Volume 3 — Some Account of the Ancient State of the City of Palmyra, with short Remarks upon the Inscriptions found there. By E. Halley.

The City of Tadmor, whose Remains in Ruins do with so much evidence demonstrate the once happy Condition thereof, seems very well to be proved to be the same City which Solomon the great King of Israel is said to have founded under that Name in the Desart, both in 1 Kings 9. 18. and 2 Chron. 8. 16. in the Translation of which, the Vulgar Latin Version, said to be that of St. Jerom, has it, Condidit Palmyram in Deserto. And Josephus (in lib. 8. Antiq. Jud. wherein he treats of Solomon and his Acts) tell us, that he Built a City in the Desart, and called it Thadamora; and the Syrians at this Day (says he) call it by the same Name; but the Greeks name it Palmyra. The Name is therefore Greek, and consequently has no relation to the Latin Palma, and seems rather derived from Παλμυός or Πάλμυς, which Hesychius Interprets βασιλεὺς πατὴρ: or perhaps from Παλμύτης, which (according to the same Author) was an Egyptian God. Neither is the Word תרמר but תמר that in Hebrew signifies a Palm-Tree.

History is silent as to the Fate and Circumstances of this City, during the great Revolutions in the several Empires of the East; but it may well be supposed, that so advanced a Garrison as this was, being above three hundred Miles from Jerusalem, continued not long in the Possession of the Jews, who immediately after Solomon, fell into Civil Dissention, and divided their Force: so that it is not to be doubted, but that it submitted to the Babylonian and Persian Monarchies, and afterwards to the Macedonians under Alexander and the Seleucidæ. But when the Romans got footing into these Parts, and the Parthians seemed to put a stop to their farther Conquests in the East, then was this City of Palmyra, by reason of its Situation, being a Frontier, and in the midst of a vast Sandy Desart, where Armies could not well subsist to reduce it by Force, courted and caressed by the contending Princes, and permitted to continue a Free State, a Mart or Staple for Trade, for the Convenience of both Empires, as is abundantly made out from the Words of Appian and Pliny.

Appian (lib. 5. de Bellis Civil.) tells us, that M. Antonius, after his Victory at Philippi, about forty Years before Christ, sent his Horse to Plunder the City of Palmyra, pretending only that they were not sufficiently in the Roman Interest. ὅτι Ρωμαίων καὶ Παρθυαίων ὄντες ἔφοροι ἐς ἑκατέρας ἐπιδεξίως εἶχον, and that being Merchants, they conveyed the Indian and Arabian Commodities by the way of Persia into the Roman Territories; though the true reason were their Riches: But the Palmyrenes being informed of the Design, took care to prevent them, and so escaped Plunder: And this Attempt of Antony's occasioned a Rupture between the two Empires. The Words of Pliny (lib. 5. Nat. Hist.) above an hundred Years after, do likewise testifie that this City then continued in the same Enjoyment of their Liberties. They being very much to the purpose, I thought fit to Copy them: Palmyra Urbs nobilis situ, divitiis soli atque aquis amœnis, vasto undique ambitu arinis includit agros, ac velut terris exempta à rerum Natura; privata sorte inter duo imperia summa Romanorum Parthorumque, & prima in discordia semper utrinque cura. Whereby it appears not only that it was a Common-wealth in the time of Vespasian; but the situation thereof is truly described, as it were an Island of fertile Land, surrounded with a Sea of barren Sands. Such Spots Strabo tells us were frequent in Lybia, and by the Egyptians were called Abases; whence possibly the Name of the Abassyne Nation is derived.

