Notes.
Reading edition
DRYDEN ON SHAKSPERE.
"Dryden may be properly considered as the father of English criticism, as the writer who first taught us to determine upon principles the merit of composition."—Samuel Johnson.
No one of the early prose testimonies to the genius of Shakspere has been more admired than that which bears the signature of John Dryden. I must transcribe it, accessible as it is elsewhere, for the sake of its juxtaposition with a less-known metrical specimen of the same nature.
"He [Shakspere] was the man who of all modern, and perhaps ancient poets, had the largest and most comprehensive soul. All the images of nature were still present to him, and he drew them not laboriously, but luckily: when he describes any thing, you more than see it, you feel it too. Those who accuse him to have wanted learning, give him the greater commendation: he was naturally learned; he needed not the spectacles of books to read nature; he looked inwards, and found her there. I cannot say he is every where alike; were he so, I should do him injury to compare him with the greatest of mankind. He is many times flat, insipid; his comic wit degenerating into clenches, his serious swelling into bombast. But he is always great when some great occasion is presented to him: no man can say he ever had a fit subject for his wit, and did not then raise himself as high above the rest of poets,
'Quantùm lenta solent inter viburna cupressi.'" John Dryden, Of dramatick poesie, an essay. London, 1668. 4to. p. 47.
The metrical specimen shall now take its place. Though printed somewhat later than the other, it has a much better chance of being accepted as a rarity in literature.
Prologue to Iulius Cæsar.
"In country beauties as we often see Something that takes in their simplicity, Yet while they charm they know not they are fair, And take without their spreading of the snare— Such artless beauty lies in Shakespear's wit; 'Twas well in spite of him whate'r he writ. His excellencies came, and were not sought, His words like casual atoms made a thought; Drew up themselves in rank and file, and writ, He wondering how the devil it were, such wit. Thus, like the drunken tinker in his play, He grew a prince, and never knew which way. He did not know what trope or figure meant, But to persuade is to be eloquent; So in this Cæsar which this day you see, Tully ne'er spoke as he makes Anthony. Those then that tax his learning are to blame, He knew the thing, but did not know the name; Great Iohnson did that ignorance adore, And though he envied much, admir'd him more. The faultless Iohnson equally writ well; Shakespear made faults—but then did more excel. One close at guard like some old fencer lay, T'other more open, but he shew'd more play. In imitation Iohnson's wit was shown, Heaven made his men, but Shakespear made his own. Wise Iohnson's talent in observing lay, But others' follies still made up his play. He drew the like in each elaborate line, But Shakespear like a master did design. Iohnson with skill dissected human kind, And show'd their faults, that they their faults might find; But then, as all anatomists must do, He to the meanest of mankind did go, And took from gibbets such as he would show. Both are so great, that he must boldly dare Who both of them does judge, and both compare; If amongst poets one more bold there be, The man that dare attempt in either way, is he." Covent Garden drolery, London, 1672. 8o p. 9.
A short historical comment on the above extracts is all that must be expected. The rest shall be left to the critical discernment of those persons who may be attracted by the heading of this Note—Dryden on Shakspere.
When Johnson wrote his preface to Shakspere, he quoted the first of the above extracts to prove that the plays were once admired without the aid of comment. This was written in 1765. In 1769 Garrick placed the same extract at the head of his collection of undeniable prose-testimonies to the genius of Shakspere. Johnson afterwards pronounced it to be "a perpetual model of encomiastic criticism;" and Malone quoted it as an admirable character of Shakspere. Now, admirable as it is, I doubt if it can be considered as expressive of the deliberate opinion of Dryden. The essayist himself, in his epistolary address to lord Buckhurst, gives a caution on that point. He observes, "All I have said is problematical." In short, the essay Of dramatick poesie is in the form of a dialogue—and a dialogue is "a chace of wit kept up on both sides."
