Replies.

"CONSILIUM NOVEM DELECTORUM CARDINALIUM," ETC.

(Vol. viii., p. 54.)

The Note of your correspondent Novus upon this Consilium ought to have been answered before; but as none of your contributors who can speak as "having authority" have undertaken to do so, I beg to offer to your readers the following statements and extracts, collected when my surprise at the assertions of Novus was quite fresh.

The first point on which Novus requires correction is, the name of the pontiff to whom the Consilium purports to be addressed. Novus says Julius III., but the date of this document is unquestionably not later than the beginning of 1538, for Sleidan tells us that editions of it were printed at Rome, at Cologne, at Strasburg, and at another place, in the course of the year 1538; and in the title it is distinctly stated to have been presented to Paul III., who was pope in that year, whilst Julius III. was not elected till 1550.

When Novus says that this Consilium "has just been once more quoted, for the fiftieth time, perhaps, within the present generation, as a genuine document, and as proceeding from adherents of the Church of Rome," he falls short of the fact. For every writer of the least mark, or likelihood, whose subject has led him that way, has quoted it: thus, e.g., Ranke, who in his great work on The Popes and the Papacy, book ii. § 2., refers to it as indicative of no dishonourable design on the part of the supreme pontiff.

Amongst the writers of the time when the Consilium is said to have been drawn up, who regarded it as genuine, we may mention Luther, who, soon after it found its way into Germany, published a translation, with one of his biting caricatures prefixed; and Sturm, who prefaced his translation with a letter to the cardinals to whom it was ascribed, for which reason alone his edition was put in the "Index," no other edition being similarly honoured; and this sufficiently refutes a statement of Schelhorn, in his letter to Cardinal Quirinus, upon which much reliance has been placed by those whom Novus would regard as sharers of his opinion.

The appearance of the editions at Cologne and Strasburg in 1538, testifies to the speed with which the Consilium reached Germany. Sleidan asserts that, when it was published there, some fancied it to be fictitious, and intended to ridicule both the Pope and the Reformation; but others, that it was a device of the Pope to gain credit for not being hostile to the correction of certain confessed abuses. In the next year, on July 16th, Aleander wrote to Cochlæus thus:

"Multa haberem scribere de Republica, sed mali custodes estis rerum arcanarum,—Consiliis Cardinalium promulgatis, cum invectiva Sturmii, manibus hominum teritur, antequam vel auctoribus edita, vel executioni fuerit demandata."

Which passage might be regarded as decisive of the question of genuineness, since Aleander was one of the Cardinales delecti whose names are appended to the Consilium.

That Le Plat should insert a copy in his Monument. ad Hist. Concil. Trident. potius illustr. spect., may, perhaps, be considered an unsatisfactory argument; and the same will certainly be thought of the use of it by Sarpi. But Pallavicini is a witness not obnoxious to objections which apply to them, and he says:

"It happened by Divine Providence, that this Consilium was published, since it showed what were in fact the deepest wounds in the discipline of the Church, ascertained with great diligence, and exposed with the utmost freedom by men of incomparable zeal and knowledge. And these were neither falsity of dogmas, nor corruption of the Scriptures, nor wickedness of laws, nor politic craft beneath the garb of humility, nor impure vices, as the Lutherans asserted; but too great indulgence towards violations and abrogations of laws, which Luther far more licentiously abrogated," &c.—Vide book IV. ch. v., at the end.

But Ranke's note upon a casual reference to this document in book I. ch. ii. § 2. of his History of the Papacy, completely disposes of the question of its genuineness, and therefore of its "seriousness" (to use one of Novus' phrases), when taken in conjunction with what has gone before.

"Consilium, &c.; printed more than once even at the time, and important as pointing out the evil, so far as it lay in the administration of discipline, precisely and without reserve. Long after it had been printed, the MS. remained incorporated with the MSS. of the Curia."

