Notes.

BURTON'S "ANATOMY OF MELANCHOLY."

In this age of "new editions," it is a wonder that no one has favoured the public with a reprint, with notes variorum, of this celebrated English classic.

Dr. Dibdin, in a note to his edition of More's Utopia, vol. ii. p. 97., says:

"Whoever will be at the trouble of consulting Part II, sect. IV. memb.. i. subsect. 4. of the last folio edition of Burton [1676], will see how it varies from the first folio of 1624; and will, in consequence, regret the omission of the notice of these variations in the octavo editions of Burton recently published."

The octavo editions here referred to are those of 1800 and 1806; the latter, I believe, edited by Edward Du Bois. The folio of 1676 is, in all probability, an exact reprint of that of 1651, which certainly differs considerably from those of an earlier date. Henry Cripps, the publisher of the edition of 1651, has the following notice:

"To the Reader.

Be pleased to know (courteous Reader) that since the last impression of this Book, the ingenuous author of it is deceased, leaving a copy of it exactly corrected, with several considerable additions by his own hand. This copy he committed to my care and custody, with directions to have those additions inserted in the next edition; which, in order to his command and the publicke good, is faithfully performed in this last impression.

H. C."

Modern writers have been deeply indebted to old Robert Burton; but he, in his turn, was equally indebted to earlier writers. Dr. Dibdin remarks:

"I suspect that Burton, the author of the Anatomy of Melancholy, was intimately acquainted with Boiastuan's book as translated by Alday; for there are passages in Burton's 'Love Melancholy' (the most extraordinary and amusing part of his work), which bear a very strong resemblance to many in the 'Gests and Countenances ridiculous of Lovers,' at p. 195 of Boiastuan's Theatre, or Rule of the World."

The title of the curious book mentioned in this extract is—

"Theatrum Mundi. Theatre, or Rule of the World: Wherein may bee seene the running Race and Course of everie Mannes Lyfe, as touching Miserie and Felicitie: whereunto is added a learned Worke of the excellencie of Man. Written in French by Peter Boiastuan. Translated by John Alday. Printed by Thomas East, for John Wright, 8vo. 1582."

But Burton was more indebted to another work, very similar in title and matter to his own; I mean Dr. Bright's curious little volume, of which I transcribe the title-page in full:

"A Treatise of Melancholy: contayning the Causes thereof, and reasons of the strange Effects it worketh in our Minds and Bodies; with the Phisicke Cure, and Spirituall Consolation for such as have thereto adjoyned afflicted Conscience. The difference betwixt it and Melancholy, with diverse philosophical Discourses touching Actions, and Affections of Soule, Spirit, and Body: the Particulars whereof are to be seene before the Booke. By T. Bright, Doctor of Phisicke. Imprinted at London by John Windet, sm. 8vo. 1586."

It has been remarked that Burton does not acknowledge his obligations to Bright. This, however, is not strictly true, as the former acknowledges several quotations in the course of his work. It would certainly be desirable, in the event of a new edition of the Anatomy, that a comparison of the two books should be made. As a beginning towards this end, I subjoin a table of the contents of Bright's Treatise, with a notice of some similar passages in Burton's Anatomy, arranged in parallel columns.

I may just add, that Bright's Treatise consists of 276 pages, exclusive of a dedication "To the Right Worshipful M. Peter Osborne," &c. (dated from "Little S. Bartlemews by Smithfield, the 13 of May, 1586"); and an address "To his Melancholick Friend M."

All that is known of his biography has been collected by the Rev. Joseph Hunter, and communicated to the last edition of Wood's Athenæ Oxonienses, vol. ii. p. 174. note.

Bright's "Treatise of Melancholy," 1586. Burton's "Anatomy of Melancholy," edit. 1651.

The Contentes of the Booke according to the Chapters. Parallel Sections.

1. How diversely the word Melancholy is taken. Definition of Melancholy: name, difference.

2. The causes of natural melancholy, and of the excesse thereof. The causes of melancholy.

3. Whether good nourishment breede melancholy, by fault of the body turning it into melancholy: and whether such humour is found in nourishments, or rather is made of them. Customs of dyet, delight, appetite, accessity: how they cause or hinder.

