Front matter (continued 3)

It was reserved for the issue of the battle of Aliwal to teach our enemies how rapid a defeat the best of their troops must suffer when opposed in the open plain to a well organized British army, directed by an experienced, brave, and intelligent leader.

In manning the position they had assumed, much had been neglected on the part of the Sikhs. The fortified village of Aliwal, which covered their left flank, and would have insured a most galling fire on our advancing line, if resolutely defended by an effective garrison, was occupied by an insufficient body of irregular troops, and defended only by two or three pieces of ordnance, which were carried with little resistance. Such an oversight must be attributed to surprise; for, if the enemy were actually on their march towards Jugraon on the morning of the 28th, they certainly had not time to throw a sufficient force, with heavy guns, into the village (which held an advanced position) before Sir Harry Smith was upon them.

When Aliwal was once carried, the only resource left was that which was readily adopted by Runjoor Singh, namely, changing front left back, thus endeavouring to throw his left into the entrenched camp on the Sutlej, whilst his right rested on Boondree. But even this manœuvre was almost desperate, for the extent of front along this new position was so great, that ere the movement could be effected, his flanks were doubled up and his line pierced in several places, nor were the Sikhs a sufficiently disciplined army to manœuvre steadily under fire. When driven at every point from their well chosen position, the Aeen battalions fell doggedly back, but never condescended to fly, though plied with musketry and shrapnel. They retreated, maintaining the character they had earned, and facing about at intervals to check their pursuers by a retreating fire. Those troops, the pupils of Avitabile, did credit that day to themselves and their master; and, however we may abhor their treachery and thirst of blood, displayed in the revolutionary annals of the Punjaub since the death of the old Lion of Lahore, we must at least bear witness to their resolute courage and soldierlike bearing.

The Goorcheras and Irregular Infantry (as we were subsequently informed) had not the same heart in the cause as the Aeen battalions, of whom war was the profession and livelihood, and plunder and assassination the pastime.

It has been asserted that Sir Harry Smith might, without difficulty, have crossed the Sutlej with his victorious army after the battle of Aliwal, and seized on or destroyed the fortress of Philoor, which had been the harbour of assemblage for the Sikhs whilst threatening Loodiana; but it must be taken into consideration that the British general's directions were only to clear the left bank of the enemy, and that our forces were not equipped for an incursion into the Sikh territories. Had such a measure been deemed prudent, it would have called for extensive commissariat arrangements. To have crossed merely to destroy the innocent fort of Philoor, and then to retire, would have been useless and undignified.

But there were stronger reasons even than these. Sir Harry Smith had no authority to cross the Sutlej. The Sikhs were playing our game so industriously on our own side of the river, in crossing and occupying in force their most inexplicable position near Hureeka, that the final act of the tragedy was at hand, for which it was necessary to concentrate the whole British strength.

RETURN OF KILLED AND WOUNDED AT THE BATTLE OF ALIWAL, JAN. 28TH, 1846.

KILLED. WOUNDED.

Officers. Non- commissioned officers. Trumpeters, Drummers, Rank & File. Officers. Non- commissioned officers. Trumpeters, Drummers, Rank & File. Missing.

Cavalry Division—

1st Brigade:

H.M. 16th Lancers 2 56 6 77 1

3rd Light Cavalry 2 27 1 21

4th Irregulars 1 2

2nd Brigade:

Body-Guard

1st Cavalry 9 2 14

5th ditto 1 1 8

Shekawattee Cavalry 1 2 12

Artillery 3 15 5

Infantry—

1st Brigade:

H.M. 31st Regt. 1 1 14

24th Native Infantry 1 5 7

47th ditto 1 9

2nd Brigade:

H.M. 50th Regt. 1 9 10 59 4

48th Native Infantry 1 9 4 1 36

Sirmoor Battalion 9 1 39

3rd Brigade:

H.M. 53rd Regt. 3 8 2

30th Native Infantry 4 24 1

4th Brigade:

36th Native Infantry 3 1 10 1

Nusseeree Battalion 6 16

Shekawattee Infantry 2 13 4

Total 4 3 144 25 6 382 25

Horses killed 177

" wounded 79

" missing 97

Total killed, wounded, and missing, 589 men,

" " 353 horses.

Nominal Roll of Officers Killed and Wounded at the Battle of Aliwal, 28th Jan. 1846.

Killed.

1st Cavalry Brigade—

H.M. 16th Lancers Lieut. Swetenham.

" Cornet G.B. Williams.

4th Irreg. Cavalry Lieut. and Adjutant Smalpage.