Were it not that the assertion of Novus is so roundly made, and in a form that is sure to adhere in the memories of readers sufficiently interested in the subject to notice his communication, it would have been enough to quote from one of the works he refers to, as containing copies of the Consilium, to expose the origin of his error; and this, now that I have shown it to be an error, I crave your permission to do. This, then, is what Brown says in his Appendix ad Fascicul. Rer. Expetend. et Fugiend. (commonly cited as Fascicul. vol. ii.), ed. 1690, pp. 230, 231.:

"Sæpius excusum est Consilium sequens, cum alibi, tum hic Londini, A.D. 1609, ex bibliothecâ Wilh. Crashavii, qui in Epistolâ dedicatoriâ ad Rev^mum D. Tobiam Matthæum Archiep. Eboracen. citat quædam è Commentariis Espencæi in Tit. cap. i. ad hoc Consilium ab omni fraudis et fictionis suspicione liberandum; quasi præsensisset Crashavius fore aliquando ut pro re, omnino ficta et falsa censeretur; cum id in novissimis Conciliorum editionibus desiderari, et astute suppressum esse viderat, ut est in admonitione suâ ad Lectorem. Sed longe aliter res habebit; suo enim de sorex prodidit indicio; et Cochlæus ipse (qui nesciit pro nobis mentiri, quantumvis in causâ suâ parum probus aliquando), hujusce Consilii fidem ab omni labe improbitatis vindicavit et asseruit in historiâ suâ de Actis et Scriptis Lutheri, ad annum 1539, fol. 312. &c. editionis Colonien. 1568. editum est præterea, hoc idem Consilium, Parisiis, publicâ authoritate, una cum Guliel. Durandi tractatu de modo Generalis Concilii celebrandi; Libello Clamengii de corrupto Ecclesiæ statu; Libello Cardinalis de Alliaco, de emendatione Ecclesiæ; et Gentiani Herveti oratione de reparandâ Ecclesiasticâ disciplinâ (quæ omnia, excepto primo, huic appendici inserentur), A.D. 1671. In hac nostrâ editione sequimur virum doctissimum et pium Hermannum Conringium; adhibitis multis aliis exemplaribus, quæ omniâ simul in hoc uno leges. Vin' autem, Lector, aliquid penitius de hoc Corsilio rescire? adisis [sic] P. Paulum Vergerium (invisum aliis sed charum nobis nomen), illiusque annotationes, in Catalogum hæreticorum consule, fol. 251. tomi primi illius operum Tubingæ editi, A.D. 1563, in 4to., et siquid noveris de reliquorum tomorum editione, nos Anglos fac, quæso, certiores. [It would seem that the need of your "N. & Q." was felt long before any one thought of supplying it.] Audi vero, interea, vel lege, Hermannum Conringium."

And this is what that "learned and godly" man says:

"Libellus ipse Cardinalis Capuani [Nicholas Schomberg], ut creditur, cura ad amicum in Germaniam missus, mox anno 1539, et populari nostrâ et suâ est linguâ per Lutherum et Sturmium editus. Eundem post vulgavit, cum acri ad Papam Paulum IV. (qui olim fuerat auctorum) præfatione, Petrus Paulus Vergerius, postquam Protestantium partibus accessisset."

I will not add to the length of this Note by any farther quotations; but I am bound to say that if those I have given do not satisfy Novus, he may expect to be overwhelmed by confirmations of them.

B. D. Woodward.

Bungay, Suffolk.

JOHN BUNYAN.

(Vol. ix., p. 104.)

A highly respected correspondent, Dr. S. R. Maitland, has seen an advertisement in the Mercurius Reformatus of June 11, 1690, announcing the intention of Bunyan's widow to publish ten manuscripts which her husband had left prepared for the press, together with some of his printed treatises which had become scarce. He inquires whether such a publication took place. In reply I beg leave to state that they were published in a small folio, containing "ten [and two fragments] of his excellent manuscripts, and ten of his choice books formerly printed." The volume bears the title of "The Works of that eminent Servant of Christ Mr. John Bunyan, late Minister of the Gospel and Pastor of the Congregation at Bedford. The first volume. London, by Wm. Marshall, 1692." It has the portrait by Sturt, and an impression from the original curious copper-plate inscribed, "A Mapp, showing the order and causes of Salvation and Damnation." In addition to the Mercurius, John Dunton and others noticed, in terms of warm approval, the intended publication, which became extensively patronised, but has now become very scarce.