4. The aunswere to objections made against the breeding of melancholicke humour out of nourishment. Dyet rectified in substance.

5. A more particular and farther answere to the former objections.

6. The causes of the increase and excesse of melancholicke humour. Immediate cause of these precedent symptomes.

7. Of the melancholicke excrement. Of the matter of melancholy.

8. What burnt choller is, and the causes thereof.

9. How melancholie worketh fearful passions in the mind. Symptomes or signes in the mind.

10. How the body affecteth the soule. Of the soul and her faculties.

11. Objections againste the manner how the body affecteth the soule, with answere thereunto.

12. A farther answere to the former objections, and of the simple facultie of the soule, and onely organicall of spirit and body.

13. How the soule, by one simple facultie, performeth so many and diverse actions.

14. The particular answeres to the objections made in the 11th chapter.

15. Whether perturbations rise of humour or not, with a division of the perturbations. Division of perturbations.

16. Whether perturbations which are not moved by outward occasions rise of humour or not: and how?

17. How melancholie procureth feare, sadnes, despaire, and such passions. Sorrow, fear, envy, hatred, malice, anger, &c. causes.

18. Of the unnaturall melancholie rising by adjustion: how it affecteth us with diverse passions. Symptomes of head-melancholy.

19. How sickness and yeares seeme to alter the mind, and the cause: and how the soule hath practise of senses separated from the body. Continent, inward, antecedent, next causes, and how the body works on the mind.

20. The accidentes which befall melancholie persons. An heap of other accidents causing melancholy.

21. How melancholie altereth the qualities of the body. Distemperature of particular parts.

22. How melancholie altereth those actions which rise out of the braine.

23. How affections be altered.

24. The causes of teares, and their saltnes.

25. Why teares endure not all the time of the cause: and why in weeping commonly the finger is put in the eie.

26. Of the partes of weeping: why the countenance is cast down, the forehead lowreth, the nose droppeth, the lippe trembleth, &c.

27. The causes of sobbing and sighing: and how weeping easeth the heart.

28. How melancholie easeth both weeping and laughing, with the reasons why.

29. The causes of blushing and bashfulness, and why melancholie persons are given therunto. Causes of these symptomes [i.e. bashfulness and blushing].

30. Of the naturall actions altered by melancholie.

31. How melancholie altereth the naturall workes of the body: juice and excrement. Symptomes of melancholy abounding in the whole body.

32. Of the affliction of conscience for sinne. Guilty conscience for offence committed.

33. Whether the afflicted conscience be of melancholie.

34. The particular difference betwixt melancholie and the afflicted conscience in the same person. How melancholy and despair differ.

35. The affliction of mind: to what persons it befalleth, and by what means. Passions and perturbations of the mind; how they cause melancholy.

36. A consolation to the afflicted conscience.

37. The cure of melancholie; and how melancholicke persons are to order themselves in actions of minde, sense, and motion. Cure of melancholy over all the body.

38. How melancholicke persons are to order themselves in their affections. Perturbations of the mind rectified.

39. How melancholicke persons are to order themselves in the rest of their diet, and what choice they are to make of ayre, meate, and drinke, house, and apparell. Dyet rectified; ayre rectified, &c.

40. The cure by medicine meete for melancholicke persons. Of physick which cureth with medicines.

41. The manner of strengthening melancholicke persons after purging: with correction of some of their accidents. Correctors of accidents to procure sleep.

Edward F. Rimbault.

"Αἰὼν," ITS DERIVATION.

As the old postulate respecting the etymology of this important word, from ἀεὶὢν, however superficial, is too attractive to be surrendered, even in the present day, by some respectable authorities, the judgment of your classical correspondents is requested, as to the accuracy of the more philosophical origin of the term which has been adopted by commentators of unquestionable erudition and undisputed eminence.