With these Advantages of Freedom, Neutrality and Trade, for near two Centuries, 'tis not strange that it acquired the State and Wealth answerable to the Magnificence of these noble Structures. But when the Romans under Trajan had made it appear, that there was no comparison between the Puissance of the Parthians and them, (Trajan having taken Babylon and Ctesiphon the then Seat of the Parthian Empire,) the Palmyreni were at length determined to Declare for the Romans; which they did, by submitting themselves to the Emperor Adrian, about the Year of Christ 130, when Adrian made his Progress through Syria into Egypt. And that Magnificent Emperor being highly delighted with the native Strength and Situation of the Place, was pleased to adorn and rebuild it: When, as 'tis likely, he bestowed on it the Privileges of a Colony Juris Italici, which it enjoyed (as Ulpian assures us.) And the Inhabitants of the City, in Gratitude, were willing to call themselves Hadrianopolitæ, ἐπικτισθείσης τῆς πόλεως ὑπὸ τοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος (says Stephanus.) Nor is it unlikely that many of those Marble Pillars were the Gift of that Emperor, and particularly those of the Long Porticus; for that none of the Inscriptions are before that Date. And it was usual for the Cæsars to present Cities that had obliged them, with Marble Pillars to adorn their Publick Buildings. These here were not far to fetch, the Neighbouring Mountains affording Marble-Quarries: But the Magnitude of the Porphyry Columns is indeed very remarkable, considering how far those vast Stones must have been brought by Land-carriage to this Place; it being not known that any other Quarries yield it, except those of Egypt, which lie about mid-way between Cairo and Siena, between the Nile and the Red-Sea: The Stone being very valuable for its Colour and Hardness, and so that it rises in Blocks of any magnitude required; Quantislibet molibus cædendis sufficiunt Lapidicinæ, (Plin. lib. 36.) And it is a great mistake of those who suppose it fictitious.

From the time of Adrian to that of Aurelian, for about an hundred and forty Years, this City continued to flourish and encrease in Wealth and Power, to that degree, that when the Emperor Valerian was taken Prisoner by Sapores King of Persia, Odænathus one of the Lords of this Town (which Name occurs in several of these Inscriptions) was able (whilst Gallienus neglected his Duty both to his Father and Country) to bring a powerful Army into the Field, and to recover Mesopotamia from the Persians, and to penetrate as far as their Capital City Ctesiphon. Thereby rendring so considerable Service to the Roman State, that Gallienus thought himself obliged to give him a share in the Empire: Of which Action, Trebellius Pollio (in the Life of Gallienus) has these Words, Laudatur ejus (Gallieni) optimum factum, qui, Odenatum participato Imperio Augustum vocavit, ejusque monetam, qua Persas captos traheret, cudi jussit: quod & Senatus & Urbs & omnis ætas gratanter accepit. The same in many Places speaks of this Odænathus with great Respect; and mentioning his Death, he says, Iratum fuisse Deum Reip. credo, qui interfecto Valeriano noluit Odenatum reservare. But by a strange reverse of Fortune, this Honour and Respect to Odænathus occasioned the sudden Ruin and Subversion of the City. For he and his Son Herodes being murder'd by Mæonius their Kinsman, and dying with the Title of Augustus, his Wife Zenobia, in Right of her Son Waballathus then a Minor, pretended to take upon her the Government of the East, and did administer it to admiration: And when soon after Gallienus was murder'd by his Soldiers, she grasped the Government of Egypt, and held it during the short Reign of the Emperor Claudius Gothicus. But Aurelian coming to the Imperial Dignity, would not suffer the Title of Augustus in this Family, tho' he was contented that they should hold under him as Vice Cæsaris; as plainly appears by the Latin Coins of Aurelian on the one side, and Waballathus (which Name is often found in these Inscriptions) on the other, with these Letters V. C. R. IM. OR., which P. Harduin has most judiciously interpreted Vice Cæsaris Rector Imperii Orientis, but without the Title of Cæsar or Augustus, and with a Laurel instead of a Diadem. But both Waballathus and Zenobia are stiled ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΙ in the Greek Coins, made, 'tis probable, within their own Jurisdiction. Two of the Latin I have seen, and they are as described, excepting the Points.

