Act 3 — Queries.

EUSTACHE DE SAINT PIERRE.

With the siege of Calais, and its surrender to Edward III. in 1347, is associated the name of Eustache de St. Pierre, whose loyalty and devotedness have been immortalised by the historian, and commemorated by the artist's pencil. The subject of Queen Philippa's intercessions on behalf of Eustache and his brave companions is, no doubt, familiar to most of your readers: the stern demeanour of the king; the tears and supplicating attitude of the Queen Philippa; and the humiliating position of the burgesses of Calais, &c. But what if Eustache de St. Pierre had been bought over by King Edward? For without going the length of pronouncing the scenes of the worthy citizens, with halters round their necks, to have been a "got up" affair, there is, however, some reason to doubt whether the boasted loyalty of Eustache de St. Pierre was such as is represented, as will appear from the following notes. And however much the statements therein contained may detract from the cherished popular notions regarding Eustache de St. Pierre, yet the seeker after truth is inexorable, or, to use the words of Sir Francis Palgrave (Hist. of Norm. and Eng., i. 354.), he is expected "to uncramp or shatter the pedestals supporting the idols which have won the false worship of the multitude; so that they may nod in their niches, or topple down."

In one of the volumes forming part of that valuable collection published by the French government,and commenced, I believe, under the auspices of M. Guizot, namely, the Documens inédits sur l'Histoire de France, the following passage attracted my notice:

"Il (M. de Bréquigny) a prouvé par des titres authentiques et inconnus jusqu'à présent, qu'Eustache de St. Pierre, dont on a si fort vanté le dévouement pour les habitans de Calais, fut séduit par Edouard, et qu'il reçut de ce prince des pensions et des possessions fort peu de temps après la prise de cette place, aux conditions d'y maintenir le bon ordre, et de la conserver à l'Angleterre."—See Lettres de Rois, &c., vol. i. Preface, p. cix.

The above statement is founded on a memoir read before the Académie des Belles-Lettres by M. de Bréquigny, respecting the researches made by him in London (see Mém. de l'Acad. des Belles-Lettres, tom. xxxvii.).

Lingard throws a doubt over the matter. He says:

"Froissart has dramatised this incident with considerable effect; but, I fear, with little attention to truth.... Even in Froissart there is nothing to prove that Edward designed to put these men to death. On the contrary, he takes notice that the King's refusal of mercy was accompanied with a wink to his attendants, which, if it meant anything, must have meant that he was not acting seriously."—Lingard, 3rd edit. 1825, vol. iv. p. 79., note 85.

Again, in Hume:

"The story of the six burgesses of Calais, like all extraordinary stories, is somewhat to be suspected; and so much the more, as Avesbury, who is particular in his narrative of the surrender of Calais, says nothing of it, and, on the contrary, extols in general the King's generosity and lenity to the inhabitants."—Hume, 8vo. 1807, vol. ii., note H.

Both Hume and Lingard mention that Edward expelled the natives of Calais, and repeopled the place with Englishmen; but they say nothing as to Eustache de St. Pierre becoming a pensioner of the King's "aux conditions d'y maintenir le bon ordre, et de la conserver à l'Angleterre."

Châteaubriand (Etudes Hist., 1831, 8vo., tome iv. p. 104.) gives Froissart's narrative, by which he abides, at the same time complaining of the "esprit de dénigrement" which he says prevailed towards the end of the last century in regard to heroic actions.

Regarding Queen Philippa's share in the transaction above referred to, M. de Bréquigny says:

"La reine, qu'on suppose avoir été si touchée du malheur des six bourgeois dont elle venait de sauver la vie, ne laissa pas d'obtenir, peu de jours après, la confiscation des maisons que Jean d'Acre, l'un d'eux, avait possédées dans Calais."

Miss Strickland (Lives of Queens, 1st edit., vol. ii. p. 336.) likewise gives the story as related by Froissart, but mentions the fact of Queen Philippa taking possession of Jean d'Acre's property, and the doubt cast upon Eustache's loyalty; but she would appear to justify him by reason of King Philip's abandoning the brave Calaisiens to their fate. However this may be, documents exist proving that the inhabitants of Calais were indemnified for their losses: and whether or not the family of Eustache de St. Pierre approved his conduct, so much is certain, that, on the death of the latter, the property which had been granted to him by King Edward was confiscated, because they would not acknowledge their allegiance to the English.