The rule by which those distinguished scholars, Lennep and Scheidius, determine the etymology of Αἰὼν, is as follows:

"Nomina in ων desinentia, formata ab aliis nominibus, collectiva sunt, sive copiam earum rerum, quæ primitivo designantur notant—ut sunt δενδρὼν, a δένδρον, arboretum; Ἐλαιὼν, olivetum, ab Ἔλαιον; Ῥοδῶν, rosetum, a ῥόδον (also the nouns ἀγκὼν, ἀγὼν, ἀκρέμων, βονβὼν, παιὼν, πλούτων, πώγων, χιτὼν).—Nempe formata videntur hæc nomina in ων, a genitivis pluralibus substantivorum. Genitivus singularis horum nominum, in ωνος, contractione sua, hanc originem satis videtur demonstrare."

In immediate reference to the word Αἰὼν, they say:

"Αἰὼν, Ævum, Æternitas. Nomen ex eo genere, quod natura sua collectionem et multitudinem rerum notat; ut patet ex terminatione ων. Quemadmodum in voce ἀεὶ, vidimus eam esse translatam eximie ad significationem temporis, ab illa flandi, spirandive, quæ est in origine ἄω; sic in nostro Αἰὼν eadem translationis ratio locum habet; ut adeo quasi temporum collectionem, vel multitudinem significet. A qua denuo significatione propriâ profectæ sunt eæ, quibus vel ævum, vel æternitatem, vel hominis ætatem descripsere veteres. Formata (vox) est a nomine inusitato Αἰὸς, vel Ἀϊὸς, quod ab ἄϊς, cujus naturam, in voce ἀεὶ, expossi. Cæterum, a Græco nostro Αἰὼν, interposito digammate Æolico, ortum, est ἈἰϜὼν, et hinc Lat. ævum."

As then it is impossible to place Αἰὼν, whose genitive is Αἰῶνος, in the same category with the derivatives from ὢν, the participle present of Εἰμὶ, whose genitive is ὄντος; and as, secondly, this derivation places the word out of the range of the collective nouns so declined, which are derived from other nouns, as this appears to be, can the real etymology of the word Αἰὼν, and its derivatives, remain any longer a matter of question and debate?

C. H. P.

WILLIAM LYON, BISHOP OF CORK, CLOYNE, AND ROSS.

It is very generally believed that Dr. William Lyon (not Lyons, as he is sometimes called) was originally in the navy; that having distinguished himself in several actions against the Spaniards, he was promised by Queen Elizabeth the first crown appointment that should be vacant; and that this happening to be the see of Cork, he was appointed to it. This is mentioned in other works as well as in Mr. Crofton Croker's very agreeable Researches in the South of Ireland, p. 248.; and I have more than once heard it given as a remarkable instance of church preferment.

Sir James Ware informs us that Bishop Lyon was Vicar of Naas in 1573, Vicar of Brandanston in 1580, and chaplain to Lord Grey, who was sent to Ireland as Lord Deputy in September, 1580. This is inconsistent with the statement, that Queen Elizabeth took him from the quarter-deck to make him a bishop, inasmuch as he was in holy orders, and in possession of preferment in Ireland, nearly ten years before he was raised to the highest order in the ministry. If, therefore, he was ever distinguished for gallantry in naval warfare, it must have been before 1573; for we have no reason to suppose that the Rev. George Walker, the hero of Londonderry, had him as an example. But, as no action with the Spaniards could have taken place prior to 1577, how is this to be reconciled with the common account, that his gallantry against them attracted the notice of the queen? In a miscellaneous compilation, entitled Jefferson's Selections (published in York in 1795, and indebted for its information about Lyon to an old newspaper, which gave oral tradition as its sole authority), we are told that his picture, in the captain's uniform, the left hand wanting a finger, is still to be seen in the bishop's palace at Cork. The picture is there, and represents him certainly as wanting a finger; he is dressed, however, not in a captain's uniform, but in a very scholar-like black gown.

I know not how Mr. Croker could have given the year 1606 as the date of his appointment to the see of Cloyne, for we learn from Ware, who is no mean authority, that he was first appointed to the see of Ross in 1582; that the sees of Cork and Cloyne were given to him in commendam in 1583 (as is recorded in the Consistorial Court of Cork), and that the three sees were formally united in his person in 1586.