To the lovers of Bunyan it is peculiarly interesting, being accompanied by a tract called "The Struggler," written by one of his affectionate and intimate friends, the Rev. C. Doe, containing a list of Bunyan's works, with the time when each of them was published, some personal characteristic anecdotes, and thirty reasons why all decided Christians should read and circulate these invaluable treatises. A copy presented to me by my worthy friend the late Mr. Creasy of Sleaford, which is in remarkably fine condition, has on the title to the Index a printed dedication to Sir John Hartop of Newington, the patron and friend of Dr. Watts. This volume was to have been followed by a second, to complete Bunyan's works, but difficulties arose as to the copyright of the more popular pieces, which prevented its publication. The original prospectus is preserved in the British Museum, which, with "The Struggler" and a new index to the whole of these truly excellent treatises, is reprinted in my edition of Bunyan's whole works for the first time collected and published, with his Life, in three volumes imperial 8vo., illustrated with fac-similes of all the old woodcuts and many elegant steel plates.

George Offor.

Hackney.

THE ASTEROIDS, ETC.

(Vol. ix., p. 36.)

It is certainly an uncomfortable idea to suppose that the asteroids are the fragments of a former world, perhaps accompanied with satellites which have been scattered either by internal convulsion or external violence. By looking into the constitution and powers contained within our own earth, we know that the means are not wanting to rend us asunder under the combined effects of volcanic action, intense heat, and water, meeting deep within the substance of the earth under great pressure.

However, there is much to be said against the theory of Olbers, notwithstanding its plausibility. The distance between the internal asteroid Flora, and the external one Hygeia, exceeds ninety millions of miles; or nearly the distance between the earth and the sun. The force which could shatter a world into fragments, and drive them asunder to such an extent, must indeed be tremendous.

Mr. Hind has drawn attention to the singular fact, that the asteroids "appear to separate the planets of small mass from the greater bodies of the system, the planets which rotate on their axes in about the same time as our earth from those which are whirled round in less than half that time, though of ten times the diameter of the earth and," he continues, "it may yet be found that these small bodies, so far from being portions of the wreck of a planet, were created in their present state for some wise purpose, which the progress of astronomy in future ages may eventually unfold."

One thing I think is certain, that no disruption of a world belonging to our system could take place without producing some perceptible effect upon every other member of the system. The single centre of attraction being suddenly diffused and spread abroad into many smaller ones, at variable distances, must produce a sudden sway and alteration of position in all the other planets, and to a certain extent, derange their respective economies. From this some striking changes would necessarily arise, such as in the length of their respective periods of revolution, the amount of light and heat, and other physical conditions. Certain geological phenomena should be found to confirm such a change, if these suppositions be true.

As far as the theological part of the question is concerned, it is, I should think, opposed to Olbers' theory. Human intellect can scarcely conceive the necessity for the utter breaking up of a globe, even for the most grievous amount of sin. A more merciful dispensation was granted to our earth in the deluge; and the Power which removed all but eight lives from the earth could have equally removed the eight also, without destroying the integrity of the globe. It is as easy, and far more reasonable I think, to suppose, that the same Power which gave to Saturn a satellite nearly equal in size to Mars, should throw a cluster of minute planetoids into the space which, according to Bodes' empirical law, should have been devoted to one planet of larger dimensions.

Whilst addressing you on astronomical subjects, I would beg leave to offer a few remarks upon Saturn, which I have not observed in any work on astronomy which I have yet consulted. This planet, with its satellites, appear to exhibit a close resemblance to the solar system, just as if it were a model of it.

Besides his rings, Saturn is attended by eight satellites, so far as is at present known. The names of the satellites in their order from the body of the planet, are 1. Mimas, 2. Euceladus, 3. Tethys, 4. Dione, 5. Rhea, 6. Titan, 7. Hyperion, 8. Japetus. If we place them in a list in their order, and overagainst each place the names of the planets in their order from the sun, certain parallelisms will appear:

1. Mimas 1. Mercury.

2. Euceladus 2. Venus.

3. Tethys 3. Earth.

4. Dione 4. Mars.

5. Rhea 5. Asteroids.

6. Titan 6. Jupiter.

7. Hyperion 7. Saturn.

8. Japetus 8. Uranus.

The relative magnitudes and relative positions of these bodies correspond in many points, I believe, so far as is at present known. Titan, like Jupiter, is the largest of his system; being but little less in size than the primary planet Mars. The next in magnitude is Japetus. Rhea is supposed to be of considerable size. The four inner ones are smaller than the others. Sir William Herschell considered that Tethys was larger than Euceladus, and Euceladus larger than Mimas. Dione and Hyperion have not yet been well estimated. These dimensions, if correct, correspond in many points with those of the planets. The first three satellites revolve in orbits of less diameter than that of our moon. The orbit of Dione, the fourth satellite, is almost precisely at the same distance from its primary as the moon is from the earth. As if to carry out the parallelism to the utmost, the zodiacal light of the sun has often been compared to the ring of Saturn.