But nothing less than a Participation of the Empire contenting Zenobia, and Aurelian persisting not to have it dismembered: He marched against her, and having in two Battles routed her Forces, he shut her up and Besieged her in Palmyra: And the Besieged finding that the great resistance they made, availed not against that resolute Emperor, they yielded the Town; and Zenobia flying with her Son, was pursued and taken: With which Aurelian being contented, spared the City, and leaving a small Garrison, march'd for Rome with this Captive Lady: But the Inhabitants believing he would not return, set up again for themselves, and (as Vopiscus has it) slew the Garrison he had left in the Place. Which Aurelian understanding, tho' by this time he was gotten into Europe, with his usual fierceness, speedily returned; and collecting a sufficient Army by the way, he again took the City without any great Opposition, and put it to the Sword, with an uncommon Cruelty, as he himself confesses in a Letter (extant in Vopiscus), and delivered them to the Pillage of his Soldiers. And it is observable, that none of the Greek Inscriptions are after the date of this Calamity, which befell the City in or about the Year of Christ 272, as far as may be collected, after it had been nine or ten Years the Seat of the Empire of the East, not without Glory.

In this appears also the great utility of Coins to illustrate Matters of History; for by them alone 'tis made out, that there was such a Prince as Waballathus, Vopiscus singly mentioning him by the Name of Balbatus. And from the same Coins it appears, that Odænathus had the Title of Augustus four Years, and Waballathus six at least; and that the first Year of Aurelian was the fourth of Waballathus. And by the Testimony of Pollio, Odænathus was declared Emperor of the East, Gallieno & Saturnino Coss. which was Anno Christi 263, and died before Gallienus, but in the same Year, viz. Anno 267, which, by the Coins, was the first of Waballathus. He therefore immediately succeeded Odænathus, and was without doubt his Eldest Son by Zenobia, and not his Grandson the Son of Herodes, as some learned Men have supposed: For if Zenobia could not endure that Herodes Son of Odænathus by a former Wife, should succeed his Father in prejudice to her Children, and for that reason was consenting to his Murther (as Pollio intimates in Herodes and Mæonius,) much less would she endure the Title of Augustus in the Son of Herodes, especially when her own Sons were, as 'tis probable, elder than such Grandson. So that 'tis most likely that Herennianus and Timolaus, whom Pollio reckons among his XXX Tyrants, might be the Younger Sons of Zenobia, on whom also, out of Motherly Affection, she might bestow the same Titles of Honour.

But it must be observed, that in the Greek Coins, this Prince's Name is usually written ΑΥΤ. ΕΡΜΙΑΣ ΟΥΑΒΑΛΛΑΘΟΣ ΑΘΗΝΟΥ (as Tristan says he found it upon several Medals,) but Patin has the last Word only ΑΘΗ. I should be glad to peruse some of these curious Coins, especially if found in or near Palmyra: but I am inclinable to believe that his true Name was Æranes Waballathus (as was one of his Progenitors, in Inscription Pag. 91.) though perhaps the remoter Cities of Asia and Ionia might by mistake write it Hermias. And 'tis probable that ΑΘΗΝ might be for the first Letters of the Name of ΟΔΗΝΑΘΟΣ, which in Syriack begun with an Aleph; and the Δ was with those People used instead of Θ, as we see the Month Xanthicus, written Ξανδικὸς in many of these Inscriptions, which doubtless was pronounced like D blæsum or the Saxon D.