I proceed to the second extract.—Who wrote the Prologue to Julius Cæsar? To what master-hand are we to ascribe this twofold specimen of psychologic portraiture? Take up the dramatic histories of Langbaine and Baker; take up the Theatrical register of the reverend Charles Burney; take up the voluminous Some account of the reverend John Genest; examine the mass of commendatory verses in the twenty-one-volume editions of Shakspere; examine also the commendatory verses in the nine-volume edition of Ben. Jonson. Here is the result: Langbaine calls attention to the prologue in question as an excellent prologue, and Genest repeats what had been said one hundred and forty years before by Langbaine. There is not the slightest hint on its authorship.
I must therefore leave the stronghold of facts, and advance into the of conjecture. I ascribe the prologue to John Dryden.
It appears by the list of plays altered from Shakspere, as drawn up by Steevens and Reed, that Julius Cæsar had been altered by sir William D'Avenant and Dryden jointly, and acted at the Theatre-royal in Drury-lane. It would therefore seem probable that one of those poets wrote the prologue on that occasion. Nevertheless, it does not appear in the works of either poet.
The Works of sir William D'Avenant were edited by Mr. Herringman, with the sanction of lady D'Avenant, in 1673; and its exclusion so far decides the question.
The non-appearance of it in the Poems of Dryden, as published by Mr. Tonson in 1701, is no disproof of the claim which I advocate. The volume contains only twenty prologues and epilogues—but Dryden wrote twice that number!
I shall now produce some circumstantial evidence in favour of Dryden. It is derived from an examination of the volume entitled Covent Garden drolery. This small volume contains twenty-two prologues or epilogues, and more than fifty songs—all anonymous, but said to be written by the refinedest wits of the age. We have, 1. A prologue and epilogue to the Maiden queen of Dryden—not those printed in 1668; 2. A prologue and epilogue to the Parson's wedding of Thomas Killigrew; 3. A prologue and epilogue to the Marriage à la mode of Dryden—printed with the play in 1673; 4. The prologue to Julius Cæsar; 5. A prologue to the Wit without money of Beaumont and Fletcher—printed in the Poems of Dryden, 1701; 6. A prologue to the Pilgrim of Fletcher—not that printed in 1700. These pieces occupy the first twelve pages of the volume. It cannot be requisite to give any further account of its contents.
I waive the question of internal evidence; but have no misgiving, on that score, as to the opinion which may henceforth prevail on the validity of the claim now advanced in favour of Dryden.
Sir Walter Scott observes, with reference to the essay Of dramatick poesie, "The contrast of Ben. Jonson and Shakspere is peculiarly and strikingly felicitous." He could have said no less—whatever he might have said as to its authorship—had he seen the Prologue to Julius Cæsar.
Bolton Corney.
PARTY SIMILES OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY:—NO. I. "FOXES AND FIREBRANDS." NO. II. "THE TROJAN HORSE."
(Continued from Vol. viii., p. 488.)
The following works I omitted to mention in my last Note from want of room. The first is by that amiable Nimrod, John Bale, Bishop of Ossory:
"Yet a Course at the Romyshe Foxe, &c. Compyled by Johan Harrison. Zurich. 1543. 4to."
The four following are by William Turner, M.D., who also wrote under an assumed name:
"The Huntyng of the Romishe Foxe, &c. By William Wraughton. Basil. 1543."
"The Rescuynge of the Romishe Foxe, &c. Winchester. 1545. 8vo."
"The Huntyng of the Romyshe Wolfe. 8vo. 1554(?)."
"The Huntyng of the Foxe and Wolfe, &c. 8vo."
The next is the most important work, and I give the title in full:
"The Hunting of the Romish Fox, and the Quenching of Sectarian Firebrands. Being a Specimen of Popery and Separation. Collected by the Honourable Sir James Ware, Knight, out of the Memorials of Eminent Men, both in Church and State: A. B. Cranmer, A. B. Usher, A. B. Parker, Sir Henry Sidney, A. B. Abbot, Lord Cecil, A. B. Laud, and others. And now published for the Public Good. By Robert Ware, Gent. Dublin. 1683. 12mo. pp. 248."
