played with their own marked cards and “beat ’em to a frazzle,” as our strenuous ex-President would put it. Did he buy up the roads, paying for all the aqua pura they had tanked up?

Well, hardly! It was control Von wanted, and ownership was neither immediately nor particularly sought, beyond the point necessary to that control.

As I remember the story, he quietly put some agents on the floor of the Berlin stock bourse and before the gentlemen who had handed him that miscellaneous assortment of “can’ts” knew what had happened, Von had control of one or two of the German trunk lines. Then the way he made those friends of the “poor widows and orphans” see things was profoundly and, for a few weeks, almost exclusively awful. He did not buy the road for his government. He merely bought control.

His government having control, he next slashed all the silk and frills out of rail rates on the road or roads controlled.

“What was the result?” Why, the “can’t” venders were on their knees to him in six months. In a year the German government controlled its railroads and there was not a railway patriot in the Empire who was not busy telling the Chancellor how many more things he could do, if he wanted to and, in fact, urging him to do some of them.

And the “widows and orphans,” or other legitimate investors in the securities of the German roads, lost not one cent of earned income in the passing of control from private to government hands. As a result, the German government is making money from its owned railroads. The net revenues of the German Government from its railroads is now annually about $250,000,000. From 1887 to 1906, the roads paid into the government’s exchequer about $1,400,000,000. It has saved money from its controlled roads and is furnishing its people a cheap and most serviceable parcels post. So much for the cheap foreign mail-carriage and the way the “cheap foreigners” got it.

Now, as to salaries paid. Mail carriers and clerks in this country are paid something under $1,000 a year. Railway mail clerks are paid an average of $1,165—and the latter work only one-half the time for full pay. I have no information at hand as to the pay of mail carriers and clerks in foreign countries, but I have the figures for the pay of railway mail clerks in Great Britain, Germany and France. So, we will make comparison of the pay in that class of service. They stand as follows:

Per Year.

In the United States $1,165

In Great Britain 780

In Germany 515

In France 610

There, now, you see the shocking disparity in the very worst and all of its enormity—the way it is usually presented by “farmers” in Congress who are cultivating express company crops. But let us look into those figures a little further.

Information carefully collected and collated, both by official and private agents, among the former being the Department of Commerce and Labor of our own government, has conclusively shown that living in England and in the countries of Continental Europe is from thirty to forty per cent cheaper than in this country.

Let us take 30 per cent—the lowest reported estimate of the difference in the cost of living—subsistence, clothing, housing, schooling, amusements, etc.—and see how the figures look in comparison as to pay of railway mail clerks:

Per Year.

In the United States $1,165.00

In Great Britain 1,114.30

In Germany 734.30

In France 871.43

The enormity of the difference, you will observe, is not so shockingly enormous as it appears in heeler’s figures first shown. But even the last set of figures does not afford a just comparison. Here is why:

The English railway clerk is allowed $160 a year as “travel pay.” The German rail man is provided free a house that is worth an annual rental of $135 in Germany. Here, it would rent for from $240 to $360. In addition to his “salary” the French railway mail clerk is allowed $180 “travel pay” and is also provided free with a house of a rental value of $80 per year—a house that would rent here at from $160 to $300 per year. Making these little additions to the actual service pay of those “cheap foreigners,” let’s see how they compare with our “high salaried” railway mail clerks. We will figure the “travel pay” allowances at its purchasing power in buying a living and for the rent allowances we will add the lowest equivalent given above of corresponding housing in this country.

On that basis the stack-up is as follows:

Per Year.

In the United States $1,165.00

In Great Britain 1,344.30

In Germany 974.30

In France 1,288.57

Those “cheap foreigners,” who are efficiently operating a cheap parcels post, you see, come out of the wash in pretty fair shape after all, when compared with our “high salaried” postal service men.

But even the last table does not present the whole truth as to the lie so often yapped about by the tools of the private interests in this country that are opposing the betterment and cheapening of our parcels post service.