Though this City were at that time so roughly treated by Aurelian, yet it is certain that he did not burn it, or destroy the Buildings thereof: And though Zosimus, on this occasion, uses the Words τὴν πόλιν κατασκάψας, yet that seems only to relate to his demolishing the Walls and Defences of the Place; and that Emperors own Letter extant in Vopiscus, doth sufficiently shew that he spared the City it self, and that he took care to re-instate the beautiful Temple of the Sun that was there, which had been Plundered by his Soldiers. However, the Damage then sustained was never retrieved by the Inhabitants, and I do not find that ever this City made any figure in History after it: Yet the Latin Inscription, (Pag. 106.) seems to intimate, as if Dioclesian had restored their Walls within thirty Years after. About the Year of Christ 400, it was the Head Quarters of the Legio Prima Illyricorum; and though Stephanus gives it no better Title than φρούριον, yet it appears to have been an Archbishop's See, under the Metropolitan of Damascus. To say in what Age, or from what Hand it received its final Overthrow, which reduced it to the miserable Condition it now appears in, there is no light in any of our Historians; but it is probable it perish'd long since, in the obscure Ages of the World, during the Wars of the Saracen Empire; and being burnt and desolated, it was never rebuilt; which occasions the Ruins to lie so entire, in a manner as they were left, neither being used to other Structures on the Place, nor worth carrying away, because of the great distance thereof from any other City.

As to the Geographical Site of Palmyra, Ptolemy places it in the Latitude of Tripoly on the Coast of Syria, and four Degrees more Easterly, viz.

Παλμύρα. οα, ϛ′. λδ.

and he makes it the Capital of sixteen Cities in Syria Palmyrena, whereof Alalis, Danaba and Evaria were afterwards Bishops Sees. Pliny places it CCIII Miles from the nearest Coast of Syria, and CCCXXXVII from Seleucia ad Tygrim near Bagdat, (which Numbers are erroneously Printed 252 and 537 in most Editions, contrary to the Authority of the MSS.) Josephus places it one Days Journey from Euphrates, and six from Babylon; which must be understood of Horse-man's Journeys of about sixty Miles per diem, it being more than so much from this City to Euphrates. Ptolemy also mentions a River running by Palmyra, which did not appear to our Travellers, unless that Gut or Channel wherein they were overflowed by the Rain-Waters, were the Bed thereof; which may, possibly, run with a constant Stream in the Winter or times of much Rain: But this (as the Rivers of Aleppo and Damascus at this Day) is made by Ptolomy to have no exit; but to go off in Vapour, and to be imbibed by the thirsty Earth of these Desarts.

The Æra or Accompt of Years observed by the Palmyreni in these Inscriptions, is evidently that of Seleucus, call'd afterwards Dhilcarnian or Bicornis by the Arabians, and by them kept in use till above 900 Years of Christ (as appears by the Observations of Albatani, published in Numb. 204 of the Philosoph. Transact.) and not that of the Death of Alexander. This may be demonstrated from the Inscription (Pag. 101.) wherein Alexander Severus is stiled ΘΕΟΣ; that is, after the Death and Consecration of that Emperor, or after the Year of our Lord 234; and from the Name of Julius, who, when this Inscription was put up, was Præfectus Prætorio, (and could be no other than Julius Philippus Arabs who might be esteemed by the Palmyreni as their Country-man,) it follows, that it was in the last Year of Gordian Anno Christi 242 or 243: And that Emperor being soon after Murder'd by the Treachery of this Philip, who succeeded him: And his Treason coming afterwards to light, 'tis not strange that his Name was purposely effaced in this Inscription. The Date thereof, Anno 554, shews the beginning of this Accompt 311 or 312 Years before Christ, co-incident with the Æra of Seleucus, which was likewise observed by several other Cities in the East.

I shall not undertake the part of a Critick on these Inscriptions, but chuse rather to leave them to the more professedly skilful in that part of Learning, and shall only make some few Remarks on them, such as occurred whilst they pass'd through my Hands.

1. That the more ancient of these Inscriptions dated before the Year 500, do no where make use of Roman Prænomina, which yet are very frequent in them that follow; particularly Julius, Aurelius and Septimius, taken up by these People out of Respect to the Emperors that bore those Names; and consequently that Septimius Odænathus (the Inscription of whose Tomb we have, pag. 91.) was most probably the same who was afterwards Augustus. That Name growing in use in the Reign of Septimius Severus, under whom or his Son Caracalla this Odænathus was certainly Born. And this Monument being erected by him whilst he was yet a private Man; and he afterwards attaining the Imperial Dignity, it was necessary the Inscription of his Tomb (which perhaps was that single one that was all of Marble) should be changed: Upon which occasion this Stone might be brought back into the Town, and after its Destruction, be clapt up casually over the little Gate-way where now it stands.