The work concludes with this paragraph:
"Now he that hath given us all our hearts, give unto His Majesties subjects of these nations an heart of unity, to quash division and separation; of obedience, to quench the fury of rebellious firebrands: and a heart of constancy to the Reformed Church of England, the better to expel Popery, and to confound dissention. Amen."
The last work, with reference to the first simile of my note, which I shall mention, is that by Zephaniah Smith, one of the leaders of the English Antinomians:
With regard to the second simile, see—
"The Trojan Horse, or the Presbyterian Government Unbowelled. London. 1646. 4to. By Henry Parker of Lincoln's Inn."
"Comprehension and Toleration Considered, in a Sermon on Gal. ii. 5. By Dr. South."
"Remarks on a Bill of Comprehension. London. 1684. By Dr. Hickes."
"The New Distemper, or The Dissenters' Usual Pleas for Comprehension, Toleration, and the Renouncing the Covenant, Considered and Discussed. Non Quis sed Quid. London. 1680. 12mo. Second Edition. Pp. 184. (With a figurative frontispiece, representing the 'Ecclesia Anglicana.')"
The first edition was published in 1675. Thomas Tomkins, Fellow of All Souls' College, was the author; but the two editions are anonymous.
As to the Service Book, see the curious work of George Lightbodie:
"Against the Apple of the Left Eye of Antichrist; or The Masse-Booke of Lurking Darknesse (The Liturgy), making Way for the Apple of the Right Eye of Antichrist, the Compleate Masse-Booke of Palpable Darknesse. London. 1638. 8vo."
Baylie's Parallel (before referred to) was a popular work; it was first printed London, 1641, in 4to.; and reprinted 1641, 1642, 1646, 1661.
As to "High Church" and "Low Church," see an article in the Edinburgh Review for last October, on "Church Parties," and the following works:
"The True Character of a Churchman, showing the False Pretences to that Name. By Dr. West." (No date. 1702?) Answered by Sacheverell in "The Character of a Low Churchman. 4to. 1702." "Low Churchmen vindicated from the Charge of being no Churchmen. London. 1706. 8vo. By John Handcock, D.D., Rector of St. Margaret's, Lothbury."
"Inquiry into the Duty of a Low Churchman. London. 1711. 8vo." (By James Peirce, a Nonconformist divine, largely quoted in The Scourge: where he is spoken of as "A gentleman of figure, of the most apostolical moderation, of the most Christian temper, and is esteemed as the Evangelical Doctor of the Presbyterians in this kingdom," &c.—P. 342.)
He also wrote:
"The Loyalty, Integrity, and Ingenuity of High Churchmen and Dissenters, and their respective Writers, Compared. London. 1719. 8vo."
See also the following periodical, which Lowndes thus describes:
"The Independent Whig. From Jan. 20, 1719-20, to Jan. 4, 1721. 53 Numbers. London. Written by Gordon and Trenchard in order to oppose the High Church Party; 1732-5, 12mo., 2 vols.; 1753, 12mo., 4 vols."
I omitted Wordsworth's lines in my first note:
"High and Low, Watchwords of party, on all tongues are rife; As if a Church, though sprung from heaven, must owe To opposites and fierce extremes her life;— Not to the golden mean and quiet flow Of truths, that soften hatred, temper strife."
Wordsworth, and most Anglican writers down to Dr. Hook, are ever extolling the Golden Mean and the moderation of the Church of England. A fine old writer of the same Church (Dr. Joseph Beaumont) seems to think that this love of the Mean can be carried too far:
"And witty too in self-delusion, we Against highstreined piety can plead, Gravely pretending that extremity Is Vice's clime; that by the Catholick creed Of all the world it is acknowledged that The temperate mean is always Virtue's seat. Hence comes the race of mongrel goodness: hence Faint tepidness usurpeth fervour's name; Hence will the earth-born meteor needs commence, In his gay glaring robes, sydereal flame; Hence foolish man, if moderately evil, Dreams he's a saint because he's not a devil." Psyche, cant. xxi. 4, 5.