2nd Infantry Brigade—

H.M. 50th Regt. Lieut. Grimes.

Wounded.

1st Cavalry Brigade—

H.M. 16th LancersMajor Smyth, severely.

" Capt. E. Bere.

"Capt. L. Fyler, severely.

"Lieut. W.K. Orme, ditto.

" Lieut. T. Pattle.

" Lieut. W. Morris.

2nd Cavalry Brigade—

1st Light Cavalry Cornet Farquhar, mortally.

" Cornet Beatson, slightly.

1st Infantry Brigade—

H.M. 31st Regt. Lieut. Atty, slightly.

24th N.I. Lieut. Scott.

2nd Infantry Brigade—

H.M. 50th Regt. Capt. O'Hanlon, badly.

" Capt. Knowles, dangerously.

" Capt. Wilton, severely.

" Lieut. Frampton, dangerously.

" Lieut. R.H. Bellers, slightly.

" Lieut. W.P. Elgree, slightly.

" Lieut. A.W. White, severely.

" Lieut. W.C. Vernett, ditto.

" Lieut. T. Purcell, ditto.

" Lieut. W. Farmer, ditto.

48th N.I. Capt. Troup, slightly.

" Capt. Palmer, ditto.

" Lieut. and Adjutant Wall, severely.

" Ensign Marshall, slightly.

4th Infantry Brigade—

36th N.I. Ensign Bagshaw.

Return of Ordnance captured from the Enemy in action at Aliwal, by the 1st Division of the Army of the Sutlej, under the personal command of Major-General Sir Harry Smith, K.C.B., on the 28th Jan. 1846.

Camp, Aliwal, 30th Jan.

13 Howitzers:

8 inch, brass, 2ft. 9in., serviceable. 24 pounder, 3ft. 11in., do. 13 pounder, copper, 3ft. 9in., do. 12 pounder, brass, 4ft. 9in., do. 12 pounder, do. do. do. 7 pounder, do., 3ft. 5-1/2in., unserviceable. 12 pounder, copper, 3ft. 9in., serviceable. 12 pounder, do. do. do. 12 pounder, do. do. do. 12 pounder, brass, 3ft. 9in., highly ornamented, serviceable. 9 pounder, copper, 3ft. 11in., do. do. 9 pounder, do., 2ft. 9-1/2in., do. 12 pounder, do., 3ft. 4-1/2in., do.

4 Mortars:

10 inch, brass, 2ft. 3in., mounted, and field carriage, serviceable. 8½ inch, copper, 1ft. 9in., do. do. 6 inch, brass, 1ft. 4-1/2in., a curious old piece, with highly carved and ornamented carriage, do. 4½ inch, brass, 1ft. 4-1/2in., do. do.

52 Guns:

1. 8 pounder, brass, 10ft. 2in., ornamented with dolphin and rings, apparently a French battering gun, heavy metal, serviceable. 2. 8 pounder, copper, 4ft. 11-3/4in., do. 3. 8 pounder, brass, 4ft. 11in., do. 4. 8 pounder, brass, 5ft. 1in., do. 5. 7 pounder, do., 4ft. 11in., heavy metal, do. 6. 7 pounder, do., 4ft. 3-1/2in., do. do. 7. 6½ pounder, copper, 5ft. 1in., do. 8. 6 pounder, brass, 5ft., do. 9. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 1in., do. 10. 6 pounder, copper, 5ft. 3-1/2in., do. 11. 6 pounder, brass, 5ft. 5-1/2in., heavy metal, unserviceable. 12. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 11in., do., serviceable. 13. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 10in., inscription in English characters—Owner, King Runjeet Sing; Commander, Meg Sing Kakur; Maker, Rai Sing; Lahore, 1833, No. 1, serviceable. 14. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 8in., do. 15. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 11-1/4in., highly ornamented carriage, do. 16. 6 pounder, do., 4ft. 11in., do., same as No. 13, do. 17. 6 pounder, 4ft. 8in., Persian inscription, do. 18. 6 pounder, do., 5ft., do. 19. 6 pounder, copper, do. do. 20. 6 pounder, brass, 4ft. 10-1/2in., do. 21. 6 pounder, do. do. do. 22. 6 pounder, copper, 4ft. 11in., highly ornamented carriage, inlaid with brass and steel, do. 23. 6 pounder, do. do. do. do. 24. 6 pounder, brass, do. do. do. 25. 6 pounder, 4ft. 9-1/2in., do. do. 26. 6 pounder, copper, 4ft. 10-3/4in., do. do. 27. 6 pounder, gun metal, 4ft. 10-1/2in., apparently a capital gun, do. 28. 5¾ pounder, brass, 5ft. 7in., Persian inscription, do. 29. 5¾ pounder, 5ft. 9in., heavy metal, would ream out to a 9 pounder, do. 30. 4 pounder, 4ft. 7in., heavy metal, do. 31. 3 pounder, copper, 3ft., Persian inscription, do. 32. 3½ pounder, brass, 4ft. 7in., heavy metal, do. 33. Unknown, sunk in the Sutlej. 34. Do. do. 35. Do. do. 36. Do. do. 37. Do., spiked on opposite bank. 38. Do. do. 39. 6 pounder, brass, do., taken possession of in the fort of Gungrana. 40. 9 pounder, do., do., do. 41. 6 pounder, 4ft. 11½ in., serviceable. 42 to 52. Unknown, sunk in the Sutlej, or since brought in.