The railway mail clerks of England, Germany and France not only get full pay while laid up from temporary injury, the same as do our rail postal men, but their governments pay those “cheap foreigners” a pension when they get old or are permanently injured—pay it for the remaining years those “cheap” mail handlers live!

Among the most brazen, yet most frequently used, objections to a cheap and serviceable parcels post is that it would “benefit but very few people in the country’s vast population,” or other vocalized breath of similar purport and purpose.

Objectors who use this argument belong to one of two classes: They are either fools or think you are, or they are men whose sense of the right and wrong of things, commonly designated as conscience, got lost in their transit from diapers to dress suits.

The “argument” is not worth a line of consideration were it not so frequently used by objectors of the two classes just indicated. A man—a full-sized man—who can give it more than a smile ought to hire a janitor and a couple of scrub women to clean up his garret and dust off its furnishings.

But, seriously speaking, let’s think a moment about “the few” people who would be benefited by a cheap parcels post service.

There are 95,000,000 or more folks in this country.

There are about 36,000,000 of that number engaged in farming, farm labor, stock-raising and other agricultural occupations, counting the dependent families.

Counting the dependent families. Those “few” would be benefited, would they not?

Counting wives and babies, there are somewhere around 22,000,000 of our folks engaged in the mechanical trades and manufacturing.

Those “few” would be benefited, would they not?

Among our folks are, counting families as before, not less than 16,000,000 domestic servants, saloon, hotel and restaurant people, policemen, firemen, soldiers, sailors and laborers “not elsewhere specified.”

Those “few” would be benefited, would they not?

Next, we have around 12,000,000 of bookkeepers, clerks, agents, operators, teamsters, etc., “engaged in trade and transportation,” again counting “the little ones at home” but not counting the “retail merchants” nor the railway manipulators.

Those “few” would be benefited, would they not?

Next, we may enumerate among our people, doctors, lawyers, teachers and other professional folks, counting their folks at home the same as before, some 7,000,000.

Those “few” would be benefited, would they not.

Next we have—

But we have already found about ninety-one millions of the “few people” among our folks who would be benefited by a cheap, serviceable parcels post. That leaves somewheres around four millions to be accounted for.

Again, including dependent families not less than 3,000,000 of that number can be classed as retail merchants. Half of that 3,000,000 are merchants, dealers, manufacturers, etc., in the “larger cities,” whom even the opponents of the parcels post have agreed would be benefited by its service. At any rate it has been demonstrated by organizations of merchants in the large cities that parcel deliveries within a radius of thirty or forty miles of their stores, which had cost from eight to fifty cents, can be made at an average cost not exceeding four cents.

That leaves the country merchants, the jobbers, the railroad and express company raiders and their hired opinion molders to account for. Of these, the country merchant is by far the most numerous, likewise the most deserving of consideration.

On a previous page I made it fairly clear, I think, that a good, cheap parcels post service would be of great service to him. He has the respect and the confidence of his customers. He knows the worth of goods. He can sell the goods—any line or make—at the advertised or catalogued price and still make a good profit, as I have previously shown.

The parcels carriage charge, either by mail or express, is now so high he is compelled to order in quantities to keep “laid-down-prices” low enough to meet competition. A cheap parcels post service would put him in position to meet the competition of the larger merchants of the cities. A line of samples, showing the latest patterns, makes and grades, could take the place of fully half the shelf stock he now carries, aside from the staples. He could take the order of his customer and have the goods delivered by parcels post either to his store or, if in a rural delivery district, to the home of his customer for a few cents—have it delivered as cheaply as the big city merchant, manufacturer or mail order house can have it delivered.

Do not overlook that last point, Mr. Country Merchant, when hired yappers are coaching you to oppose a good parcels post service. The government will not pay “rebates” nor allow “differentials” in its parcels carriage. You can put your packages through the mails at as low a charge as that paid by a merchant with millions of capital invested in stocks of goods.

Of all the objections now urged against a domestic parcels post in this country, the dangers lurking in the mail order house is the most industriously worked. “It would be a fine thing for the eastern merchant to have a parcels post system whereby he could supply the people throughout the country,” said a Mr. Louis M. Boswell, a few years since when speaking to the National Association of Merchants and Travelers, convened in Chicago.