In 1595 he was appointed one of the commissioners to consider the best means of peopling Munster with English settlers, and of establishing a voluntary composition throughout that province in lieu of cess and taxes; this does not look as if he had been an illiterate captain of a ship, or one of those "rude-bred soldiers, whose education was at the musket-mouth." In fact, Ware does not seem to have considered him remarkable for anything except such qualities as well became his order. And we have the high testimony of Archbishop Bramhall (quoted by Ware), that "Cork and Ross fared the best of any bishoprick in that province, a very good man, Bishop Lyon, having been placed there early in the Reformation."

Abhba.

CURIOUS MARRIAGE AGREEMENT.

The original of the following paper is in existence in this city:

"Madam.—Seeing I, Jacob Sprier, have addressed myself to you upon the design of marriage, I therefore esteem it necessary to submit to your consideration some particulars, before we enter upon that solemn enterprise which may either establish our happiness or occasion our inquietude during life, and if you concur with those particulars, I shall have great encouragement to carry my design into execution; and since happiness is the grand pursuit of a rational creature, so marriage ought not to be attempted short of a prospect of arriving thereat; and in order thereto (should we marry) I conceive the following rules and particulars ought to be steadily observed and kept, viz.:

"1st. That we keep but one purse: a severance of interest bespeaking diffidence, mistrust, and disunity of mind.

"2nd. That we avoid anger as much as possible, especially with each other; but if either should be overtaken therewith, the other to treat the angry party with temper and moderation during the continuance of such anger; and afterwards, if need require, let the matter of heat be coolly discussed when reason shall resume its government.

"3rd. As we have different stocks of children to which we are and ought to be strongly attached by ties of nature, so it's proper when such children or any of them need correction, it be administered by the party from whom they have descended; unless, in the opinion of both parties, it shall be thought necessary to be otherwise administered for the children's good.

"4th. That no difference or partiality be made with respect to such children who live with us in point of common usage touching education, food, raiment, and treatment, otherwise than as age, circumstance, and convenience may render it necessary, to be agreed upon between us, and grounded upon reason.

"5th. That civility, courtesy, and kind treatment be always exercised and extended towards such child or children that now is or hereafter may be removed from us.

"6th. That we use our mutual endeavours to instruct, counsel, improve, admonish, and advise all our children, without partiality, for their general good; and that we ardently endeavour to promote both their temporal and eternal welfare.

"7th. That each of us use our best endeavours to inculcate upon the minds of our respective stocks of children a venerable and honourable opinion of the other of us; and avoid as much as possible any insinuation that may have a different tendency.

"8th. That in matters where either of us is more capable of judging than the other of us, and best acquainted therein, that the person so most capable of judging, and best acquainted, do follow his or her own judgment without control, unless the other shall be able to give a sufficient reason to the contrary; then, and in such case, the same to be conclusive; and that we do adhere to each other in things reasonable and expedient with a mutual condescension, and also advise with and consult each other in matters of importance.

"9th. That if any misunderstanding should arise, the same be calmly canvassed and accommodated between ourselves, without admitting the interposition of any other, or seeking a confident to either to reveal our mind unto, or sympathise withal upon the occasion.

"10th. That no suspicious jealousies of any kind whatever be harboured in our breasts, without absolute or good circumstantial evidence; and if conceived upon proof or strong presumption, the same to be communicated to the suspected person, in temper and moderation, and not told to another.

"11th. That we be just, chaste, and continent to each other; and should either prove otherwise, that then we separate, notwithstanding the most solemn ties to the contrary, unless it shall suit the injured party to forgive the injury and continue the coverture; and in case of separation, each of us to keep such share of wealth as we were possessed of when are came together, if it remains in the same state, as to quantum; but if over or under, then in proportion to what we originally had.

"12th. That we neither give into, nor countenance any ill advisers who may have a design to mar our happiness, and sow discord between us.

"13th. That in matters of religious concernment, we be at liberty to exercise our sentiments freely without control.

"14th. That we use our mutual endeavours to increase our affection, cultivate our harmony, promote our happiness, and live in the fear of God, and in obedience to His righteous laws.

"15th. That we use the relatives of each other with friendly kindness; and that the same be extended to our friends and benefactors, mutually, without grudging.