Abstract of Captured Ordnance:

Serviceable, 12 howitzers, 4 mortars, 33 guns. Unserviceable, 1 howitzer, 2 guns. Sunk and spiked, 13 guns. Since brought in, 2 guns.

Grand total, 67 guns.

Forty swivel camel guns also captured, which have since been destroyed.

(Signed) W. Barr, Lt. and Bt. Capt. II. Artillery, Adjt. Artillery Division. (Signed) G. Lawrenson, Major 2nd Brigade H.A., Commanding Artillery 1st Divn. Army of the Sutlej.

N.B.—The quantity of ammunition captured with the artillery, and found in the camp of the enemy, is beyond accurate calculation, consisting of shot, shell, grape, and small-arm ammunition of every description, and for every calibre. The powder found in the limbers and wagons of the guns, and in the magazines of the entrenched camp, has been destroyed, to prevent accidents. Six large hackery loads have also been appropriated to the destruction of forts in the neighbourhood. As many of the shot and shell as time would admit of being collected, have been brought into the park. The shells, being useless, have been thrown into the river. The shot will be appropriated to the public service.

(Signed) G. Lawrenson, Major 2nd Brigade H.A., Commanding Artillery 1st Divn. Army of the Sutlej. (Signed) W. Barr, 1st Lieut. and Bt. Capt. Adjt. Artillery Division.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER VIII.

SIR HARRY SMITH'S DIVISION MARCH TO REJOIN THE HEAD-QUARTERS OF THE ARMY—PREPARATIONS TO EJECT THE ENEMY FROM THEIR POSITION ON THE BRITISH SIDE OF THE RIVER.

Sir Harry Smith's forces, with the exception of details of native troops, left for the protection of Loodiana, having been recalled to head-quarters, commenced their march on the morning of the 3rd of February, taking the direct road near the banks of the Sutlej.

To Brigadier Wheler was entrusted the command of the forces left at Loodiana, (consisting of twelve guns, the 1st Cavalry, 4th Irregulars, and four regiments of Native Infantry.) These troops were intended to act as a moveable column for the protection of the line of country between Loodiana and Dhurrumkote. Matters were thus placed on a more organized footing; a communication being secured with Loodiana, the fords of the Sutlej watched, and the Sikh predatory bands confined to excursions amongst the villages on their own side of the river, which were by this time pretty nearly exhausted.

Most of the regiments returning from Aliwal presented a sadly diminished front; and H.M.'s 31st and 50th, the former of which had been present in every action and skirmish hitherto fought with the Sikhs, scarcely covered the ground of one weak battalion. In the officers' lines, the diminution was equally perceptible; and in the reduced mess-tents of each regiment, wide and melancholy intervals around the once-crowded tables told but too truly of the fatal precision of the enemy's fire, and of the ready and forward breasts which had been presented to their aim.

Wine had become scarce at every table; but the absence of this incentive to the spirits and conversation of the assemblies did not produce a very depressing effect. The stirring events of the campaign, in which all had been engaged, afforded ample subject for discussion; but the sharp routine of duty, and the daily call to arms at break of day, made early hours universally fashionable and headaches scarce.

The literary characters of the army (not a very numerous class) were perhaps more at a loss than their comrades; for our books had nearly all deserted to the enemy on the 21st of January, and a very scanty sprinkling were recovered when the Sikh camp was captured on the 28th.

Most of the army were utterly at a loss to know what that camp contained; but perhaps the mystery may be solved by the Shekawattee cavalry, or the irregular horse, whose operations were principally confined to that part of the field.