One remark it would appear arises out of these observations, viz. that the laws of attraction and gravitation seem to require, for the proper regulation of the whole system, that where a number of bodies of various sizes revolve round one common centre, the larger body should revolve at a certain relative distance from that centre. Thus Titan, like a huge pendulum, seems to sway and maintain the regularity of the minor system, just as Jupiter may be imagined to do in the great one.

I must not intrude too far on your valuable space, but there remain some interesting points for discussion in the Saturnian system.

John William Harrris.

Exon.

CAPS AT CAMBRIDGE.

(Vol. ix., p. 27.)

The extract from an unpublished MS. given by A Regent M.A. of Cambridge refers to the year 1620, as will appear from the following passages in Anthony à Wood's Hist. and Antiq. of Univ. of Oxford.

"1614.—In the latter end of the last and beginning of this year, a spirit of sedition (as I may so call it) possessed certain of the Regent Masters against the Vicechanc. and Doctors. The chief and only matter that excited them to it was their sitting like boys, bare-headed, in the Convocation-House, at the usual assemblies there, which was not, as 'twas thought, so fit, that the Professors of the Faculty of Arts (on which the University was founded) should, all things considered, do it. The most forward person among them, named Henry Wightwicke, of Gloucester Hall, having had some intimation of a statute which enabled them to be covered with their caps, and discovering also something in the large west window of St. Mary's Church, where pictures of Regents and non-Regents were sitting covered in assemblies before the Chancellor, clapt on his cap, and spared not to excite his brethren to vindicate that custom, now in a manner forgotten; and, having got over one of the Regents to be more zealous in the matter than himself, procured the hands of most, if not all, of them to be set to a petition (in order to be sent to the Chancellor of the University), for the effecting and bringing about the matter. But the Vicechancellor, Dr. Singleton, having had timely notice of the design, sends a full relation of the matter to the Chancellor; whereupon answer was returned, that he should deal therein as he should think fit. Wightwicke, therefore, being called into question for endeavouring to subvert the honour and government of the University, whereby he ran himself into perjury (he having before taken an oath to keep and maintain the rites, customs, and privileges of the University), was banished, and his party, who had proved false to him, severely checkt by the Chancellor.

"At length Wightwicke's friends, laying open to him the danger that he would run himself into, if he should not seek restauration and submit, did, after his peevish and rash humour had been much courted to it, put up a petition (subscribed in his behalf by the Bishop of London and Sir John Bennett) to the Chancellor of the University for his restauration, which being with much ado granted, but with this condition, that he make an humble recantation in the Convocation, sent to his Vicechancellor what should be done in the matter, and among other things thus:—'For the manner of his submission and recognition which he is to make, I will not take upon me to direct, but leave yt wholy unto your wisdomes, as well for manner as for the matter; only thus much generally I will intimate unto you, that the affront and offence committed by Whittwicke in the Congregation House by his late insolent carriage there was very great and notorious, and that offence afterwards seconded and redoubled by another as ill or worse than the former, in his seditious practizing and procuring a multitude of handes, thereby thinking to justifie and maintain his former errors, and his proud and insolent disobedience and contempt. I hold yt therefore very requisite that his submission and recognition, both of the one fault and of the other, should be as publique and as humble as possibly with conveniencye may bee. Which being thus openly done, as I hope yt will bee a good example to others, to deter them from committing the like offence hereafter, so I do also wishe this his punishment may be only ad correctionem et non ad destructionem."