Cf. Bishop Taylor's Life of Christ, part i. sect. v. 9.
Jarltzberg.
Nov. 28, 1853.
Fuller, speaking of this report, says that it originated with "some who love to feign what they cannot find, that they may never appear to be at a loss." (Ch. Hist., b. ix. 69.)
As the question at issue is one of great historical importance, I am prepared, if called on, to give a summary of the case in all its bearings; for the present I content myself with giving the following references:
"Sir Roger Twisden's Historical Vindication of the Church of England in point of Schism, as it stands separated from the Roman. Lond. 1675."—P. 175.
"Bp. Andrewes' Tortura Torti. Lond. 1609."—P. 142.
"Parallel Torti et Tortoris."—P. 241.
"Abp. Bramhall ag. Bp. Chal."—Ch. ii. (vol. ii. p. 85., Oxf. ed.)
"Sir E. Cook's Speech and Charge at Norwich Assizes. 1607."
"Babington upon Numbers. Lond. 1615."—Ch. vii. § 2. p. 35.
"Servi Fidelis subdito infideli Responsis, apud Johannem Dayum. Lond. 1573." (In reply to Saunders' De Visibili Monarchia.)
"Camd. Annal. an. 1560. Lond. 1639."—Pt. i. pp. 47. 49.
(See also Heylin, 303.; Burnet, ii. 387.; Strype, Annal. ch. xix.; Tierney's Dodd, ii. 147.)
The letter which the pontiff did address to Elizabeth is given in Fuller, ix. 68., and Dodd, ii. app. xlvii. p. cccxxi.
N.B.—In the P.S. to my last note, "N. & Q.," Vol. viii., p. 156., was a misprint for Vol. v.
DUTCH EAST INDIA COMPANY.—SLAVERY IN ENGLAND.
Having come across an old Daily Post of Thursday, August 4, 1720, I send you the following cuttings from it, which perhaps you may think worth insertion:
"Hague, August 9.
"It was on the 5th that the first of our East-India ships appear'd off of the Texel, four of the ships came to an anchor that evening, nine others kept out at sea till day-light, and came up with the flood the next morning, and four more came in this afternoon; but as they belong to the Chambers of Zealand, and other towns, its thought they will stand away for the Maese. This fleet is very rich, and including the single ship which arriv'd about a fortnight since, and one still expected, are valued at near seven millions of guilders prime cost in the Indies, not reckoning the freight or value at the sale, which may be suppos'd to make treble that sum."
"We have an account from Flanders, that two ships more are come in to Ostend for the new East India Company there; it is said, these ships touch no where after they quit the coast of Malabar till they come upon the coast of Guinea, where they put in for fresh water; and as for those which come from China, they water on the bank of the Island of Ceylon, and again on the east shore of Madagascar; but that none of them touch either at the Cape de bon Esperance, or at St. Helena, not caring to venture falling into the hands of any of the Dutch or other nations trading to the east. These ships they say are exceedingly rich, and the captains confirm the account of the treaty which one of their former captains made with the Great Mogul, for the settling a factory on his dominions, and that with very advantageous conditions; what the particulars may be we yet know not."
"Went away the 22d of July last, from the house of William Webb in Limehouse Hole, a negro man, about twenty years old, call'd Dick, yellow complection, wool hair, about five foot six inches high, having on his right breast the word Hare burnt. Whoever brings him to the said Mr. Webb's shall have half a guinea reward, and reasonable charges."
James Graves.
Kilkenny.
ORIGINAL ROYAL LETTERS TO THE GRAND MASTERS OF MALTA.
(Continued from Vol. viii., p. 558.)