My own share of plunder on that occasion amounted to a bottle of London porter, wrapped carefully in a Sikh blanket, and stowed on a camel's back. A native follower was stalking hastily away with this inestimable treasure, when my groom overtook the delinquent, and I scrupled not to appropriate the booty to my own use.

I never tasted more refreshing beverage than that same bottle contained; and I do not remember ever having found a blanket more acceptable than on the night of the 28th of January, 1846.

On the morning of the 6th of February, Sir Harry Smith's column, bringing as trophies a portion of the Sikh ordnance captured at Aliwal, returned to their former position near Hureeka ford. On arrival, they were met by the gallant commander-in-chief with his staff. Sir Hugh rode along the line, and expressed in the warmest terms his approbation of the services rendered by each regiment; and the emotion with which the kind-hearted veteran spoke, effectually supplied the place of the studied oratory in general use for parade purposes.

Our pickets were again thrown out on the Sutlej, and resumed nearly the same position which had been occupied previous to the late operations; and nothing, apparently, gave evidence of the recent important events, save the diminished strength of the squadrons and companies under arms. The Sikh videttes, at regular intervals, stood, like so many white statues, on their allotted posts, and the patrols sauntered hourly along the high banks between the chain of pickets.

During our excursion to Loodiana, the Sikhs had not remained inactive. Their bridge of boats having been completed and strengthened, the enemy had crossed, and thrown up a large, semicircular entrenchment, embracing the re-entering sinuosity of the river, with a face of about three miles in extent. At first, the Sikhs crossed only in small numbers, sufficient to protect the working-parties in the trenches; but finding these unmolested, they brought their guns across the Sutlej, and established themselves in full strength in their strange position.

Parties of Goorchera horsemen, fording daily above and below the bridge of boats, showed us that the transit of the river near Sobraon might be accomplished with facility by the whole army when it should be deemed requisite. Formerly, the Sikhs had been in the habit of crossing a few thousand by day, and retiring again at nightfall; but now that the works had assumed a more permanent appearance, the enemy seemed to have nearly vacated their camp on the right shore, and to have occupied permanently the entrenchments with battalions of regular infantry. The cavalry spread themselves along the banks, scouring the immediate neighbourhood, and watching for any aggressive movement on our part.

A better system also prevailed at the outposts: no firing at each other, or useless waste of human life, took place; and on more than one occasion, Sikh officers visited and returned from the British camp.

The redoubtable Ghoolab Singh had arrived in Lahore from his mountain principality of Jamoo, and the Sikh soldiery gained much confidence from this supposed acquisition of strength, which they hourly expected to reinforce their camp. It was reported that Ghoolab Singh had brought with him his whole army, amounting to thirty pieces of artillery, and upwards of thirty thousand men; but this account afterwards proved to be incorrect; his forces did not exceed, in all, ten thousand troops.

However, Ghoolab and his army seemed to have taken root at Lahore; and no entreaties of his countrymen prevailed with that cunning chief to commit himself by joining the Khalsa army in front of Sobraon. Nor is it matter of surprise, that so cunning a diplomatist as the aforesaid rajah proved himself, should have wished to see the result of the struggle which was now impending, before he openly joined an army which had already experienced three defeats. The chances of a British alliance were too favourable a reserve to be sacrificed, so long as a double game could be played with any chance of success.

On the 8th of February, a portion of the long-desired siege train, consisting of twelve ten-inch howitzers, and a large quantity of ammunition, arrived in camp, after a laborious march from Delhi, with an escort of one regiment of native cavalry and small details of native infantry; and Sir Hugh Gough at length found himself prepared with materials for recommencing active operations when such should be deemed advisable.

The main body of the British army was now encamped in line nearly parallel with the Sutlej, and about three miles distant from the bridge of boats at Sobraon. One brigade of infantry occupied the fortified post at Rhodawallah, on the left, whence a good view was obtained of the Sikh camp and proceedings. The enemy's advanced posts were thrown forward into a small fortified position, within musket-shot of Rhodawallah, and a chain of pickets environed the whole front of his works.

Sir Harry Smith's division, at an interval of about three miles on the extreme right of the army, continued to watch the fords of Hureeka. Sir John Grey's division, consisting entirely of native troops, were with the Governor-general at Ferozepore, about sixteen miles distant; and the engineers were busily occupied in preparing, on the river near that town, a pontoon train, by which it had been resolved that the British army should cross when the position at Sobraon had been stormed, and the theatre of war transferred to the Sikh territories in the Punjaub.

We were, of course, all aware that the day of action could not be far distant, as the long-expected siege-train had now poured the greater part of its materials for destruction into camp; but the precise time of operations had not as yet been announced.

