REPLIES.
Reading edition
CAVE'S HISTORIA LITERARIA.
I do not know whether the notices respecting Cave's Historia Literaria (Vol. ii., pp. 230. 255.) hold out any prospect of a new edition. It is much to be desired; and as it may be done at some time or other, you will perhaps allow me to make a Note of a circumstance which accidentally came to my knowledge, and should be known to any future editor. It is simply this: in the second volume of the Oxford edition of 1740, after the three dissertations, &c., there are fifteen pages, with a fresh pagination of their own, entitled, "Notæ MSS. et Accessiones Anonymi ad Cavei Historiam Literariam, Codicis Margini adscriptæ, in Bibliotheca Lambethana. Manus est plane Reverendiss. Thomæ Tenison, Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi." Not to occupy more of your valuable space than is necessary, I will merely observe that the "Anonymus" was not Archbishop Tenison, but Henry Wharton. There can be no doubt in the mind of any person acquainted with the handwriting of the parties; and to those to whom such a notice is likely to be of any use at all, it is unnecessary to say that the difference is important. I need scarcely add, that if ever a new edition is undertaken, Wharton's books and papers, and other things in the Lambeth collection of MSS., should be examined.
S.R. MAITLAND.
Cave's Historia Literaria (Vol ii., p. 230.).—
1. London, 1688-1698, 2 vols. folio. This was the first edition. A curious letter from Cave to Abp. Tenison respecting the assistance which H. Wharton furnished to this work is printed in Chalmers' Biog. Dict., vol. xxxi. p. 343.
2. Geneva, 1693, folio.
3. ———, 1694, folio.
4. ———, 1705, folio.
5. Coloniæ Allobrogum, 1720, folio.
6. Oxon. 1740-43, 2 vols. folio. Dr. Waterland rendered important aid in bringing out this edition, which Bp. Marsh pronounces "the best." It seems from some letters of Waterland's to John Loveday, Esq. (works by Van Mildert, 1843, vol. vi. p. 423-436.), that Chapman, a petty canon of Windsor, was the editor.
7. Basil, 1741-5, 2 vols. folio. This is said to be an exact reprint from the Oxford edition.
Watt and Dr. Clarke mention an edition, 1749, 2 vols. folio; but I cannot trace any copy of such edition.
JOHN I. DREDGE.
SIR GAMMER VANS.
In reply to C.'s inquiry (Vol. ii., p. 89.) as to a comic story about one Sir Gammer Vans, I have pleasure in communicating what little information I have on the subject. Some years ago, when I was quite a boy, the story was told me by an Irish clergyman, since deceased. He spoke of it as an old Irish tradition, but did not give his authority for saying so. The story, as he gave it, contained no allusion to an "aunt" or "mother." I do not know whether it will be worthy of publication: but here it is, and you can make what use of it you like:—
"Last Sunday morning at six o'clock in the evening, as I was sailing over the tops of the mountains in my little boat, I met two men on horseback riding on one mare: so I asked them 'Could they tell me whether the little old woman was dead yet, who was hanged last Saturday week for drowning herself in a shower of feathers?' They said they could not positively inform me, but if I went to Sir Gammar Vans he could tell me all about it. 'But how am I to know the house?' said I. 'Ho, 'tis easy enough,' said they, 'for it's a brick house, built entirely of flints, standing alone by itself in the middle of sixty or seventy others just like it.' 'Oh, nothing in the world is easier,' said I. 'Nothing can be easier,' said they: so I went on my way. Now this Sir G. Vans was a giant, and bottlemaker. And as all giants, who are bottlemakers, usually pop out of a little thumb bottle from behind the door, so did Sir G. Vans. 'How d'ye do?' says he. 'Very well, thank you,' says I. 'Have some breakfast with me?' 'With all my heart,' says I. So he gave me a slice of beer, and a cup of cold veal; and there was a little dog under the table that picked up all the crumbs. 'Hang him,' says I. 'No, don't hang him,' says he; 'for he killed a hare yesterday. And if you don't believe me, I'll show you the hare alive in a basket.' So he took me into his garden to show me the curiosities. In one corner there was a fox hatching eagle's eggs; in another there was an iron apple tree, entirely covered with pears and lead; in the third there was the hare which the dog killed yesterday alive in the basket; and in the fourth there were twenty-four hipper switches threshing tobacco, and at the sight of me they threshed so hard that they drove the plug through the wall, and through a little dog that was passing by on the other side. I, hearing the dog howl, jumped over the wall; and turned it as neatly inside out as possible, when it ran away as if it had not an hour to live. Then he took me into the park to show me his deer: and I remembered that I had a warrant in my pocket to shoot venison for his majesty's dinner. So I set fire to my bow, poised my arrow, and shot amongst them. I broke seventeen ribs on one side, and twenty-one and a half on the other: but my arrow passed clean through without ever touching it, and the worst was I lost my arrow; however, I found it again in the hollow of a tree. I felt it: it felt clammy. I smelt it; it smelt honey. 'Oh, ho!' said I, 'here's a bee's nest,' when out sprung a covey of partridges. I shot at them; some say I killed eighteen, but I am sure I killed thirty-six, besides a dead salmon which was flying over the bridge, of which I made the best apple pie I ever tasted."