"This being the effect of the Chancellor's mind, Wightwicke was summoned to appear to make his submission in the next Convocation, which being held 25 June this year, he placed himself in the middle of St. Mary's chancel, and spoke with an audible voice as followeth:

"'Ornatissime Domine Procancellarie, vosque Domini Doctores pientissimi, quotquot me vel banniendum vel bannitionem meam ratam esse voluistis ut vobis omnibus et singulis innotescat discupio: me Henricum Whitwicke pileum coram Domino Vicecancellario Thoma Singleton capiti haud ita pridem imposuisse, quod nemini Magistrorum in Congregatione vel Convocatione [in presentia Domini Vicecancellarii aut Doctoris alicujus] licere fateor. Scitote quæso prætereà, me supradictum Henricum à sententia Domini Vicecancellarii ad venerabilem Domum Congregationis provocasse, quod nec licitum nec honestum esse in causa perturbationis pacis facilè concedo. Scitote denique me solum, manus Academicorum egregiè merentium Theologia Baccalaureorum et in Artibus Magistrorum in hac corona astantium Collegiatim et Aulatim cursitando rescripto apponendas curasse, in quibus omnibus Præfectis [summe] displicuisse, in pacem almæ hujus Academiæ et in dignissimum nostrum Procancellarium deliquisse, parum nolenti animo confiteor, et sanctitates vestras humillimè imploro, ut quæ vel temerè et inconsultò, vel volenter et scienter feci, ea, ut deceat homines, condonentur.

'Henricus Wightwicke.'

Which submission or recognition being ended, he was restored to his former state, and so forthwith reassumed his place. But this person, who as lately beneficed at Kingerbury in Lincolnshire, could never be convinced, when he became Master of Pembroke College, forty-six years after this time, that he made any submission at all, but carried the business on and effected it against all the University; as to his young acquaintance that came often to visit him and he them (for he delighted in boyish company), he would, after a pedantical way, boast, supposing perhaps that, having been so many years before acted, no person could remember it; but record will rise up and justify matters when names and families are quite extirpated and forgotten among men. Pray see more of this cap-business in the year 1620."

"1620.—In the beginning of Michaelmas Term following, the cap-business, mentioned an. 1614, was renewed again: for some disrelishment of the former transactions remaining behind, the Regent Masters met together several times for the effecting their designs. At length, after much ado, they drew up a petition subscribed by fifty-three of the senior Masters for this year, and presented it to one whom they knew would not be violent against them, as Dr. Singleton was before. The beginning of it runs thus:

"'Reverendissimo Viro Domino Doctori Prideaux ornatissimo hujus Academiæ Vicecan. digniss, &c.

"'Multa jamjudum sunt (reverendissime Vicecancellarie) quæ ab antiquis hujus Academiæ institutis salubriter profecta, mala tandem consuetudo, et in pejus potens aut abrogavit penitus aut pessime corrupit, &c.'

"Among those that subscribed to it were these following, that afterwards became persons of note, viz, Gilbert Sheldon, Alexand. Gill, jun., and Anthony Farndon, of Trinity Coll.; Pet. Heylin of Magd. Coll. [Robert Newlin of C. C. C., &c.]. The chief solicitor of the business was Rous Clopton of Corpus Ch. Coll., a restless, busy person, and one afterwards as much noted for his infamy as any of the former for their learning or place. This petition, I say, being presented to Dr. Prideaux the Vicechancellor, and he considering well their several reasons for their sitting covered (one of which was that they were Judges in Congregations and Convocations), sent it to the Chancellor to have his consent, who also, after he had considered of it, wrote a letter to the Vicechancellor, to be communicated to the Convocation: the chief contents of which are these:

"'After my very harty commendations, I doe take this manner of proceeding by the Regent Masters (for their sitting covered at Congregations and Convocations) in soe good part, that although I might well take some time to advise before I give answer, especially when I consider how long that custom hath continued, how much it hath been questioned, and that upon a long debate it hath been withstood by so grave and wise a Counsellor of State as your late Chancellor, my immediate predecessor; yet, when I weigh their undoubted right, their discreet and orderly proceedings to seek it, not to take it, the chief, if not the only, cause why it was formerly denied; the good congruity this doth beare, not with Cambridge alone (though that were motive enough), but all other places, it being no where seen that those that are admitted Judges are required to sit bare-headed; I cannot choose but commend and thus farre yield to theire request as to referre it to the Convocation House. I hope no man can have cause to think that I have not the power to continew this custom as well as some others of my predecessors, if I had a mind to strive; nor that I seek after their applause in yielding them that now, which hath been so long kept from them, but the respect I have to their due, to the decency of the place, and honour of the University, which I cannot conceive to bee anyway diminished, but rather increased, by their sitting covered, are the only reasons that have moved me, and carried me to so quick a resolution, wherewith you may acquaint the Convocation House with this also, that what they shall conclude I shall willingly agree to. And soe I doe very hartely take leave, and rest