On the evening of the 9th of February, as I rode along the river, in company with some brother-officers, we perceived that the enemy had just brought six guns into a village on the high bank above Hureeka. These were probably planted to defend the ford, in case the British cavalry should attempt to cross the river at the same time that the entrenchments were attacked.

About sunset, we observed the enemy's patrols taking their usual excursion along the banks; and so proud were the troops in the village of the new playthings which they had got, that they could not resist the temptation of showing us they were all kept in good order, by firing two or three rounds from each gun.

European nations are not much in the habit of wasting ammunition in that playful manner, and when a battery opens, it generally means something; but this is by no means the case amongst the Asiatics. The Sikhs especially delight in noise, and neglect no opportunity of indulging the propensity. Indeed, it was a matter of surprise to us, how they could ever rest with such a perpetual clatter of cannon and musketry going on in their camp.

With the above-named exception, the Sikh pickets did not appear more on the alert than usual; nor were they strengthened at any point; so that there is no reason to suppose the enemy anticipated the attack which was to ensue in a few hours.

That night, when assembled in our mess-tent, we indulged in a discussion as to the means available for repelling the Sikhs from the insolent position they had assumed on our territories; but many were of opinion that the day of aggression was yet far distant; and some thought—nay, decided—that Sir Henry Hardinge would not feel himself prepared to cross the Sutlej before the ensuing autumn. The argument, when at its height, was interrupted by the hasty arrival of a staff-officer, with orders for the brigadier. Those orders were for the preparation of the mighty machinery which was to be brought into operation ere the morning sun had lit the rival camps, and which was destined to hurl the boasting invaders from the segment of land they occupied, headlong into the pitiless waters of the Sutlej.

A few weeks ago, the eve of a battle, suddenly announced, would have sent half the party at table to make their wills, or to prepare for the coming event as well as a few hours' notice would permit; but now, most of these preparations had already been made;—(and as few were sanguine enough to suppose they could last much longer, as fully half their comrades had been killed or crippled, and the enemy appeared fresher than ever,)—the approaching struggle excited perhaps a trifle more of interest than would have been bestowed on a hurdle-race or steeple-chase, to come off next morning.

We were ordered to be under arms and moving about two hours before daybreak; and therefore an early retreat was advisable, in order to be in proper condition for the labours which the coming day threatened to entail on some, and to terminate for ever with others.

However lightly the subject may be treated, with lively companions and flashing lights around you, yet, when the scene is changed to the dusky canvas walls of a solitary tent, and the subsiding hubbub of the camp leaves one to court sleep or reflection, I confess, for my own part, that the eve of a battle has never been the calmest of my nightly rests. The probability that ere to-morrow's sun has set we may be one of that loathsome class for whom the "hiatus maxime deflendus"—"to be filled up by spade and mattock"—is awaiting, usually causes a retrospect which, unless with a man possessing the philosophy or vanity of a Cicero,[49] must be somewhat perplexing. When the deeds of a life are hurriedly compressed into a few hours' consideration, I have always found the dark side inevitably gaining the ascendance, and no effort of will would cause the imaginary sphere to revolve and present a luminous surface to view. That austere judge, whom the ancients described as inflicting punishment on the hapless shades who, though guiltless of heinous crimes, had yet neglected numerous opportunities of benefiting mankind, appeared to me to discharge his duty so rationally, that I could not impugn the decision.

Although our actions may be matter of very light reflection whilst time floats gaily onwards, yet a life of uselessness does not afford a very satisfactory retrospect, especially when it appears likely to come to an abrupt conclusion. Seeking earnestly for some familiar spirit to avert the unpromising theme, the demon Ambition rises, and points, with beckoning gestures, to worldly distinctions, success, and military renown. The fascinating vision then appears entitled to be treated with some respect, and away flies Mammon with his unresisting victim. Cruel seducer! As in the case of a rustic caught by the recruiting serjeant with a bunch of coloured ribbons and an Eldorado in the distance, sad experience alone unmasks the sombre reality, and the disappointed aspirant to a shadow, finds that rank and honours are reserved for the soldier's declining years; but youth and glory are rarely companions. [50] Perhaps it may be good policy to keep the phantom hovering in sight, when possession destroys the mistaken pursuit, or at all events, discovers its true value. Notwithstanding these trite complaints, the subordinate regimental ranks have ever proved faithful to their duty, and the English soldier has continued "to conquer under the cold shade of aristocracy."[51]

In the midst of reflections of this useless nature, I was roused by the mild voice of a native attendant whispering, as softly as if he feared the enemy might overhear him, that the camp was stirring, and that the appointed hour had arrived. To my surprise, I found that the hands of my watch confirmed the Hindoo's assertion; and my night of intended repose had slipped away in a less profitable employment.