Such is the story: I can answer for its general accuracy. I am quite at sea as to the meaning and orthography of "hipper switches,"—having heard, not seen, the story.
S.G.
Corpus Christi College, Cambridge.
THE COLLAR OF SS.
(Vol. ii., pp. 89. 194. 248.)
The Collar of SS. "is to this day a mystery to the most learned and indefatigable antiquaries," according to Mr. Planché, in his valuable little work on The History of British Costume: what has appeared in "NOTES AND QUERIES" certainly has not cleared away the obscurity. ARMIGER tells us (Vol. ii., p. 195.): "As to the derivation of the name of the collar from Soverayne; from St. Simplicius; from the martyrs of Soissons (viz. St. Crespin and St. Crespinian, upon whose anniversary the battle of Agincourt was fought); from the Countess of Salisbury; from the word Souvenez; and, lastly, from Seneschallus or Steward, (which latter is MR. NICHOLS' notion)—they may be regarded as mere monkish (?) or heraldic gossip." If the monastic writers had spoken anything on the matter, a doubt never would have existed: but none of them has even hinted at it. Never having seen the articles in the Gentleman's Magazine, I do not know MR. NICHOLS' reasons for supposing "Seneschallus or Steward" could have furnished an origin of the SS.; but I am at loss to think of any grounds upon which such a guess could rest. From the searches I have made upon this question, it seems to me that these SS. are taken as a short way of expressing the "SANCTUS, SANCTUS, SANCTUS" of the Salisbury liturgy and ritual. I hope soon to be able to lay before the public the documents out of which I draw this opinion, in a note to the third and forthcoming volume of The Church of our Fathers.
D. ROCK.
Collar of SS.—To your list of persons now privileged to wear these collars, I beg to add her Majesty's serjeant trumpeter, Thomas Lister Parker, Esq., to whom a silver collar of SS. has been granted. It is always worn by him or his deputy on state occasions.
THOMAS LEWIS,
Acting Serjeant Trumpeter. 34. Mount Street.
JOACHIN, THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
(Vol. ii., p. 229.)
Your correspondent AMICUS will I fear find very little information about this mysterious person in the writers of French history of the time. He is thus mentioned in Cavendish's Life of Wolsey (ed. 1825, vol. i. p. 73.):—
"The French king lying in his camp, sent secretly into England a privy person, a very witty man, to entreat of a peace between him and the king our sovereign lord, whose name was John Joachin; he was kept as secret as might be, that no man had intelligence of his repair; for he was no Frenchman, but an Italian born, a man before of no estimation in France, or known to be in favour with his master, but to be a merchant; and for his subtle wit, elected to entreat of such affairs as the king had commanded him by embassy. This Joachin, after his arrival here in England, was secretly conveyed unto the king's manor of Richmond, and there remained until Whitsuntide; at which time the cardinal resorted thither, and kept there the said feast very solemnly. In which season my lord caused this Joachin divers times to dine with him, whose talk and behaviour seemed to be witty, sober, and wondrous discreet."
My note on this passage says:—
"The name of this person was Giovanni Joacchino Passano, a Genoese; he was afterwards called Seigneur de Vaux. The emperor, it appears, was informed of his being in England, and for what purpose. The cardinal stated that Joacchino came over as a merchant; and that as soon as he discovered himself to be sent by the lady regent of France, he made De Præt (the emperor's ambassador) privy thereto, and likewise of the answer given to her proposals. The air of mystery which attached to this mission naturally created suspicion; and, after a few months, De Præt, in his letters to the emperor, and to Margaret, governess of the Netherlands, expressed his surmise that all was not right, alleging his reasons. His letters were intercepted by the cardinal, and read before the council. Charles and Margaret complained of the insult, and the cardinal explained as well as he could: at the same time protesting against the misinterpretation of De Præt, and assuring them that nothing could be further from his wish than that any disunion should arise between the king his master and the emperor; and notwithstanding the suspicious aspect of this transaction, his dispatches, both before and after this fracas, strongly corroborate his assertions. Wolsey suspected that the Pope was inclined toward the cause of Francis, and reminded him of his obligations to Henry and Charles. The Pope had already taken the alarm, and had made terms with the French king, but had industriously concealed it from Wolsey, and at length urged in his excuse that he had no alternative. Joacchino was again in England upon a different mission, and was an eye-witness of the melancholy condition of the cardinal when his fortunes were reversed. He sympathised with him, and interested himself for him with Francis and the queen dowager, as appears by his letters published in Legrand, Histoire du Divorce de Henry VIII."