I am now enabled to forward, according to my promise, literal translations, so far as they could be made, of three more letters, which were written in the Latin language, and addressed by Henry VIII. to the Grand Masters of Malta. The first two were directed to Philip de Villiers L'Isle Adam, and the last to his successor Pierino Dupont, an Italian knight, who, from his very advanced age, and consequent infirmity, was little disposed to accept of the high dignity which his brethren of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem had unanimously conferred upon him. The life of Dupont was spared "long enough," not only for him to take an active part in the expedition which Charles V. sent against Tunis at his suggestion, to reinstate Muley Hassan on the throne of that kingdom, but also to see his knights return to the convent covered with glory, and galleys laden with plunder.
No. IV. Fol. 6th.
Henry by the Grace of God, King of England and France, Defender of the Faith, and Lord of Ireland, to our Reverend Father in Christ, Dominus F. de Villiers L'Isle Adam, our most dear friend—Greeting:
For a long period of time, Master Peter Vanes, of Luca, has been serving as private secretary; and as we have always found his service loving and faithful, we not only love him from our heart, and hold him dear, but we are also extremely desirous of his interest and advancement. As he has declared to us that his most ardent wish is by our influence and favour to be in some way invested with honour in his own country, we have most willingly promised to do for him in this matter whatever lay in our power; and we trust that from the good offices which your most worthy Reverence has always received from us, this our desire with regard to promoting the aforesaid Master Peter will be furthered, and the more readily on this account, because what we beg for may be granted without injury to any one. Since, then, a certain Dominus Livius, concerning whom your Reverend Lordship will be more fully informed by our same Secretary, is in possession of a Priory in the Collegiate Church of SS. John and Riparata in the city of Luca, we most earnestly desire that the said Livius, through your Reverend Lordship's intercession, may resign the said Priory and Collegiate Church to our said Latin Secretary, on this condition, however, that your Reverend Lordship, as a special favour to us, will provide the said Dominus Livius with a Commandery of equal or of greater value. We therefore most earnestly entreat that you will have a care of this matter, so that we may obtain the object of our wishes; and we shall be greatly indebted to your Reverend Lordship, to whom, when occasion offers, we will make a return for the twofold favour, in a matter of like or of greater moment.
May all happiness attend you. From our palace of Greenwich, 13th day of January, 1526, Your good friend, Henry Rex.
No. V. Fol. 9th.
Henry by the Grace of God, King of England and France, Defender of the Faith, and Lord of Ireland, to our Reverend Father in Christ, Dominus F. de Villiers L'Isle Adam, our most dear friend—Greeting:
May all happiness attend you. From our Palace at Hampton Court, The 22nd day of November, 1530. Your good friend, Henry Rex.
No. VI.
Henry by the Grace of God, King of England and France, Defender of the Faith, and Lord of Ireland, to our Reverend Father in Christ, Don Pierino de Ponte, Grand Master of Jerusalem.
Our most dear friend—Greeting:
We had conceived so great a hope and opinion of the probity, integrity, and prudence of your predecessor, that, from his care and vigilance, we securely trusted that the business and affairs of this your Order, which hitherto has always wont to be of no slight assistance to our most Holy Faith, and to the Christian name, would as far as was needful have been amended and settled most quietly and effectually with God and his Holy Religion. From the love then and affection which we have hitherto shown in no ordinary manner to your Order, for the sake of the propagation of the Christian Faith, we were not a little grieved at the death of your predecessor, because we very much feared that serious loss would in consequence be entailed on that Religion. But since, both from your letters and from the discourse of others, we now hear that your venerable Brethren agreed by their unanimous voice and consent to choose your Reverence as the person to whom the care and government of so weighty an office should be intrusted, considering this dignity to be especially worthy of you and your spirit of Religion, we cannot but sincerely be glad; and rejoice especially if, by your eminent virtues, it shall be effected that only such matters shall be undertaken, and presided over by the strength and counsels of the Order of Jerusalem, as are most in accordance with the True Religion of Christ our Redeemer, and best adapted to the propagation of his doctrine and Faith. And if you shall seriously apply your mind to this, as you are especially bound to, we shall by no means repent of the favours which we have bestowed neither seldom nor secretly upon this your Order, nay rather this object shall be attained that you shall have no reason to think that you have been foiled in that your confidence, and in our protection and the guardianship which we extend over your concerns through reverence for the Almighty God. And we shall not find that this guardianship and protection of your Order, assumed by us, has been borne for so long a period by us without any fruit.