"16th. That the survivor of us endeavour, after the death of either of us, to maintain the reputation and dignity of the deceased, by avoiding levity of behaviour, dissoluteness of life and disgraceful marriage; not only so, but that such survivor persevere in good offices to the children of the deceased, as a discreet, faithful, and honourable survivor ought to do.

"17th. That in case Jacob Sprier, after trial, shall not think it for his interest, or agreeable to his disposition, to live at the plantation where Deborah Leaming now resides, then, and in such case, she to remove with him elsewhere upon a prospect promising to better his circumstances or promote his happiness, provided the landed interest of the said Deborah's late husband be taken proper care of for the benefit of her son Christopher.

"18th. That the said Jacob Sprier be allowed from time to time to purchase such books from our joint stock as he shall think necessary for the advantage and improvement of himself and our children jointly, or either of them, without grudging.

"19th. That the said Jacob Sprier do continue to keep Elisha Hughes, and perform his express agreement to him according to indenture already executed, and discharge the trust reposed in him the said Sprier by the another of the said Elisha, without grudging or complaint.

"20th. And as the said Deborah Leaming, and the said Jacob Sprier, are now something advanced in years and ought to take the comfort of life as free from hard toil as convenience will admit, therefore neither of them be subject thereunto unless in case of emergence, and this exemption to be no ways censured by each other, provided they supervise, contrive, and do the light necessary services incumbent on the respected heads of a family, not omitting to cultivate their minds when convenience will admit.

"21st. That if anything be omitted in the foregoing rules and particulars, that may conduce to our future happiness and welfare, the same to be hereafter supplied by reason and discretion, as often as occasion shall require.

"22nd. That the said Jacob Sprier shall not upbraid the said Deborah Leaming with the extraordinary industry and good economy of his deceased wife, neither shall the said Deborah Leaming upbraid the said Jacob Sprier with the like extraordinary industry and good economy of her deceased husband, neither shall anything of this nature be observed by either to the other of us, with any view to offend or irritate the party to whom observed; a thing too frequently practised in a second marriage, and very fatal to the repose of parties married.

"I, Deborah Leaming, in case I marry with Jacob Sprier, do hereby promise to observe and perform the before-going rules and particulars, containing twenty-two in number to the best of my power. As witness my hand, the 16th day of Decem'r, 1751:

"I, Jacob Sprier, in case I marry with Deborah Leaming, do hereby promise to observe and perform the before-going rules and particulars, containing twenty two in number, to the best of my power. As witness my hand, the 16th day of December, 1751:

Oldbuck.

Philadelphia.

ANCIENT AMERICAN LANGUAGES.

(Continued from Vol. vi., pp. 60, 61.)

Since communicating to you a short list of a few books I had noted as having reference to this obscure subject, I have stumbled over a few others which bear special reference to the Quichua: and of which I beg to send you a short account, which may be worthy a place in your valuable pages.

The first work upon the Quichua language, of which I find mention, is a grammar of the Peruvian Indians (Gramatica ó arte general de la lengua de los Indios del Perù), by the brother Domingo de San Thomas, published in Valladolid in 1560, and republished in the same year with an appendix, being a Vocabulary of the Quichua. The demand for the first edition appears to have been considerable; or, what is more likely, from the extreme rarity of the work, the careful author suppressed or called in the first edition, in order to add, for the benefit of his purchasers, the vocabulary which he had found time to prepare within the year.

Diego de Torres Rubio is the next writer of whom I am cognizant. He published at Seville, in 1603, a grammar and vocabulary of the Quichua; the subject still continuing to attract attention. Still, as was to be expected, the Quichua language was of more consequence to the Spaniards of Peru. No doubt, therefore, that Father Juan Martinez found a ready sale for his vocabulary, published at Los Reyes in 1604. Indeed, the subject is now attracting the attention of the eminent Diego Gonzalez Holguin, who published first a new grammar (Gramatica nuevu) of the Quichua and Inca dialect, in four books, at the press of Francisco del Canto, in Los Reyes, 1607; and second, a vocabulary of the language of the whole of Peru (de todo el Perù), in the same year and at the same press.