I think it is from this interesting book, which throws much light upon many of the intricate passages of the history of the times, that I derived my information. It is in all respects a work worth consulting.
S.W. SINGER.
REMAINS OF JAMES II.
(Vol. ii., p. 243.).
The following passage is transcribed from a communication relative to the Scotch College at Paris, made by the Rev. H. Longueville Jones to the Collectanea Topographica et Genealogica, 1841, vol. vii. p. 33.:—
"The king left his brains to this college; and, it used to be said, other parts, but this is more doubtful, to the Irish and English colleges at Paris. His heart was bequeathed to the Dames de St. Marie at Chaillot, and his entrails were buried at St. Germain-en-Laye, where a handsome monument has been erected to his memory by order of George IV.; but the body itself was interred in the monastery of English Benedictine Monks that once existed in the Rue du Faubourg St. Jacques, close to the Val de Grace. In this latter house, previous to the Revolution, the following simple inscription marked where the monarch's body lay:—
"'CI GIST JACQUES II. ROI DE LA GRANDE BRETAGNE.'"
A monument to the king still exists in the chapel of the Scotch College (which is now leased to a private school), and the inscription, in Latin, written by James, Duke of Perth, is printed in the same volume of Collectanea, p. 35., followed by all the other inscriptions to James's adherents now remaining in that chapel.
In a subsequent communication respecting the Irish College at Paris, made by the same gentleman, and printed in the same volume, at p. 113. are these remarks:—
"It is not uninteresting to add, that the body of James II. was brought to this college after the destruction of the English Benedictine Monastery adjoining the Val de Grace; and remained for some years in a temporary tomb in one of the lecture halls, then used as the chapel. It was afterwards removed; by whose authority, and to what place, is not exactly known: but it is considered not improbable that it was transported to the church of St. Germain-en-Laye, and there buried under the monument erected by George IV. Some additional light will probably be thrown on this subject, in a work on the Stuarts now in course of compilation."
Has this work since appeared?
J.G.N.
Interment of James II.—I remember reading in the French papers, in the year 1823 or 1824, a long account of the then recent exhumation and re-interment in another spot of the remains of James II. I was but a boy at the time, and neglected to make a "Note", which might now be valuable to you. I have not the least doubt, however, that the fact will be discovered on reference to a file of the Etoile, or any other of the Paris papers of one or other of the years above named.
There is a marble monument erected in memory of James, in the chapel of the old Scotch College, in the Rue des Fossés Saint Victor. An urn of bronze, gilt, containing the king's brains, formerly stood on the crown of this monument. The urn was smashed and the contents scattered over the ground, during the French Revolution. A much more important loss to posterity was incurred by the destruction of the manuscripts entrusted by James to the keeping of the brotherhood he loved. The trust is alluded to with mingled pride and affection in the noble and touching inscription on the royal monument.
J.D.
Earl's Court, Kensington.
HANDFASTING.
(Vol. ii., p. 151.)
Your correspondent J.M.G. has brought forward a curious subject, and one well deserving attention and illustration. A fair is said to have been held at the meeting of the Black and White Esks, at the foot of Eskdalemuir, in Dumfriesshire, when the singular custom of Handfasting was observed. The old statistical account of the parish says:
"At that fair it was the custom for unmarried persons of both sexes to choose a companion according to their liking, whom they were to live with till that time next year. This was called handfasting, or hand-in-fist. If they were pleased with each other at that time, then they continued together for life; if not, they separated, and were free to make another choice as at the first."
John Maxwell, Esq., of Broomholm, in a letter (dated April 15th, 1796) to the Rev. Wm. Brown, D.D., of Eskdalemuir, says, in reference to this custom:
"No account can be given of the period at which the custom of handfasting commenced; but I was told by an old man, John Murray, who died at the farm of Irvine (as you go from Langholm to Canobie), and had formerly been a proprietor in Eskdaldemuir, that he was acquainted with, or at least had seen an old man, I think his name was Beattie, who was grandson to a couple who had been handfasted. You perhaps know that the children born under the handfasting engagement were reckoned lawful children, and not bastards, though the parents did afterwards resile. This custom of handfasting does not seem to have been peculiar to your parish. Mention is made in some histories of Scotland that Robert II. was handfasted to Elizabeth More before he married Euphemia Ross, daughter of Hugh, Earl of that name, by both of whom he had children; his eldest son John, by Elizabeth More, viz., King Robert III., commonly called Jock Ferngyear, succeeded to the throne in preference to the sons of Euphemia, his married wife. Indeed, after Euphemia's death, he married his former handfasted wife Elizabeth."