2. Pag. 100. ΚΑΤΕΛΘΟΝΤΕΣ ΕΙΣ ΟΛΟΓΕΣΙΑΔΑ ΕΝΠΟΡΟΙΑΝ ΕΣΤΗΣΑΝ: Descendentes Vologesiada Commercium stabiliverunt, Anno 558, sive Anno Christi 247. Whereby it appears, that this People having had their Trade interrupted by the Wars between the Romans and the Persians, under Gordian; did now send an Embassy to the Court of Sapores King of the Persians, to get it re-established; which succeeded according to their Desires. Vologesias was a City built by Vologeses King of the Parthians in the time of Nero, on the Euphrates below Babylon. Ptolemy calls it Οὐολογεσιάς; Stephanus, Βολογεσιὰς; Ammianus Vologessia; and Pliny lib. 6. Vologesocirta.

3. Pag. 101. ΚΑΙ ΟΥΚΟΝΙΣΩΝΑ ΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑ ΧΡΗΜΑΤΩΝ. I submit it to the Judgment of the Criticks, whether this faulty Place may not be amended by reading it ΟΥΚ ΟΙΚΕΙΩΝ ΑΦΕΙΔΗΣΑΝΤΑ, &c. as likewise whether ΔΙΣΜΑΛΚΟΥ in the same Inscription may not be instead of ΜΑΛΛΟΥ ΤΟΥ ΜΑΛΚΟΥ, which is the Ingenious Conjecture of that excellent Grammarian Mr. William Baxter.

4. Pag. 102. Septimium Vorodem Procuratorem Ducenarium Augusti & ΑΡΟΑΠΕΤΗΝ. This Word, if Greek, is faultily transcribed; and in one Copy I have seen, the Ο is very small, as I suppose it on the Stone, which might occasion the transcribing thereof without it in the former Voyage (Pag. 130.) So that 'tis most probable that 'tis the remains of some other Letter almost worn out. I conjecture it to have been ΑΡΤΑΓΕΤΗΝ, Π being taken for Γ, and that this Septimius was Præfectus Annonæ, having the Care to see that the City were sufficiently provided with Bread; which was a most necessary Officer in a Place that must needs be furnish'd with Corn from Abroad. And this same Septimius, (in the Inscription, Pag. 105.) is stiled .... ΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ ΤΗΣ ΜΗΤΡΟΚΟΛΩΝΕΙΑΣ. lege ΚΡΕΟΔΟΤΗΝ, which should signifie that he was the Distributor of the Emperor's Munificence in Flesh to the People. These Inscriptions bear Date in April, Anno Dom. 267. not long before the Death of Odænathus, who is herein stiled ΣΕΒΑΣΤΟΣ: and 'tis not improbable but he might institute such a Custom, as at the Publick Charge, to give the People a Largess in Flesh on particular Days, to reconcile them to the Dominion of their Fellow-Citizen. This is certain, that Aurelian first instituted such a Custom of giving Flesh at Rome: The Words of Vopiscus are, Idem Aurelianus & porcinam carnem populo Romano distribuit, quæ hodieque dividitur; which Custom continued till the time of Constantine, when (according to Zosimus) one Lucian, who had this Office of distributing Swines Flesh at Rome, had Interest enough among the People to set up Maxentius for Emperor; and Salmasius assures us, that it was not discontinued till the time of Heraclius. It will not therefore seem strange, if I suppose Aurelian might find that Custom at Palmyra, and at his return from thence institute the like at Rome.