Hastily buckling on my equipments, and having seen that my saddle was equally prepared for the emergencies of the day, I rode on to where the dark array of troops were gathering on their alarm posts in the dim star-light. Each brigadier had received, overnight, his instructions for the position to be occupied on this momentous occasion; and the movement of the forces was conducted with that silence and regularity which complete discipline, and an intimate knowledge amongst those in command of their respective duties in the field, can always ensure. Each word of command, though softly uttered, was effectually obeyed, and the column proceeded to take up their position on the extensive curve assumed by the investing army.

The atmosphere, laden with heavy vapours, spread a darkening veil between the rival hosts, and thousands of eyes watched earnestly for the rising of the curtain and the beginning of the tragedy.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER IX.

THE BATTLE OF SOBRAON—THE ENEMY DEFEATED AND DRIVEN ACROSS THE RIVER WITH ENORMOUS LOSS.

It has before been mentioned, that the Sikh entrenchments presented to us a semicircular figure, the rear of their position resting on the re-entering sinuosity of the river. On the left of the enemy's works, a high parapet had been thrown up, and part of this front was protected by a nullah, with a steep bank acting as a counterscarp, and the bed of this watercourse was filled, in some places, by deep pools of stagnant water, which extended along the centre. On the right flank, the track of the nullah was but faintly marked; and in this quarter, the works had not been completed, and were not more formidable than the trenches at Ferozeshuhur, before described. Batteries were disposed along the face of the entrenchments, and the whole area had been defended with traverses and ditches, which defiladed the garrison from a direct fire, in any direction where our guns could be brought to attack. A raised battery of the enemy's heavy guns, placed at the bridge, commanded the approaches, and swept the whole works in reverse. Guns were also placed on the opposite side of the river, which threatened the position, in case of its falling into the hands of the British.

The works were garrisoned principally by regular battalions of infantry, whose cantonments consisted of wicker-work huts, behind the parapet along the right.

The British forces advanced to envelop these works, one regiment being ordered to precede and carry the enemy's main picket at the point of the bayonet, when the mortars and howitzers, which were to be advanced to the front, were to open on the Sikhs.

The cavalry formed a wing on each flank of the British attack, to guard against any diversion which might be attempted by the enemy's cavalry, which swarmed in incalculable numbers near the fords on the opposite bank of the Sutlej.

As we lay under arms on our allotted posts, every ear was intently listening, in expectation of the first boom from the mortars and howitzers, which were to announce the commencement of the work of death.

All awaited in silent and earnest attention the appointed signal, and scarcely the clash of a sabre could be heard which might convey to the enemy's pickets an alarm of the approach of the formidable host which were preparing to assail the doomed garrison. Not even an expiring groan or shriek had been heard from the Sikh advanced posts, which had been marked for destruction, and we were speculating whether the misty appearance round the horizon would be dispelled by the increasing light of day, when a flash from our batteries, succeeded by the roar of one of the monster howitzers, and the rushing sound of the hissing mass of iron hurled forth and bursting over the Sikh entrenchments, was the long-expected herald of battle.

Light flashed upon light in regular succession from the batteries, but the fuses of the shells were too short, and they burst high in the air, much to the enemy's comfort. The fire from the howitzers appeared to be more effectual, and we marked them bursting and ricochetting along the entrenchments. Hitherto, not a shot had been returned by the Sikhs, and we almost conjectured, owing to this unusual silence, that the enemy had either evacuated their position, or had lost heart, and resolved to retire. The heavy guns were limbered up, and advanced further to the front, and when daylight began to show with some distinctness the neighbouring objects, our batteries once more opened at a nearer range.

All doubt as to the Sikhs being still in their works was soon cleared up, for no sooner had they felt the weight of our shot, and perceived we were in earnest, than a fierce reply of defiance was hurled from every battery, and the stunning roar of the rival artillery rolled in tremendous waves along the plain.

The dense clouds of smoke which enveloped the front of the contending armies, rolled thicker and thicker, penetrated by the angry and rapid flashes from the heavy guns; and as the destroying missiles hissed and ricochetted along the hard ground, it appeared wonderful that any were spared from the iron paths of devastation torn along the soil in almost every direction.