Sir J. Chardin observes that contracts for temporary wives are frequent in the East, which contracts are made before the Cadi with the formality of a measure of corn, mentioned over and above the stipulated sum of money.
Baron du Tott's account of "Marriages by Capin," corroborated by Eastern travellers, corresponds with the custom of Handfasting. He says:
"There is another kind of marriage which, stipulating the return to be made, fixes likewise the time when the divorce is to take place. This contract is called capin: and, properly speaking, is only an agreement between the parties to live together for such a price, during such a time."
This contract is a regular form of marriage, and is so regarded generally in the East.
The Jews seem to have had a similar custom, which perhaps they borrowed from the neighbouring nations; at least the connexion formed by the prophet Hosea (chap. iii. 2.) bears a strong resemblance to Handfasting and Capin.
JARLTZBERG.
ADAM OF BREMEN'S JULIN.
In reply to V. from Belgravia (Vol. ii., p. 230.), I am partially at a loss to know the exact bearing of his Query. Adam of Bremen's account of Julin is no legend, nor does he mention it at all as a doomed city. On the contrary, his description is that of a flourishing emporium of commerce, for which purpose he selects very strong superlatives, as in the following account (De Situ Damæ, lib. ii. cap. ii.):
"Ultra Leuticos qui alio nomine Welzi dicuntur Oddera Flumen occurrit; amnis dilectissimus Slavonicæ regionis. In cujus ostro, qui Scythicas alludet paludes, nobilissima civitas Julinum celeberrimam Barbaris et Græcis qui in circuitu præstet stationem. De cujus præconio quia magna et vix credibilia recitantur, volupe arbitror pauca inserere digna relata. Est sane maxime omnium quas Europa claudit civitatum, quam incolunt Slavi cum aliis gentibus Græcis et Barbaris. Nam et advenæ Saxones parem cohabitandi legem acceperunt, si tamen Christianitatis titulum ibi morantes non publicaverint. Omnes enim adhuc paganicis ritibus aberrant, ceterum moribus et hospitalitate nulla gens honestior aut benignior poterit inveniri. Urbs illa mercibus omnium septentrionalium nationum locuples nihil non habet jucundi et rari."
As Adam is supposed to have been a native and a priest at Magdeburg, whence he was translated by Archbishop Adalbert to a benefice in the cathedral of Bremen, he must, from his comparative proximity to the spot, be supposed a competent witness; and there is not reason to suppose why he should not have been also a creditable one. He died about 1072, and the legends, if any, concerning this famous place, here described as the most extensive in Europe, must have been subsequently framed.
For about one hundred years later (1184) we have from Helmold, the parish priest of Bösan, a small village on the eastern confines of Holstein, a repetition of Adam's words, for a place which he calls "Veneta," but always in the past tense as, "quondam fuit nobilissima civitas," etc.; so that it is plain from that and his expression "excidium civitatis;" as well as, "Hanc civitatem opulentissimam quidam Danorum rex, maxima classe stipatus, fundetus evertisse refertur." The great question is, Where was this great city? and, are the Julin of Adam and the Veneta of Helmold identical? Both questions have given rise to endless discussions amongst German archæologists. The published maps, as late at least as the end of the last century, had a note at a place in the Baltic, opposite to the small town of Demmin, in Pomerania:—"Hic Veneta emporium olim celeberr. æquar. æstu absorpt." Many, perhaps the majority, of recent writers contend for the town of Wallin, which gives its name to one of the islands by which the Stettin Haff is formed,—though the slight verbal conformity seems to be their principal ground; for no rudera, no vestiges of ancient grandeur now mark the spot, not even a tradition of former greatness: whilst Veneta, which can only be taken to mean the civitas of the Veneti, a nation placed by Tacitus on this part of the coast, has a long unbroken chain of oral evidence in its favour, as close to Rugen; and, if authentic records are to be credited, ships have been wrecked in the last century on ancient moles or bulwarks, which then rose nearly to the surface from the submerged ruins. But the subject is much too comprehensive for the compressed notices of your miscellany. I hope to have shortly an opportunity of treating the subject at large in reference to the Schiringsheal which Othere described to King Alfred, about two hundred years earlier.
An edition of Adam and Helmold is very desirable in England, even in a translations as a part of Bohn's Antiquarian Series.
WILLIAM BELL, PH. D.
REPLIES TO MINOR QUERIES.
Bess of Hardwick (Vol. i., p. 276.).—The following particulars in answer to this Query will, I hope, elicit some further information from other quarters. I have, in my answer, attempted to be as brief as possible.
John, the fifth recorded Hardwick, of Hardwick, left issue, by Elizabeth Leake, six children: of whom JAMES (or John) was thrice married, and died sine prole, and DOROTHY died an infant: the four remaining daughters became coheiresses.