I am inclined to believe, that not only those two Inscriptions, Pag. 102, and the last of Pag. 103, but also that of Pag. 106, were in Honour of the same Septimius Vorodes who seems to have been a great Favourite of Odænathus, and was without doubt respected by the Romans on that account, whom I conclude to have effaced all the Memorials of Zenobia and Waballathus, insomuch that no one appears, among those many taken, that was set up during the six Years they reigned. The Name Vorodes seems the same with Orodes, which was the Name of the King of the Parthians that slew Crassus: and the Persians having, about forty Years before, expelled the Race of the Arsacidæ, 'tis not improbable but the Remains of that Royal Family might fly for Succour to Palmyra, and this Vorodes might be one of them.

5. In two other Copies of these Inscriptions; the first of pag. 104. is read, Σεπτίμιον Αἰράνην Ὀδαινάθου, and not Ὀδαινόθου as in the first Copy, and perhaps ought rather to be Ὀδαίναθον, as being the Inscription under a Statue of the same Odænathus, who is here, as well as on his Tomb, stiled Illustrissimus Patricius, but without a Date.

6. ΥΠΟ ΙΑΡΙΒΩΛΟΥ ΘΕΟΥ (pag. 101. & 109.) It cannot well be doubted but that this Deus Jaribolus is the same with what Gruter (pag. 86.) and Spon (in the first of his Inscriptions) reads ΑΓΛΙΒΩΛΩ. By the Figure of the Idol extant in Spon, it appears that this God was made with the Moon upon his Shoulders, and consequently was the Deus Lunus worshipped by the Syrians, whose Name, in the Language of that Country, could not be better expressed than by Jarehbol ירה ביעל Dominus Lunus. Whence I am induced to believe, that Gruter mistook it ΑΓΛΙΒΩΛΩ for ΑΓΑΙΒΩΛΩ, the Ι in the beginning, and the lower part of the round stroke of the Ρ, being effaced, so as to pass for Γ. I have taken care to have the Stone purposely viewed, as also to get from thence the exact Figure of the Syrian or Palmyrene Characters thereon, wherein there is an irreconcilable difference between Spon and Gruter. By the help of these, compared with two others taken at Palmyra, which I have by me, (they being all very near the same Date,) I hope we may be able, one Day, to make out the Palmyrene Alphabet: But it were to be wish'd our Travellers had transcribed them with more Curiosity, and taken more of them.

By the way, it is remarkable, that the Person who dedicated this Monument, in Gruter and Spon, is stiled Λ. ΑΥΡ. ΗΛΙΟΔΩΡΟΣ: and the same Name occurs in a broken Inscription which Mr. Hallifax omitted in his Letter to Dr. Bernard, as being too imperfect. It stood on the right Hand of the entrance to the little Temple described pag. 110. and was thus,

ΛΟΥΚΙΟΥ ΑΥΡΗ[ΛΙ]ΟΥ ..... ΗΛΙΟΔΩΡΟΥ ΤΟΥ.

And after a Blank of three lines all worn out except one single Ο, there followed,

[ΤΕΙ]ΜΗΣ ΧΑΡΙΝ ΕΤΟΥΣ....... ΜΗΝΟΣ [ΑΠ]ΕΛΛΑΙ[ΟΥ]. And that imperfect one in pag. 104. seems to have relation to the same Name.

7. Pag. 111. ΜΑΛΕΝΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΑΝ lege ΜΑΛΗΝ ΤΟΝ ΚΑΙ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΑΝ, it being written ΜΑΛΗΝΤΟΝ, with Η in the two other Copies I have seen, whereby the Sence is cleared.