Which letter being publickly read in a Convocation held 20 Dec., it was then agreed upon by the consent of all there present, that all Masters of what condition soever might put on their caps in Congregations and Convocations, yet with these conditions: That in the said assemblies the said Masters should use only square caps, and not sit bare, or without cap. And if any were found faulty in these matters, or that they should bring their hats in the said Assemblies, they should not only lose their suffrages for that time, but be punished as the Vicechancellor should think fit. Lastly, it was decreed, under the said conditions and no otherwise, that in the next Congregation in the beginning of Hilary Term, and so for ever after, all Masters, of what condition soever, whether Regents or not Regents, should, in Congregations and Convocations, put on and use square caps.

"All that shall be said more of this matter is, that the loss of using caps arose from the negligence of the Masters, who, to avoid the pains of bringing their caps with them, would sit bare-headed; which being used by some, was at length followed by all, and so at length became a custom."

It would seem, from Lord Pembroke's letter, that the right of the senate of this university to wear their caps had not been questioned.

C. H. Cooper.

Cambridge.

RUSSIA, TURKEY, AND THE BLACK SEA.

(Vol. ix., p. 103.)

Statements and complaints have often been made respecting the imperfect knowledge possessed by English navigators of the shores and coasts of the Black Sea, and of the great danger thence arising to ships and fleets from England, which would thus seem to be without the charts necessary for their guidance. The Guardian newspaper reiterates these complaints in its number for Jan. 11. This deficiency of charts, however, ought not to exist, and probably does not; since, no doubt, the English and French Governments would take care to supply them at the present time. As respects England, Dr. E. D. Clarke, in his well-known Travels in Russia, &c. (see vol. i. 4th edit., 8vo., London, 1816, Preface, p. x.), states that he brought—

"Certain documents with him from Odessa, at the hazard of his life, and deposited within a British Admiralty."

These documents, we are led naturally to infer, were charts; for he adds:

"They may serve to facilitate the navigation of the Russian coasts of the Black Sea, if ever the welfare of Great Britain should demand the presence of her fleets in that part of the world."

Happening to meet with this passage, in consulting Dr. Clarke's Travels, at the beginning of December, when the Fleets of Great Britain and France were on the point of entering the Black Sea, and having read in many quarters fears expressed for the fleets from the want of charts, I ventured to copy out the passage relating to these remarkable documents, and sent it to Lord Aberdeen; in case, from the alleged poverty of charts in the Admiralty Catalogues (see The Guardian, Jan. 11.), Dr. Clarke's "documents" should have fallen out of sight, and were forgotten. No notice, however, was taken of my communication; from which I concluded that it was wholly valueless.

John Macray.

Oxford.

HIGH DUTCH AND LOW DUTCH.

(Vol. viii., pp. 478. 601.)

If "N. & Q." were the publication in which questions were cursorily settled, the answer of James Spence Harry (p. 478.) might suffice with regard to the Query of S. C. P. (p. 413.); but your correspondent E. C. H., who seems also to know something about the matter, wishes for German evidence.

Should your correspondents James S. Harry and E. C. H. be acquainted (and I doubt not but they are) with the song, in which a German inquires "What is his native land?" and having called over some of the principalities, as Prussia, Suabia, Bavaria, Pomerania, Westphalia, Switzerland, Tyrol, he cries disdainfully, "No! no! no! my fatherland must be greater:" at last, despairing, he asks to name him that land, and is answered, "Wherever the German tongue is heard:"—should James S. Harry and E. C. H. recollect these words, they will conceive that such a people must have several tribes, and each tribe their peculiar dialect, founded on prescribed rules, and to which individually equal justice is due.

The dialects of the Deutsche Sprache, the German language, are the Ober Deutsche and Nieder Deutsche, Upper German and Low German: from the former dialect has, in course of time, proceeded the Hoch Deutsche Sprache, the High German language, now used exclusively as the book language by the more educated classes throughout Germany.