Those things which the Reverend Prior of our Kingdom, and the person who brought your Reverend Lordship's letter to us, have listened to with attention and kindness, and returned an answer to, as we doubt not will be intimated by them to your Reverend Lordship.
May all happiness attend you. From our Palace at Westminster, The 17th day of November, 1534. Henry Rex.
From the date and superscription of the above truly Catholic letter, it will be seen that it was written about the period of the Reformation in England, and addressed to the Grand Master of an Order, which for four centuries had been at all times engaged in Paynim war; and won for itself among the Catholic powers of Europe, by its many noble and daring achievements, the style and title of being the "bulwark of the Christian faith." Bound as the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem were in all ages to pay a perfect obedience to the Roman Pontiffs, it is not surprising that this should be the last letter which we have found filed away in the archives of their Order, bearing the autograph of Henry VIII.
William Winthrop.
La Valetta, Malta.
ENAREANS.
When Psammeticus turned back the conquering Scythians from their contemplated invasion of Egypt, some stragglers of the rear-guard plundered the temple of Venus Urania at Ascalon. The goddess punished this sacrilege by inflicting on the Scythian nation the "female disease." Herodotus, from whom we learn this, says:
"The Scythians themselves confess that their countrymen suffer this malady in consequence of the above crime; their condition also may be seen by those who visit Scythia, where they are called Enareæ."—Beloe's Translation, vol. i. p. 112., ed. 8vo.
And again, vol. ii. p. 261., Hippocrates says:
"There are likewise among the Scythians, persons who come into the world as eunuchs, and do all the work of women; they are called Enaræans, or womanish," &c.
It would occupy too much space to detail here all the speculations to which this passage has given rise; sufficient for us be the fact, that in Scythia there were men who dressed as, and associated with, the women; that they were considered as victims of an offended female deity; and yet, strange contradiction! they were revered as prophets or diviners, and even acquired wealth by their predictions, &c. (See Universal History, xx. p. 15., ed. 8vo.)
The curse still hangs over the descendants of the Scythians. Reineggo found the "female disease" among the Nogay Tatars, who call persons so afflicted "Choss." In 1797-8, Count Potocki saw one of them. The Turks apply the same term to men wanting a beard. (See Klaproth's Georgia and Caucasus, p. 160., ed. 4to.) From the Turkish use of the word "choss," we may infer that Enareans existed in the cradle of their race, and that the meaning only had suffered a slight modification on their descent from the Altai. De Pauw, in his Recherches sur les Américains, without quoting any authority, says there are men in Mogulistan, who dress as women, but are obliged to wear a man's turban.
It must be interesting to the ethnologist to find this curse extending into the New World, and actually now existing amongst Dr. Latham's American Mongolidæ. It would be doubly interesting could we trace its course from ancient Scythia to the Atlantic coast. In this attempt, however, we have not been successful, a few isolated facts only presenting themselves as probably descending from the same source. The relations of travellers in Eastern Asia offer nothing of the sort among the Tungusi, Yakuti, &c. The two Mahometans (a.d. 833, thereabout), speaking of Chinese depravity, assert that it is somehow connected with the worship of their idols, &c. (Harris' Collection, p. 443. ed. fol.) Sauer mentions boys dressed as females, and performing all the domestic duties in common with the women, among the Kodiaks; and crossing to the American coast, found the same practised by the inhabitants of Oonalashka (ed. 4to., pp. 160. 176.). More accurate observation might probably detect its existence amongst intermediate tribes, but want of information obliges us here to jump at once over the whole range of the Rocky Mountains, and then we find Enareanism (if I may so term it) extending from Canada to Florida inclusive, and thence at intervals to the Straits of Magellan.