Of these MARY HARDWICK married (his first wife) Richard Wingfield, of Wantisden, seventh son of Sir Anthony Wingfield, of Letheringham, co. Suffolk, K.G. His will was proved in London 14th August, 1591. Their eldest son Henry was of Crowfield, co. Suffolk. His great-grandson, Harbottle Wingfield, of Crowfield, was living 1644, and his descendants, if any, may quarter Hardwick. Their second son, Anthony Wingfield, was the well-known Greek reader to Queen Elizabeth; and their third son, Sir John Wingfield, married Susan Bertie, Countess Dowager of Kent, and left Peregrin Wingfield, of whom nothing is recorded.
JANE HARDWICK, next daughter, married Godfrey Bosvile of Gunthwaite and Beighton, co. Ebor. His will is dated 22nd July, 1580. Their eldest child, Francis Bosvile, left only daughter, Grace Bosvile, who died young. His three sisters became coheirs, but the estate of Gunthwaite went to an uncle, ancestor of the present Godfrey Bosvile, Lord Macdonald. Of these sisters, Frances Bosvile married John Savile; Dorothy Bosvile, John Lacy; and Elizabeth Bosvile, John Copley: either they had no children, or these died young. Mary Bosvile, the second daughter and coheir, married Richard Burdett, of Derby, living 1612. Their son, George Burdett, had by his first wife a son, whose issue failed; and by his second wife two daughters, eventually coheirs.
Of these. Mary Burdett married, first, Richard Pilkington, and second, Sir T. Beaumont, of Whitby: and another sister married—Ramsden. No issue of either are recorded. The third sister, Elizabeth Burdett, married, at Hoyland, 6th Feb., 1636, the Rev. Daniel Clark, A.M., and died 27th Aug., 1679, at Fenney-Compton. Their great-grandson and sole male representative was the late Joseph Clark of Northampton, whose descendants also quarter Hardwick.
ELIZABETH HARDWICK, the next daughter, was the celebrated Countess of Shrewsbury. Her representatives are all noble, and their pedigrees may be found in the Peerages. They are—
1. The Duke of Devonshire, representing Wm. Cavendish, first earl.
Certain descendants of Sir Charles Cavendish, of Welbeck Abbey, or rather of his grandson, Henry, second Duke of Newcastle, namely,
2. The Duke of Portland, representing Margaret Pelham, the Duke's eldest coheir;
3. The Marquis of Salisbury from Catherine, and second coheir;
4. The Earl De la Warr; and
5. The Earl of Aboyne, are the coheirs of Sir Charles Cope, Baronet, of Orton; who represented Arabella, Countess of Sunderland, third coheir. These five all quarter Hardwick.
ALICE HARDWICK, next daughter, married Francis Hercy, according to some pedigrees. No issue recorded.
There are therefore descendants certainly known of only two of the children of John Hardwick. Possibly some of your correspondents can supply those of Wingfield and Hercy.
The crest and arms of the Hardwicks may be found in Edmondson. They only quartered Pynchbeke. I am not aware of any motto.
Miss Costello, and other biographers of the Countess of Shrewsbury, have quite overlooked all the descendants of her sisters. Possibly, should these lines meet the eye of the Duke of Devonshire, who possesses the estates and papers of the Hardwicks, it may lead to more particulars concerning the family being made public.
ERMINE.
Torquay.
Quotations in Bishop Andrewes (Vol. ii., p. 245.).—
"Minutuli et patellares Dei."
is from Plautus:
"Di me omnes magni minutique et patellarii." Cistell. II. 1. 46.
and
"Sed quæ de septem totum circumspicit orbem Collibus, imperii Roma Deumque locus."
is from Ovid (Trist. I. 5. 69.).
J.E.B MAYOR.
Marlborough College.
The Sun Feminine in English (Vol. ii., p. 21).—MR. COX may perhaps be pleased to learn why the northern nations made the sun feminine. The ancient Germans and Saxons—
"When they discovered how the sun by his heat and influence excited venereal love in creatures subserviant to his dominion, they then varied his sex, and painted him like a woman, because in them that passion is most impotent, and yet impetuous; on her head they placed a myrtle crown or garland to denote her dominion, and that love should be alwaies verdant as the myrtle; in one hand she supported the world, and in the other three golden apples, to represent that the world and its wealth are both sustained by love. The three golden apples signified the threefold beauty of the sun, exemplified in the morning, meridian, and evening; on her breast was lodged a burning torch, to insinuate to us the violence of the flame of love which scorches humane hearts."—Philipot's Brief and Historical Discourse of the Original and Growth of Heraldry, pp. 12, 13. London, 1672.
T.H. KERSLEY
King William's College, Isle of Man.