And who, pray you, is or was Mr. Boswell? Why, Mr. Boswell was one of the main cogs at that time, in the Western freight traffic wheels. Mr. Boswell talked for his personal interests, and for those interests only. To make his anti-parcels post talk catch his auditors—the Western merchants—he even told the truth about the express companies.

Freight should be transported as such by railroads in freight cars, and not by the government in mail cars.… I have long regarded the express companies as unnecessary middlemen.… Millions of dollars would be saved annually to the public if the express companies were done away with, and I do not believe the revenues of the railroads would be decreased.

“And what are you on earth for,” wrote a self-serving trade journal editor in 1900, “if not to look after your own interests? A parcels post … will knock your business silly. You are the one entitled to the trade in your town and neighborhood.”

I present the above quotations as fair samples of the “argument”—its method and its source—against a domestic parcels post. Let it be noticed that these two quoted statements—as is the case with most of the other promotion talk against a parcels post—is talked or addressed to country, village, town and one-night-stand city merchants.

The mail order houses “will knock your business silly!”

Now, of course, it must be admitted that, in this day of super-heated service of self, a man’s personal interests must receive his first consideration. But I cannot for the life of me see why these “Western merchants and travelers” take the talk handed them by “traffic” cappers, express company agents and space muddlers—take it in such large slugs—and apparently overlook the fact that these talking and writing bubblers are serving special interests. Can you understand it, Mr. “Storekeeper” of Rubenville? Or you, Mr. “Merchant” of Swelltown? Or you Mr. “Shipper” of Cornshock or Feedersville?

Mr. Benson in his March article in Pearson’s, says something anent the great hue and cry which the raiders, aided in this particular case by merchandise jobbers and some of the larger department store retailers, are trying to raise among country merchants and rural residents about what a great “menace and danger” the mail order houses would be if a cheap, serviceable parcels post was put into operation. I hope my readers will carefully peruse what he has said. Here it is in part only:

The railroads, in fighting the parcels post through the country merchants, are playing the old game. The old game is to work upon the fears of a minority, create what appears to be a difference of opinion among the people, and thus give Congress an opportunity to say that as sentiment seems to be divided, it would perhaps be better to do nothing until the public can thrash the matter out and discover what it wants. In the present instance we see great firms like Marshall Field & Company combined in an organization to spread among country merchants fear of a parcels post. Such an association was recently formed in Chicago with a membership of 300.…

There is only one country merchant, perhaps, to every 500 country customers, and the country customers are all in favor of a parcels post. All other things being equal, Congress always moves in the direction of the greatest number of votes. But in this matter, as in many others, things are not equal. Great financial interests and a few country merchants are regarded by Congress as a majority.…

“At any rate, I cannot forget that while Marshall Field & Company cry out against a parcels post, because it would build up the mail order houses, that they themselves do a large mail order business.

“This action on their part may seem like patriotism of the highest sort—but it isn’t. The mail order houses don’t care a rap about a parcels post. They are not against it, but they are not for it. My authority for this statement is Mr. Julius Rosenwald, President of Sears, Roebuck & Company of Chicago, the largest mail order house in the world. I approached him upon the subject, believing that he would grow enthusiastic, but he didn’t. He said he had never signed a petition for a parcels post, or otherwise interested himself in the matter, and never should do so. He didn’t tell me why, but I found out why and will tell you.

“The minimum freight rates of the railroads literally drive country customers into the mail order houses. A farmer’s wife, we will say, has a present need for two or three articles that she can buy from a mail order house for less than her local merchant can afford to sell them to her. But the articles weigh only fifteen pounds, the express charge would annihilate her saving, and the minimum freight rate, for which she might as well have 100 pounds shipped to her, is just as high as the express rate. But she still wants the two or three articles and she wants to buy them from the mail order house. So what does this thrifty woman do? First, she increases her order by putting down a few articles that she will need perhaps three months later. Then she canvasses her neighbors for orders until she gets enough to make 100 pounds, and divides the freight charges pro rata. The result is that the mail order house gets an order for 100 pounds of goods instead of an order for the fifteen pounds that would have been bought if a parcels post like the English or the German had enabled the farmer’s wife to order only what she first meant to buy. Incidentally, the country merchant in her vicinity is not helped thereby.