It is worthy to remark, as confuting somewhat fully the assertion of Prescott (Conquest of Peru, v. ii. p. 188.), that the Spanish name of Ciudad de los Reyes ceased to be used in speaking of Lima "within the first generation," that the books of Ricardo, Holguin, and Huerta (of whom presently) are all stated to have been printed in the Ciudad de los Reyes, though the latest of these appeared in 1616. In 1614, however, to confine myself strictly to the bibliographical inquiry suggested by the heading of my article, a method and vocabulary of the Quichua did appear from Canto's press, dated Lima,—a corruption, as is well known, of the word Rimac.

That, however, the Castilian name should be employed later, is curious. At any rate, it occurs for the last time on the title of a work printed by the same printer, Canto, in 1616; and written by Don Alonso de Huerta, the old title being adhered to, probably from some cause unknown to us, but possibly in consequence of old aristocratic opinions and prejudices in favour of the Spanish name. That the name of Lima had obtained considerably even in the time of the Conquerors, Mr. Prescott has sufficiently proved; but as an official and recognised name it evidently existed to a later period than the historian has mentioned.

The work of Torres Rubio, already mentioned, was reprinted in Lima by Francisco Lasso in 1619. From this time forward, the subject of the native language of Peru seems to have occupied the attention of many writers. A quarto grammar was published by Diego de Olmos in 1633 of the Indian language, as the Quichuan now came to be called.

Eleven years later, we find Fernando de Carrera, curate and vicar of San Martin de Reque, publishing an elaborate word bearing the following title:

"Arte de la lengua yunga de los valles del obispado de Truxillo; con un confesonario y todas las oraciones cotidianas y otras cosas: Lima, por Juan de Contreras, 1644, 16mo."

Grammars and methods here follow thick and fast. A few years after Carrera's book, in 1648, comes Don Juan Roxo Mexia y Ocon, natural de Cuzco, as he proudly styles himself with a method of the Indian language: and after a few insignificant works, again another in 1691, by Estevan Sancho de Melgar.

The most common works on the Quichua are the third and fourth editions of Torres Rubio, published at Lima in the years 1700 and 1754. Of these two works done with that care and evident pleasure which Jesuits always, and perhaps only, bestow upon these difficult by-roads of philology, I need say no more, as they are very well known.

Before I close this communication, allow me to suggest to the readers and contributors to the truly valuable "N. & Q.," that no tittle of knowledge concerning these early philological researches ought to be allowed to remain unrecorded; and with the position which the "N. & Q." occupies, and the facilities that journal offers for the preservation of these stray scraps of knowledge, surely it would not be amiss to send them to the Editor, and let him decide as he is very capable of doing, as to their value.

Kenneth R. H. Mackenzie.

February 20. 1854.

CONDUITT AND NEWTON

In the prospectus of a new Life of sir Isaac Newton, by sir David Brewster, it is stated that in examining the papers at Hurstbourne Park, the seat of the earl of Portsmouth, the discovery had been maple of "copious materials which Mr. Conduit had collected for a life of Newton, which had never been supposed to exist."

About the year 1836 I consulted the principal biographers of Newton—Conduitt, Fontenelle, Birch, Philip Nichols, Thomas Thomson, Biot, Brewster—and I have ever since believed that such materials did exist.

We are assured by Mr. Edmund Turnor, in the preface to his History of Grantham, printed in 1806, which work is quoted in the prospectus, that the manuscripts at Hurstbourne Park then chiefly consisted of some pocket-books and memorandums of sir Isaac Newton, and "the information obtained by Mr. Conduitt for the purpose of writing his life." Moreover, the collections of Mr. Conduitt are repeatedly quoted in that work as distinct from the memoirs which were sent to M. de Fontenelle.

I shall give another anecdote in refutation of the statement made in the prospectus, albeit a superfluity. In 1730 the author of The Seasons republished his Poem to the memory of sir Isaac Newton, with the addition of the lines which follow, and which prove that he was aware of the task on which Mr. Conduitt was then occupied. The lines, it should be observed, have been omitted in all the editions printed since 1738.

The pleasing shade indicates the grounds of Cranbury-lodge, in Hampshire, the seat of Mr. Conduitt—whose guest the poet seems previously to have been.

Some inedited particulars of the life of Mr. Conduitt, drawn from various sources, I reserve for another occasion.

Bolton Corney.