Carpatio (Vol. ii., p. 247.).—Your Querist must be little versed in early Italian art, not to know that Vittore Carpaccio (such is the correct spelling) was one of the morning stars of the Venetian school; and his search must have been somewhat careless, as Carpaccio and his works are fully described in Kugler's Handbook, p. 149., and in Lanzi. Some exquisite figures of his, of which Mrs. Jameson has given a St. Stephen in her Legendary Art, exist in the Brera at Milan. He is a painter not sufficiently known in England, but one whom it may be hoped the Arundel Society will introduce by their engravings. I cannot assist J.G.N. in explaining the subject of his engraving. May Cornubioe be by error for Cordubioe?
CLERICUS.
The Character "&".—This character your correspondent will at once see is only the Latin word "et", written in a flourishing form; as we find it repeated in the abbreviation "&c.," for "et cetera". Its adoption as a contraction for the English word "and", arose, no doubt, from the facility of its formation; and the name it acquired was "and-per se-and", "and by itself and," which is easily susceptible of the corruptions noticed by MR. LOWER.
[Greek: PHI].
Walrond Family (Vol. ii., p. 206.).—Burke, in his History of the Commoners, only gives the name of George, one of the sons of Colonel Humphry Walrond. He also states that the colonel married Elizabeth, daughter of Nathaniel Napier, Esq., of More Critchel. Now Colonel Walrond appears from his petition (Royalist Comp. Papers, State Paper Office) dated 12th February, 1648, addressed to the Commissioners for Compounding with Delinquents, to have had nine other children then living. He states: "Thus his eldest sonne George Walrond did absente himselfe for a short time from his father's house, and went into the king's army, where he unfortunately lost his right arme. That he having no estate at present, and but little in expectancy after his father's death, he having ten children, and all nine to be provided for out of y'e petitioner's small estate." In a similar petition, dated about two years later, from "Grace, the wife of Humphry Walrond, of Sea, in the county of Somerset, Esquire," she states "herself to be weake woman, and having TEN children (whereof many are infants) to maintain." That he was married to this Grace, and not to Elizabeth (as stated by Burke), as early as 1634, is clear from a licence to alienate certain lands at Ilminster, 10 Ch. I. (Pat. Rolls.)
That they were both living in 1668 is proved by a petition in the State Paper Office (Read in Council, Ap. 8, 1688. Trade Papers, Verginia, No. I. A.):—"To the King's most excellent Ma'tie and the rt. hon'ble the Lords of his Maj. most hon'ble Privy Councel," from "Grace, the wife of Humphry Walrond, Esq." In this petition she states that her husband had been very severely prosecuted by Lord Willoughby, whose sub-governor he had been in Barbadoes. "He had contracted many debts by reason of his loyalty and suffering in the late troubles, to the loss of at least thirty thousand pounds." "That his loyalty and sufferings are notoriously known, both in this kingdom and the Barbadoes, where he was banished for proclaiming your Ma'tie after the murder of your royal father." Colonel Walrond is mentioned by Clarendon, Rushworth, Whitelock, &c.; but of the date of his death, the maiden name of his wife, and the Christian names of all his ten children, I can find no account.
The arms S.S.S. inquires about on the monument of Humphry Walrond, Esq., in Ilminster Church, are those of the family of Brokehampton. Humphry Walrond (who died 1580) married Elizabeth, daughter and coheir of John Brokehampton., of Sea, and so obtained that estate.
W. DOWNING BRUCE.
Middle Temple.
Blackguard (Vol. ii., p. 134.).—An early instance of the use of this word occurs in a letter from Richard Topcliffe (Aug. 30, 1578), printed in Lodge's Illustrations, vol. ii. p. 188. I quote from Mr. Jardine's Criminal Trials, vol. ii. p. 13.: "His house, Euston, far unmeet for her Highness, but fitter for the Black Guard."
It also occurs in Fuller's Church History (Book ix. cent. xvi. sect. vii. § 35. vol. v. p. 160. ed. Brewer):—"For who can otherwise conceive but such a prince-principal of darkness must be proportionably attended with a black guard of monstrous opinions?"
J.E.B. MAYOR.
Scala Coeli (Vol. i., pp. 366. 402. 455.).—Maundrell mentions, "at the coming out of Pilate's house, a descent, where was anciently the Scala Sancta." (Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, p. 107.) This holy or heavenly stair was that by which the Redeemer was led down, by order of Pilate, according to the legend, and afterwards was, among other relics, carried to Rome. It is now in the Church of St. John Lateran, whither it is said to have been brought by St. Helena from Jerusalem. Pope Alexander Vl., and his successor Julius, granted to the Chapel of St. Mary built by King Henry VII., in Westminster Abbey—
"Easdem indulgencias et peccatorum remissiones ... quas Celebrantes pro Defunctis in Capellâ Scala Coeli nuncupatâ in Ecclesiâ Trium Fontium extra muros Urbis Cisterciensis Ordinis ... consequuntur."