“If you have any doubt about the truth of this statement, send a petition for a parcels post to Mr. Julius Rosenwald, President of Sears, Roebuck & Company, Chicago, and see how quickly he will not sign it. You will not be able to get him to lift a finger to help you. He is sending out fifty-eight loaded freight cars each day, comparatively little express matter, doing a business of $63,000,000 a year, and is quite satisfied with such transportation facilities as exist.

“But don’t blame the mail order men because they don’t help you. Help yourself. First, help yourself by getting it clearly in your mind who in this matter is the chief offender. Your government is the chief offender. So far as postal matters are concerned, your government is protecting the interests that are robbing you. Your government goes even to the extent of submitting to robbery at the hands of the interests that rob you. I refer to the continuing scandal of exorbitant mail contracts.”…

Now, I desire to talk somewhat directly to the rural and village storekeeper and of storekeeping.

The manufacturer, wholesaler or jobber always sells the retail merchant—the quantity buyer—cheaper than they will sell in broken lots to the consumer. They will always sell to you cheaper than they will sell to your customer, will they not?

You have an “edge” of 20 to 40 per cent., have you not? But to hold that “edge” now, you must order in quantities which anticipate the demands of your custom, must you not? You must “stock up,” must you not? If you miss your guess, and underbuy the demands of your trade, you must, later, “sort up,” must you not? If you sort-up, you do it at “broken-lot” rates and pay excessive carriage charges for delivery to your place of business, do you not? If, on the other hand, you overbuy the demands of your trade, your shelves are soon full of “shelf-worns,” are they not? These shelf-worns you must unload, must you not? To do that, you offer “bargains,” do you not? Unloading “bargains” loses your “edge”—your profits—does it not?

But still another point in your present and compelled method of business. Your customer is never so well pleased with your sacrifice “bargains” as he or she is with the fresh, up-to-date article, which you sell at a profit. Is that not so?

Now, let us see how a cheap parcels post would “knock your business silly.” Let’s put the rate, say at 5 cents for parcels up to one pound, 8 cents to two pounds, 10 cents to three pounds, 12 cents to four pounds, and so shading up in weight to twenty-five pounds, at one cent a pound. I present this scale of weights and prices merely to illustrate. I have given them no particular thought or consideration—that is, I do not present them as a recommended basis for a parcels carriage system. I believe, however, that the government can carry and deliver parcels at about the rates named and not create any larger “deficits” than the postal service now shows.

That aside, let us see how you, Mr. Retail Country Merchant, would come out in the deal:

First: You would not have to “stock up” beyond the known demands of your customers. Your “shelf-capital,” then, would need not, necessarily, be more than half what is now is.

Second: You could serve your customers fresh goods of latest pattern and at less cost, and still serve them at a profit, instead of working off shelf-worn “bargains” on them at a loss.

Third: Mrs. Lucy Smith sees a Sereno Payne imported glove, advertised by an “eastern merchant” or some distant “mail order house.” It is the “very latest” and guaranteed to be the very best “kid” ever built—from a premature calf. Or Uncle Joe wants a mop rag-holder for Martha. It, too, is advertised by some distant manufacturer, merchant or mail-order bogey man. Say the advertised price of each is $1.00. Each, of course, weighs less than one pound.

Now, if Mrs. Smith or Uncle Joe orders direct, the article costs them, postage added at our hypothetical rate, $1.05. Of course, they will have inquired of you before they ordered—to see if you have it in stock—will they not? Well, you haven’t it in stock—and you can’t work off on them “something just as good.” Mrs. Smith just must have those particular gloves, and no other mop-holder will satisfy Uncle Joe. Now what do you do?

Do you tear off a yard or two of tirade about mail order houses that are “knocking your business silly” and about manufacturers who are “flooding the country with fake goods?” If you do, you ought to quit business and go put your head in pickle or take the “cure.” But you won’t tirade. No sir, nary tirade from you! You will be onto your job in a minute. And why?