I wish to ask whether this new light thrown on the subject, through M. de Bréquigny's labours, has been hitherto noticed, for it would appear the story should be re-written.

Philip S. King.

DEVIZES, ORIGIN OF: A QUESTION FOR THE HERALDS.

I will put the following case as briefly as I can.

Throughout the mediæval ages, the word devise formed the generic term for every species of emblazonment. Thus we have "Devises Heroiques, per Claude Paradin, Lyons, 1557;" "Devises et Emblems d'Amour moralisés, par Flamen;" "The Paradise of Dainty Devices, 1576;" "Minerva Britannica, or a Garden of Heroical Devices furnished and adorned with Emblems and Impressa's of Sundry Natives, newly devised, moralised, and published by Henry Peachum, 1612;" and lastly, Henry Estienne's "discourse of hieroglyphs, symbols, gryphs, emblems, enigmas, sentences, parables, reverses of medals, arms, blazons, cimiers, cyphers, and rebus," which learned discourse, be it observed, is entitled The Art of making Devises, 1646. As an additional proof that device included the motto, take the following:

"Henry III. commanded to be written by way of device in his chamber at Woodstock, 'Qui non dat quod amat non accipit ille quod optat;'"

quoted by Sir Eger. Brydges. Here I must stop, though I could add many illustrations; and go on to observe, that whereas all the explanations which I have ever met with, of the unique appellation of "Castrum Divisarum," or the castle of Devises, are totally un-historic, if not ridiculous, I crave the attention of all whom it may concern to a new solution of the difficulty.

First, then, in order to clear the way, I would observe, that if, as commonly stated, the name had signified a frontier fort, would it not have been called the castle of the division [singular] rather than the castle of the divided districts? In other words, why make it a plural term?

Secondly. If, as I surmise, the Italian word divisa bore at the time of the Conquest its present meaning of "device," in greater force than the sense of divisions or partitions, is it unreasonable to suppose that Castrum Divisarum implied and constituted, at that early period, the deposit or fountain-head of the blazonry of the Norman leaders?

It was certainly not unsuited for such a species of heralds' college; being central, inland, a royal treasury, and the frequent scene of a court. When in the ensuing age re-edified by Bishop Roger, the monkish historians, without a dissentient voice, proclaimed it the most splendid castle in the realm; and though it may be objected that this observation belongs to a date not to our purpose, yet the pre-existence of the fortress is proved by its having been the temporary prison of Duke Robert. I am aware that such a notion as Devizes having formed the nucleus of the tree heraldic in England is not countenanced, nor even suspected, by any of the popular writers on the art. I may add, that one gentleman, holding an important position therein, has signified his disapproval of so early an origin being assigned to the institution. But over-against this, I beg to parade a passage from a letter written by Thomas Blore in 1806 to Sir Egerton Brydges:

"The heralds," says he, "seem originally not to have been instituted for the manufacturing of armorial ensigns, but for the recording those ensigns which had been borne."—Censura Literaria, vol. iii. p. 254.

My case is now stated. I shall be well content that some of your archæological friends should scatter it to the winds, provided they will explain how it is that Devizes, in common with some of the ancient cities of Egypt and Greece, has so long rejoiced in a plural name. To aid this last endeavour, I close with one more statement. The castle stood nearly midway between two other adjoining towns or villæ, also bearing plural names: Potternæ=arum [Posternæ?] and Kaningæ=arum.

J. Waylen.

P.S.—I think I may plead the privilege of a postscript for the purpose of recording (what may be taken as) an indication, though perhaps not a proof, that the idea of devices or contrivances was implied in the name so recently as the period of the civil war. The Mercurius Civicus, a parliamentary paper, 1644, states that Devizes was being garrisoned for the king, in the following terms:

"Hopton is fortifying amain at the Devises in Wiltshire, but I fear greater fortifyings for the Devices in Oxford."