This indulgence of Pope Julius was dated in the year 1504; and its intention of drawing thither pilgrims and offerings was fully realised, we may believe: for in the year 1519 we find the brotherhood of St. Mary of Rouncevall by Charing Cross paying:—
"To the keper of Scala Celi in the Abby ... vjd."
(See Rymer's Foedera, tom. v. pt. iv.; and Dugdale's Monasticon, vol. i. p. 320.)
MACKENZIE WALCOTT, M.A. Oxon.
Sitting during the Lessons (Vol. ii., p. 46.).—With respect to L.'s Query respecting sitting during the Lessons, I can venture no remarks; but the custom of standing during the reading of the Gospel is very ancient. In the mass of St. Chrysostom the priest exclaims, "Stand up, let us hear the holy Gospel." (Goar, Rituale Græcorum, p. 69.) The same custom appears in the Latin Liturgy of St. Basil:—"Cumque interpres Evangelii dicit 'State cum timore Dei' convertitur Sacerdos ad occidentem," etc. (Renaudot, vol. i. p. 7. Vide also "Liturgy of St. Mark," Ren. vol. i. p. 126.) The edition of Renaudot's Liturgies is the reprint in 1847.
N.E.R. (a subscriber).
Sitting during the Lessons.—There is no doubt, I believe, that in former times the people stood when the minister read the Lessons, to show their reverence. It is recorded in Nehemiah, viii. 5.:
"And Ezra opened the Book in the sight of all the people (for he was above all the people), and when he opened it all the people stood up."
Why this practice should have been altered, or why our Rubric should be silent on this head, does not appear quite clear, though I find in Wheatley (On the Book of Common Prayer, chap. vi. sec. vi.) that which seems to me to be a very sufficient reason, if not for the sitting during the Lessons, certainly for the standing during the reading of the Gospel, and sitting during the Epistle:—
"In St. Augustine's time the people always stood when the lessons were read, to show their reverence to God's holy word: but afterwards, when this was thought too great a burden, they were allowed to sit down at the lessons, and were only obliged to stand at the reading of the Gospel; which always contains something that Our Lord did speak, or suffered in His own person. By which gesture they showed they had a greater respect to the Son of God himself than they had to any other inspired person, though speaking the word of God, and by God's authority."
WALTER MONTAGUE
Aërostation, Works on (Vol. ii., p. 199.).—To the numerous list of works on Aërostation which will no doubt be communicated to you in answer to the inquiry of C.B.M., I beg to add the following small contribution:—
"Saggio Aereonautico di Giuseppe Donini Tifernate," 8vo. pp. 92. With four large folding Plates. Firenze 1819.
Signor Donini also published in 1823 (in Citta di Castello per il Donati) the following pamphlet:—
"Circolare Areonautico (sic) Guiseppe Dolini d Città di Castello a tutti i dotti, e ricchi nazionali, stranieri. 8vo." pp. 16. Oxford.
J.M.
Aërostation.—Your correspondent C.B.M. (Vol. ii., p. 199.) will find some curious matter of aërostation in poor Colonel Maceroni's Autobiography, 2 vols. 8vo.
W.C.
Pole Money (Vol. ii., p. 231.).—The "pole money" alluded to in the extracts given by T.N.I., was doubtless the poll tax, which was revived in the reign of Charles II. Every one knows that at an earlier period of our history it gave rise to Wat Tyler's insurrection. The tax was reimposed several times during the reign of William III. and it appears from a statement of the Lords in a conference which took place with the Commons on the subject in the first of William's reign, that the tax, previously to that time, was last imposed in the 29th of Charles II.
C. ROSS.
Wormwood Wine (Vol. ii., p. 242.).—If, as MR. SINGER supposes, "Eisell was absynthites, or wormwood wine, a nauseously bitter medicament then much in use," Pepys' friends must have had a very singular taste, for he records, on the 24th November, 1660,—
"Creed and Shepley, and I, to the Rhonish wine house, and there I did give them two quarts of wormwood wine."
Perhaps the beverage was doctored for the English market, and rendered more palatable than it had been in the days of Stuckius.
BRAYBROOKE.
Darvon Gatherall (Vol. ii., p. 199.).—Dervel Gadarn (vulgarly miscalled Darvel Gatheren) was son or grandson of Hywel or Hoel, son to Emyr of Britany. He was the founder of Llan-dervel Church, in Merioneth, and lived early in the sixth century. The destruction of his image is mentioned in the Letters on the Suppression of Monasteries, Nos. 95. and 101. Some account of it also exists in Lord Herbert's Henry VIII., which I cannot refer to. I was not aware his name had ever undergone such gross and barbarous corruption as Darvon Gatherall.
A.N.
Darvon Gatherall (Vol. ii., p. 199.), or Darvel Gatheren, is spoken of in Sir H. Ellis's Original Letters, Series III., Letter 330. Hall's Chronicle, p. 826. ed. 1809.