The principal dialects of the Ober Deutsche are the following:

1. The Allemanic, spoken in Switzerland and the Upper Rhine.

2. The Suabian, spoken in the countries between the Black Forest and the River Lech.

3. The Bavarian, spoken in the South of Bavaria and Austria.

4. The Franconian, spoken in the North of Bavaria, Hessen, and the Middle Rhine.

5. The Upper Saxon or Misnian, spoken in the plains of Saxony and Thüringia.

These dialects differ from each other, and particularly from the High German language, with regard to their elements.

The Ober Deutsche dialects differ from each other by the introduction of peculiar vowels.

The Nieder Deutsche is distinguished from the Ober Deutsche by the shifting of consonants: ex. gr.:

OBER DEUTSCHE DIALECTS. NIEDER DEUTSCHE DIALECTS.

High German. Allem. Suab. Bavar. Franc. Upper Saxony. Lower Saxony. Holländisch. English.

wein. wi. wai. wai. wein. wein. win. wein. wine.

stein. stein. stoi. stoa. staan. steen. steen. steen. stone.

weit. wit. wait. wait. weit. weit. wet. weid. wide.

breit. breit. broit. broat. braat. breet. breet. breed. broad.

haus. hus. haus. haus. haus. haus. hus. huis. house.

kaufen. kaufen. koufen kafen. kafen. koofen. koopen. koopen. to buy.

feuer. für. fuir. foir. fair. foier. für. für. fire.

kirche. chilche kieche kirche. kerche kerche. kerke. kerk. church.

herz. herz. heaz. herz. harz. harz. hart. hart. heart.

gross. grosz. grausz grusz. grausz grusz. groot. groot. great.

buch. buech. busch. buech. bouch. buch. book. boek. book.

I have introduced here, as a dialect of the Nieder Deutsche, the Dutch = Holländisch, the language spoken by the people of the Nederlanden = Niederlande = Netherlands.

The Nieder Deutsche dialect is also spoken in Westphalia, and along the river Weser, &c.

All these dialects have also their own words, or at least their peculiar meanings of words, as well as particular modes of expression, and these are to be considered as provincialisms.

Professor Goedes de Grüter.

PHOTOGRAPHIC CORRESPONDENCE.

Dr. Mansell having forwarded to me for publication the accompanying account of his mode of operation, I have much pleasure in laying it before the readers of "N. & Q.;" because my friend Dr. Mansell is not only so fortunate in his results, but is one of the most careful and correct manipulators in our art. The proportions which he recommends, and his mode of operating, are, it will be seen, somewhat different from those hitherto published. In writing to me he says: "I make a point of making a short note in the evening of the day's experiments, a plan involving very little trouble, but of great service as a reference." If all photographers would adopt this simple plan, how much good would result! Dr. M. complains to me of the constant variation he has found in collodion; (with your permission, I will in your pages furnish him, and all your readers with some plain directions on this point); and he has given me some excellent observations on the "fashionable" waxed-paper process, in which he has not met with such good results as he had anticipated; although with much experience which may some day turn to good account. Dr. Mansell concludes with an observation in which I entirely concur, viz. "That the calotype process is by far the most useful; and I find the pictures it gives have better effect than the wax ones, which always to me appear flat, even when they are not gravelly."

H. W. Diamond.

The Calotype on the Sea-shore.—The great quantity of blue light reflected from the sea renders calotyping in its vicinity much more difficult than in the country; the more distant the object, the greater depth has the blue veil which floats over it, and as a consequence of this disproportion, if time enough is given in the camera to bring out the foreground, the sky becomes red, and the distance obscured. After constant failures with papers iodized in the usual manner, I made a number of experiments to obtain a paper that would stand the camera long enough to satisfy the required conditions, and the result was the following method, which gives an intensity of blacks and half-tones, with a solidity and uniform depth over large portions of sky, greater than I have seen produced by any other process. Since I adopted it, in the autumn of 1852, I have scarcely had a failure, and this success induces me to recommend it to those who, like myself, work in highly actinising localities.