Most of the earlier visitors to America have noticed the numerous hermaphrodites everywhere met with. De Pauw (who, I believe, never was in America) devotes a whole chapter to the subject in his Recherches sur les Américains, in which he talks a great deal of nonsense. It assisted his hypothesis, that everything American, in the animal and vegetable kingdoms, was inferior to their synonymes in the Old World.
The calm and more philosophical observation of subsequent travellers, however, soon discovered that the so-called hermaphrodites were men in female attire, associating with the women, and partaking of all their labours and occupations. Père Hennepin had already mentioned the circumstance (Amstel. ed. in 12mo., p. 219.), but he seems to have had no idea of the practice being in any way connected with religion. Charlevoix went a step farther, for speaking of those he met with among the Illinois, he says:
"On a prétendu que cet usage venait de je ne sais quel principe de la religion, mais cette religion avait, comme bien d'autres, prit sa naissance dans la corruption du cœur," &c.
Here he stopped, not caring to inform himself as to the real origin of the usage. Lafitau says these so-called hermaphrodites were numerous in Louisiana, Florida, Yucatan, and amongst the Sioux, Illinois, &c.; and goes on,—
"Il y a de jeunes gens qui prennent l'habit de femme qu'ils gardent toute leur vie, et qui se croyent honorez de s'abaisser à toutes leurs occupations; ils ne se marient jamais, ils assistent à tous les exercises où la religion semble avoir part, et cette profession de vie extraordinaire les fait passer pour des gens d'un ordre supérieur et au-dessus du commun des hommes," &c.
Are not these, he asks, the same people as those Asiatic worshippers of Cybele? or those who, according to Julius Firmicus, consecrated themselves, the one to the Phrygian goddess, the others to Venus Urania?—priests who dressed as women, &c. (See Mœurs des Sauvages américains, vol. i. p. 52., ed. 4to., Paris, 1724.) He farther tells us that Vasco Nuñez de Balbao met many of them, and in the fury of his religious zeal had them torn to pieces by dogs. Was this in Darien? I believe neither Heckewelder, Adair, Colden, nor J. Dunn Hunter, mention this subject, though they must all have been aware of the existence of Enareans in some one or more of the tribes with which they were acquainted; and I do not remember having ever met with mention of them among the Indian nations of New England, and Tanner testifies to their existence amongst the Chepewa and Ottawa nations, by whom they are called A-go-kwa. Catlin met with them among the Sioux, and gives a sketch of a dance in honour of the I-coo-coo, as they call them. Southey speaks of them among the Guayacuru under the name of "Cudinas," and so does Von Martius. Captain Fitzroy, quoting the Jesuit Falkner, says the Patagonian wizards (query priests) are dressed in female attire: they are chosen for the office when young, preference being given to boys evincing a feminine disposition.
Lafitau's conjecture as to the connexion between these American Enareans and the worshippers of Venus Urania, seems to receive some confirmation from our next evidence, viz. in Major Long's Expedition to St. Peter's River, some of these people were met with, and inquiry being made concerning them, it was ascertained that—
"The Indians believe the moon is the residence of a hostile female deity, and should she appear to them in their dreams, it is an injunction to become Cinædi, and they immediately assume feminine attire."—Vol. i. p. 216.
Farther it is stated, that two of these people whom they found among the Sauks, though generally held in contempt, were pitied by many—
"As labouring under an unfortunate destiny that they cannot avoid, being supposed to be impelled to this course by a vision from the female spirit that resides in the moon," &c.—Vol. i. p. 227.
Venus Urania is placed among the Scythian deities by Herodotus, under the name "Artimpasa." We are, for obvious reasons, at liberty to conjecture that the adoption of her worship, and the development of "the female disease," may have been contemporaneous, or nearly so. It were needless entering on a long story to show the connexion between Venus and the moon, which was styled Urania, Juno, Jana, Diana, Venus, &c. Should it be conceded that the American Mongolidæ brought with them this curse of Scythia, the date of their emigration will be approximated, since it must have taken place subsequently to the affair of Ascalon, or between 400 or 500 years b.c.