J.E.B. MAYOR.
Darvon Gatherall.—I send you an extract from Southey's Common-place Book, which refers to Darvon Gatherall. Southey had copied it from Wordworth's Ecclesiastical Biography, where it is given as quotation from Michael Wodde, who wrote in 1554. He says:—
"Who could, twenty years agone, say the Lord's Prayer in English?... If we were sick of the pestilence, we ran to St. Rooke: if of the ague, to St. Pernel, or Master John Shorne. If men were in prison, they prayed to St. Leonard. If the Welshman would have a purse, he prayed to Darvel Gathorne. If a wife were weary of a husband, she offered oats at Poules; at London, to St. Uncumber."
Can any of your readers inform me who St. Uncumber was?
PWCCA.
[Poules is St. Paul's. The passage from Michael Wodde is quoted in Ellis' Brand, vol. i. p. 202. edit. 1841.]
Angels' Visits (Vol. i., p. 102.).—WICCAMECUS will find in Norris's Miscellanies, in a poem "To the Memory of my dear Neece, M.C." (Stanza X. p. 10. ed. 1692), the following lines:—
"No wonder such a noble mind Her way to heaven so soon could find: Angels, as 'tis but seldom they appear, So neither do they make long stay; They do but visit, and away."
Mr. Montgomery (Christian Poet) long ago compared this passage with those cited by WICCAMECUS.
J.E.B. MAYOR.
Antiquity of Smoking (Vol. ii., pp. 41. 216.).—On that interesting subject, "The Antiquity of Smoking," I beg to contribute the following "Note," which I made some years ego, but unfortunately without a reference to the author:—
"Some fern was evidently in use among the ancients: for Athenæus, in his first book, quotes from the Greek poet, Crobylus, these words:—
[Greek: 'Kai ton larung haedista purio temachiois Kaminos, ouk anthropos.'] 'And I will sweetly burn my throat with cuttings: A chimney, not a man!'
"Now as, in a preceding line, the smoker boasts of his 'Idæan fingers,' it is plain that every man rolled up his sharoot for himself."
H.G.
Antiquity of Smoking (Vol. ii., p. 216.).—Herod. lib. i. sec. 36. is referred to for some illustration, I suppose, of smoking through tubes. Herodotus supplies nothing: perhaps Herodian may be meant, though not very likely. Herb smoking was probably in use in Europe long before tobacco. But direct authority seems sadly wanting.
SANDVICENSIS.
"Noli me tangere" (Vol. ii., pp. 153. 219. 250.).—In a New Testament published by the Portusian Bible Society is a small ill-executed print, called "Christ appearing to Mary," copied from a picture by C. Ciguani.
WEDSECNARF.
Partrige Family (Vol. ii., p. 230.).—Mr. Partrige's reference to Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials is quite unintelligible to those who have not access to the Oxford reprint of that work. The reprint (I wish that in all other reprints a similar course was adopted) gives the paging of the original folio edition. I submit, therefore, that Mr. Partrige should have stated that the note he has made is from Strype's Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. ii. p. 310.
The grant to which Mr. Partrige refers is, I dare say, on the Patent Roll, 7 Edw. VI., which may be inspected at the Public Record Office, Rolls Chapel, on payment of a fee of 1s., with liberty to take a copy or extract in pencil gratuitously or a plain copy may be obtained at the rate of 6d. a folio.
The act of 1 Mary, for the restitution in blood of the heirs of Sir Miles Partrige, if not given in the large edition of the Statutes, printed by the Record Commissioners, may no doubt be seen at the Parliament Office, near the House of Lords, on payment of the fee of 5s.
I believe I am correct in saying that no debates of that session are extant; but the proceedings on the various bills may probably be traced in the journals of the two Houses of Parliament, which are printed and deposited in most of our great public libraries.
C.H. Cooper.
Cambridge, Sept. 7, 1850
City Offices.—The best account of the different public offices of the city of London, with their duties, etc., that I know of, your correspondent A CITIZEN (Vol. ii., p. 216.) will find in the Reports of the Municipal Corporation Commissioners.
W.C.
Harvey and the Circulation of the Blood (Vol. ii., p. 266.).—The claim set up on behalf of Father Paul to the honour of Harvey's discovery, which is noticed by your correspondent W.W.B., is satisfactorily disposed of in the life of Harvey in the Biographia Britannica, iv. 2548., note C. Harvey gave a copy of his treatise De Motu Cordis to the Venetian ambassador in England. On his return home the ambassador lent the book to Father Paul, who made some extracts from it. After Father Paul's death, he was thought to be the author of these extracts and hence the story which your correspondent quotes. It might occasionally be convenient if your correspondents could make a little inquiry before they send off their letters to you.
Beruchino.