The object of the following plan is to impregnate the paper evenly with a strong body of iodide of silver. I prefer iodizing by the single process, and for this purpose use a strong solution of iodide of silver, as the paper when finished ought to have, as nearly as possible, the colour of pure iodide of silver.

Having cut the paper somewhat larger than the picture, turn up the edges so as to form a dish, and placing it on a board, pour into it the iodide solution abundantly, guiding it equally over the surface with a camel-hair pencil; continue to wave it to and fro for five minutes, then pour off the surplus, which serves over and over again, and after dripping the paper, lay it to dry on a round surface, so that it dries equally fast all over; when almost dry it is well to give it a sight of the fire, to finish off those parts which remain wet longest, but not more than just to surface dry it.

Immerse it in common rain-water, often changing it, and in about twenty minutes all the iodide of potash is removed. To ascertain this, take up some of the last water in a glass, and add to it a few drops of a strong solution of bichloride of mercury in alcohol, the least trace of hydriodate of potash is detected by a precipitate of iodide of mercury. A solution of nitrate of silver is no test whatever unless distilled water is used, as ordinary water almost invariably contains muriates. The sooner the washing is over the better. Pin up the paper to drip, and finish drying before a slow fire, turning it. If hung up to dry by a corner, the parts longest wet are always weaker than those that dry first. When dry pass a nearly cold iron over the back, to smooth it; if well made it has a fine primrose colour, and is perfectly even by transmitted light.

To excite the paper, take distilled water two drachms, drop into it four drops (not minims) of saturated solution of gallic acid, and eight drops (not minims) of the aceto-nitrate solution; mix. Always dilute the gallic acid by dropping it into the water before the aceto-nitrate; gallate of silver is less readily formed, and the paper keeps longer in hot weather. If the temperature is under sixty degrees, use five drops of gallic acid, and ten of aceto-nitrate; if above seventy degrees, use only three drops of gallic acid, and seven of aceto-nitrate. The aceto-nitrate solution consists of nitrate of silver fifty grains, glacial acetic acid two drachms, distilled water one ounce.

Having pinned the paper by two adjacent corners to a deal board, the eighth of an inch smaller on each side than it is, to prevent the solutions getting to the back, lay on the gallo-nitrate abundantly with a soft cotton brush (made by wedging a portion of fine cotton into a cork); and keep the solution from pooling, by using the brush with a very light hand. In about two minutes the paper has imbibed it evenly, and lies dead; blot it up, and allow it to dry in a box, or place it at once in the paper-holder. For fear of stains on the back, it is better to place on the board a clean sheet of ordinary paper for every picture. It is very important to have the glass, in which the gallo-nitrate is made, chemically clean; every time it is used, it should be washed with strong nitric acid, and then with distilled water.

To develop:—Pin the paper on the board as before; rapidly brush over it a solution of gallo-nitrate, as used to excite. As soon as the picture appears, in about a minute, pour on a saturated solution of gallic acid abundantly, and keep it from pooling with the brush, using it with a very light hand. In about ten minutes the picture is fully developed. If very slow in coming out, a few drops of pure aceto-nitrate brushed over the surface will rapidly bring out the picture; but this is seldom required, and it will sometimes brown the whites. It is better, as soon as the gallic acid has been applied, to put the picture away from the light of the candle in a box or drawer, there to develop quietly, watching its progress every three or four minutes; the surface is to be refreshed by a few light touches of the brush, adding more gallic acid if necessary. Many good negatives are spoiled by over-fidgetting in this part of the process. When the picture is fully out, wash, &c. as usual; the iodide of silver is rapidly removed by a saturated solution of hyposulphite of soda, which acts much less on the weaker blacks than it does if diluted.

If the picture will not develop, from too short exposure in the camera, a solution of pyrogallic acid, as Dr. Diamond recommends, after the gallic acid has done its utmost, greatly increases the strength of the blacks: it slightly reddens the whites, but not in the same ratio that it deepens the blacks.

After the first wash with gallo-nitrate, it is essential to develop these strongly iodized papers with gallic acid only: the half-and-half mixture of aceto-nitrate and gallic acid, which works well with weaker papers, turns these red.

The paper I use is Whatman's 1849. Turner's paper, Chafford Mills, if two or three years old, answers equally well.

M. L. Mansell, A.B. M.D.

Guernsey, Jan. 30, 1854.