Our mortars still continued to burst harmlessly in the air, and the Sikh works were so well defiladed from direct or even ricochet fire, that it soon became evident that the enemy would never be driven from his position by a cannonade, which was answered with unabated vigour. The investing force was therefore ordered to advance to closer quarters, whilst the artillery, which was disposed in positions with each division, covered the approach by an incessant cannonade. The centre and right divisions of the British line were intended to engage the enemy's attention, whilst the real attack was directed against the Sikhs' extreme right, where the entrenchments were known to be weakest, being incomplete. Each brigade moved forwards with alacrity to the attack, hastening onwards, under cover of the wreaths of smoke which rolled along their front.

No sooner did the Sikhs perceive that the storm of their works was resolved upon, than the whole of their infantry lined the parapets, and the roll of musketry which tore through our ranks, accompanied by the steady and regular booming of their guns from every battery along their position, seemed to threaten our army with ultimate destruction. Struggling forward a few paces, and then lying down whilst the iron storm swept over them, each brigade continued to advance, including the centre and right, for the enemy's numbers were so great, that he was enabled to maintain the defence of his whole extensive front.

A rolling fire of musketry now burst from the line of British assailants, as they neared the object of attack in sadly diminished numbers, and with numerous breaks, caused by the obstinate and incessant storm of destruction poured from the Sikh batteries and entrenchments.

On the British left the struggle was less fierce, for the Sikhs had most unaccountably placed fewer numbers to defend their weakest points, and the fifth brigade of Sir Robert Dick's division penetrated the enemy's works with trifling loss, thus taking the position in reverse. But, in the meantime, each brigade along the line had closed with the entrenchments, marking their advance by a crimsoned track of fallen soldiers upon the glacis, where the dead and wounded told an incontrovertible tale of the resolution with which Sobraon had been defended.

On the left centre of the British attack, Lieut.-Col. Franks, of the 10th Foot, had led his regiment to within a distance of about one hundred and fifty yards of the entrenchments, when, reserving their fire, they rushed forwards, and bore down all opposition, driving before them the Bundookcheras, and using the bayonet with a deadly effect, and such as served to refute, for a second time, Colonel Michel's strictures on that incomparable weapon.[52] This advantage being gallantly seconded by every brigade in the division, placed the ultimate success of the day beyond a doubt, though it was purchased by the life of their leader, the gallant Sir Robert Dick.

On the extreme right of the British attack, the enemy's works had been completed, and more resembled a fortification than a common field-work. The storm of this post had been assigned to Sir Harry Smith's division, and to them were opposed the flower of the Sikh army. The resolution with which it was defended was tragically proved by the mangled and shattered bodies of the assailants strewed along the front. Twice had H.M. 31st Regiment nearly surmounted the lofty parapets, when they were hurled back by the overpowering weight of the defenders, and reduced to the mere skeleton of a regiment;[53] but the gallant 50th rushed forwards in support of their old comrades; and these two regiments, conjointly, overcame every obstacle, and plunged amongst the masses of the enemy, where the conflict raged for a time with desperate ferocity.

One of the enemy's howitzers, served with incredible activity, committed dire havoc amongst the British ranks. Lieut. Smyth, of the 50th Regiment, being on that flank, dashed forward with the remnant of his company to capture the obnoxious engine of destruction. When within a few yards' distance, the howitzer was trained upon the intrepid assailants, and discharged its murderous contents of grape-shot upon the devoted band.

The greater portion of the storming party, including their leader, were swept down by the fire; but the eight or nine men remaining untouched, rushed with irresistible fury on the foe; and the wounded officer, when he arose, found that the shattered remnant of his soldiers had bayoneted the artillerymen beside their howitzer, and repulsed the defenders, who exceeded their assailants by at least five to one. I consider this individual instance serves as an illustration of how the enemy were defeated on this as on previous occasions. When a small body of devoted soldiers, careless of life, resolved on victory, and united by the iron bands of discipline, are brought to bear on a portion of an enemy who want confidence in each other, the attack must be successful, although the loss sustained may be severe.

In the meantime, whilst the combat raged with unabated fury at the entrenchments, Gen. Gilbert's division, to whom was allotted the attack of the centre, had been exposed to the fire of the heaviest batteries, and a shower of musketry, which would have staggered and repulsed any but the hardiest British veterans. Winning their way gradually, though occasionally wide gaps were torn through the line by the sweeping fire from the batteries and parapets, this gallant band at length surmounted the entrenchments, which were as formidable an obstacle as had fallen to any soldier's lot to carry during this campaign. When once within the works, and the mortal hand-to-hand conflict raged around, the result was no longer doubtful, although the obstinacy of the enemy's resistance promised a piteous bill of mortality in this division.