8. Pag. 117. ΑΓΑΘΑΝΓΕΛΟΣ ΑΒΙΛΗΝΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΔΕΚΑΠΟΛΕΟΣ, Agathangelus Abilenus, Decapolitanus, Patronymice. There were in these Parts two Cities known by the Name of Abila; to distinguish which, the one was called Abila Lysaniæ, from the Name of the Tetrarch: St. Luke, ch. 3. 1. and is placed by Ptolemy (in his Cælosyria) about mid-way between Damascus and Heliopolis: The other in Judæa, called Abila ad Jordanem, described by Josephus in many Places, to lie over-against Jericho, near the Dead-Sea. Decapolis was so called from its Ten Cities, enumerated by Pliny (lib. 5. 18.) And with them he reckons up, among others, the Tetrarchy of Abila, in the same Decapolis: Which demonstrates the Abila Decapolis and Abila Lysaniæ to be the same Place. And tho' it cannot be denied, but that some of Pliny's Ten Cities are not far distant from that near Jordan; yet it doth not appear that ever this other had the Title of a Tetrarchy. Here it is to be observed, that what Pliny calls Decapolis, Ptolemy makes his Cæle Syria; and the Cæle Syria of Pliny, is that part of Syria about Aleppo, formerly call'd Chalcidene, Cyrrhistice, &c.

What this Town of Teibe was anciently call'd, is not so easily conjectured: But if the Numbers of Ptolemy may be confided in, it is very near the Situation of a City he calls Oriza; and perhaps his Adada may be our Soukney, and his Rhæsapha what is now called Arsoffa.

It is taken for granted, that Old Aleppo was anciently the City of Berrhæa, and there wants not ancient Testimony to prove it; which being granted, I think I may without scruple conclude, that Andrene (pag. 122. and 133.) is the Ruins of the City of Androna; and Esree (pag. 135.) that of Seriane, both mentioned in the Itinerary of Antoninus, in the Journey à Dolicâ Seriane. But this whole Country is laid about half a Degree more Southerly than it ought, by Ptolemy, who places Berrhæa in Lat. 36 deg. For the Meridian Altitude of the Tropical Sun at Aleppo is found there but 77 deg. whence the Latitude 36 deg. 30 min. as it was observed, Anno 1680. by three several Quadrants, in the presence of a curious Gentleman, to whom I am obliged for this Communication.

By the same Observation a much greater Error is amended in the Latitude of Aleppo, in the Rudolfine Tables of Kepler, who supposes Aleppo to have been the ancient Antiochia ad Taurum, and accordingly places it Lat. 37. deg. 20 min. wherein he is followed by Bullialdus and others; and several Maps have copied the Mistake. But a much greater use of it is, that thereby we are assured, that the City of Aracta, wherein Albatani made the Observations we have Publish'd in the Philosoph. Transact. Numb. 204. was, without doubt, the same which is now called Racca on the Euphrates; of which Town an Account may be seen in Rauwolf's Voyages, and which was not many Miles below the Place where our Travellers first came on the River: And if Arecca, in the Language of this Country, relates to Victory (as is said in pag. 143.) it was, doubtless, anciently the City Nicephorion, built by Alexander the Great; with which the Situation exactly agrees. The Latitude thereof was observed by that Albatani with great accurateness, about eight hundred Years since; and therefore I recommended it to all that are curious of such Matters, to endeavour to get some good Observation made at this Place, to determine the Height of the Pole there, thereby to decide the Controversie, whether there hath really been any Change in the Axis of the Earth, in so long an Interval; which some great Authors of late, have been willing to suppose. And if any curious Traveller, or Merchant residing there, would please to observe, with due care, the Phases of the Moons Eclipses at Bagdat, Aleppo and Alexandria, thereby to determin their Longitudes, they could not do the Science of Astronomy a greater Service: For in and near these Places were made all the Observations whereby the middle Motions of the Sun and Moon are limited: And I could then pronounce in what Proportion the Moon's Motion does Accelerate; which that it does, I think I can demonstrate, and shall (God willing) one Day, make it appear to the Publick.

The Philosophical Reader is desired to excuse our breaking in upon the Subject of these Tracts, by intermixing Historical and Philological Matters, as also our exceeding the Bounds of an Extract: But we hope the Curiosity of the Subject, joyned to the Desires of the Royal Society, may make an easie Apology suffice. There may be many other Instructive Remarks made thereon, which still deserve the Consideration of the Learned, and from such the Publick may yet expect a further Account.