Well, first, you know that you can get those gloves or that mop-holder for 20 to 40 per cent less than the rate advertised for Mrs. Smith and Uncle Joe. You can have either sent by mail and deliver it to Mrs. Smith or Uncle Joe at the advertised rate, pay the parcels charge yourself and still make 10 to 20 cents on the deal. If the gloves or the mop-holder strikes you as a probable “seller,” you can order a half dozen or a dozen pairs of the gloves, or three or four mop-holders, and still keep your parcel inside the one or two pound rate.

One other point in closing:

Well, it may be of no use—of no service value to the reader who asks the question. He may be a man who has reached his limit of endurance—who has given up all hope of improving or correcting legalized injustices which rob him to enrich others. If so, he has my sympathy. Or he may be a man who has “set into the game” and lost, or one who is hired as a capper, steerer or “look out” for its operators. I cannot say. If the former, he still has my sympathy; if the latter, my contempt.

I am fully convinced that the outrages permitted by the municipal, state and national governments of this country in rendering public service to its people have discouraged thousands of its best citizens—best in manhood I mean, of course. The beneficiaries of the outrages I speak of are, usually, rated as “best” at the bank, in the society columns and in court proceedings. Even our divorce court records give the latter conspicuous precedence.

No truer thought as to the politics and policy of government was ever written than that. When wealth accumulates by legalizing the spoliation and exploitation of the great body of a nation’s people for the benefit of a few, the decay of its manhood is all the more rapid. When any considerable body of a nation’s citizens begins to ask, “What is the use?”—that nation has reached the danger line—has started down the decline.

Now, I undertake to say that no observing man of average intelligence can be found in this country today who will not give it as his honest opinion—unless, of course, he is hired to say otherwise—that not only thousands but millions of our people—of its industrial, productive manhood and womanhood—are asking, “What is the use” of arguing and struggling against the oppressive conditions which the laws and our administrative and judicial officers force upon us? What is the use of “knocking” the men who get the “graft,” the rake-off or the loot?

“Their big bunch of money,” says one writer, “makes so much noise, no one hears our knocks.” “Everybody is out for the stuff,” says another. “It is their representatives not ours who make the laws and it is their judges not ours who adjudicate them.” “Industry, thrift, brains and even honesty have ceased to count anywhere, save on their payrolls. Money alone counts.”

“Stop knocking, my son,” has become common in paternal counsel. “Sit into the game and get money. Of course, ‘get it honestly if you can, but get it.’”

“And if I fail,” asks the boy.

“Well, my son, unless you are careful to salt away in some place secure from assessors and raiders as well as from thieves, the chips I have raked in, your best course is to get on the payroll of the gamesters.”

A recent reading says, in effect, that there are dropped into the life of every man moments in which “he has the chance to act the hypocrite or to act the scoundrel.” But when aided and abetted by the law, such “chances” are not merely for the moment. They extend through days and years, and those so aided and abetted usually take both chances—act both the hypocrite and the scoundrel, and to the time limit of their protected opportunity.

But that is neither all nor the worst of it.

This legalized hypocrisy and scoundrelism is now widely known to the honest, productive citizenship of the country, and it is daily becoming better known. What is the result? Simply this:

The law and government administrators are, in permitting such injustices, not only creating class distinction by the enrichment of a few of our citizens and holding the millions to the subsistence level—hundreds of thousands of them to the “bread-line”—not only that, but legalized and protected injustice is dignifying hypocrisy and scoundrelism. It is sapping the moral foundations of a worthy manhood as well as robbing it of its material wealth and earnings.

But what has this sermonizing to do with the parcels post question, some one asks? It has this to do with it!

Of the numerous array of law enriched hypocrites and scoundrels in this country, nowhere can be found more of them to the lineal or square rod than can be counted in the ranks of the favored beneficiaries of existing postal laws and regulations—in the ranks of the opponents to cheapening and bettering the parcels carriage service.

FOOTNOTES