The adoption of female attire by the priesthood, however, was not confined to the worshippers of Venus Urania; it was widely spread throughout Heathendom; so widely that, as we learn from Tacitus, the priests of the Naharvali (in modern Denmark) officiated in the dress of women. Like many other heathenish customs and costumes, traces of this have descended to our own times; such, for example, may have been the exchange of dresses on New Year's Eve, &c.: see Drake's Shakspeare and his Times, vol. i. p. 124., ed. 4to. And what else is the effeminate costume of the clergy in many parts of Europe, the girded waist, and the petticoat-like cassock, but a relique of the ancient priestly predilection for female attire?
A. C. M.
Minor Notes.
Russia and Turkey.—The following paragraph from an old newspaper reads with a strange significance at the present time:
"The last advices from Leghorn describe the genius of discord still prevailing in the unfortunate city of Constantinople, the people clamouring against their rulers, and the janissaries ripe for insurrection, in consequence of the backwardness of the Porte to commence hostilities with Russia."—English Chronicle, or Universal Evening Post, February 6th to 8th, 1783.
J. Locke.
Social Effects of the severe Weather, Jan. 3 and 4, 1854.—The daily and local newspapers have detailed many public incidents of the severe weather of the commencement of 1854: such as snow ten yards deep; roads blocked up; mails delayed; the streets of the metropolis, for a time, impassible; omnibuses with four horses; Hansom cabs driven tandem, &c. The effects of the storms of snow, socially, were not the least curious. In the neighbourhood of Manchester seventy persons were expected at an evening party, one only arrived. At another house one hundred guests were expected, nine only arrived. Many other readers of your valuable paper have, no doubt, made similar notes, and will probably forward them.
Robert Rawlinson.
Star of Bethlehem.—Lord Nugent, in his Lands, Classical and Sacred, vol. ii. p. 18., says:
"The spot shown as the place of the Nativity, and that of the manger, both of which are in a crypt or subterraneous chapel under the church of St. Katherine, are in the hands of the Roman Catholicks. The former is marked by this simple inscription on a silver star set in the pavement:
'Hic de Virgine Maria Jesus Christus natus est.'"
The Emperor of the French, as representative of the Latin Church, first raised the question of the sacred places, now likely to involve the Pentarchy of Europe in a quasi civil war, by attempting, through the authority of the Sultan of Turkey, to restore the above inscription, which had been defaced, as is supposed, by the Greek Christians; and thereby encountering the opposition of the Emperor of the Russias, who claims to represent the Eastern Church.
T. J. Buckton.
Birmingham.
Origin of the Word "Cant."—From the Mercurius Publicus of Feb. 28, 1661, Edinburgh:
"Mr. Alexander Cant, son to Mr. Andrew Cant (who in his discourse De Excommunicato trucidando maintained that all refusers of the Covenant ought to be excommunicated, and that all so excommunicated might lawfully be killed), was lately deposed by the Synod for divers seditious and impudent passages in his sermons at several places, as at the pulpit of Banchry; 'That whoever would own or make use of a service-book, king, nobleman, or minister, the curse of God should be upon him.'
"In his Grace after Meat, he praid for those phanaticques and seditious ministers (who are now secured) in these words, 'The Lord pity and deliver the precious prisoners who are now suffering for the truth, and close up the mouths of the Edomites, who are now rejoicing;' with several other articles too long to recite."
From these two Cants (Andrew and Alexander) all seditious praying and preaching in Scotland is called "Canting."
J. B.
Epigram on Four Lawyers.—It used to be said that four lawyers were wont to go down from Lincoln's Inn and the Temple in one hackney coach for one shilling. The following epigram records the economical practice:
"Causidici curru felices quatuor uno Quoque die repetunt limina nota 'fori.' Quanta sodalitium præstabit commoda! cui non Contigerint socii cogitur ire pedes."
See Poemata Anglorum Latina, p. 446. Lemma, "Defendit numerus."—Juv.
J. W. Farrer.