Under General Gilbert's command were the Sirmoor battalion, which had joined the force at Loodiana, and these fine little Goorkhas gave evidence that they had not degenerated in military prowess since the memorable Nepaulese war. The corps is composed of riflemen, carrying in their girdles a crooked knife, (termed a "kookery,") to give the coup-de-grace to the wounded, and they used the hideous instrument with unaccountable zeal against the Sikhs. As they were known to possess relatives and connexions amongst the Khalsa troops, it had been a matter of doubt with many that their hands would have been amongst the foremost in the field, but the battle-cry roused their hereditary ardour, and overcame every other consideration. Their gallant leader, Captain J. Fisher, whose exploits with the rifle are well known to those who have been his companions in the hunting-fields of the Dhoon,[54] had just surmounted the parapet, when he perceived a battery not sixty yards distant from him, which continued to gall the assailants with incessant rounds of grape. Seizing a rifle from the hands of one of his Goorkhas, Fisher rested his arm on the parapet, and the next second pierced with a rifle-ball the artilleryman, who was about to apply the slow match to the touch-hole of a cannon. Receiving the loaded rifles from the hands of the soldiers, who handed them up to their commander, he continued to deal rapid destruction amongst the Sikh golundauze.

A party of Sikh infantry, who were placed in defence of the battery, at last perceived the marksman, who was quickly silencing their cannon, and, pouring a volley in that direction, the gallant soldier rolled back amongst the corpses which strewed the exterior of the works.

The field of Sobraon did not bear on its crimsoned surface a soldier more deeply regretted by all who knew him than the fallen chief of the Sirmoor battalion.

The Sikh breastworks had now been carried at several points, and the enemy fell back towards their second lines. Slowly retreating towards the inner entrenchments, and yet holding their assailants in check whilst retiring, they now received a cross-fire from the left division of the British, which had gained their position by a flank attack, and with inconsiderable loss. A rolling and tremendous fire now opened along the whole victorious line of the British, which tore the Sikh battalions with murderous effect, as their order became more compact from being compressed on each side. Still, the enemy retired in creditable array, and showed a threatening front, whilst mown down by musketry, and charged by the 3rd Light Dragoons, which were led by Sir Joseph Thackwell into the Sikh entrenchments. Forced backwards, step by step, towards the river, the foremost of the retreating enemy thronged upon the bridge of boats, which soon gave way under the inordinate weight, and left the fugitives to perish in the waters under the accumulated pressure of their wounded and drowning comrades. Most of the Sikh battalions, finding the bridge destroyed, entered the fords, still preserving their ranks to the very edge of the river; but the waters had risen considerably during the night, and the fords were nearly impracticable.

The banks of the Sutlej were now lined by the whole force of our infantry; and the horse artillery having hastily taken up the most advantageous position which could be found for pouring destruction into the retiring army, the storm fell with merciless violence upon the fugitives, who were now struggling in one mighty, confused mass to reach the opposite shore. So large a mark as the enemy's commingled hordes presented, could scarcely be missed; and the round shot, musketry and shrapnel, which swept the surface of the river with deadly precision, soon converted the greater portion of the Sikh army into a hideous and straggling wreck of humanity.

The sluggish waters of the Sutlej, clogged with human carcases, swelled and foamed over wounded and unwounded, locked in the struggling embrace of mortal peril, and bore them slowly onwards to destruction, making room for succeeding crowds destined to share a similar fate. The scattered remnants of the battalions which had defended the entrenchments of Sobraon with such gallantry and resolution, landing on the opposite shore, fled wildly from the awful scene of carnage; and half a winter's day served to destroy for ever those daring and organized battalions, to accomplish whose discipline and efficiency had occupied the lifetime, and employed unceasingly the energies of the old Lion of the Punjaub. Had the master and founder of the Sikh military power been spared, or his sagacity and political wisdom been inherited by any of his successors, this day of death would have been averted, or at least deferred to a succeeding generation. But the God of Christians, Sikh, and Mahomedans, ordained it; and let the cavillers at our day's labour turn over the pages of the Old Testament, and study the military commission of Joshua, before they exclaim against the catastrophe of Sobraon.

Sixty-seven pieces of cannon were abandoned by the enemy in their entrenchments, and round every gun in the batteries lay the golundauze, who had sworn to conquer or die, and had fulfilled their oath.

Every trench was filled to the brim with Sikh corpses, and the blood-stained area of the entrenchments told a fearful tale of massacre; but whilst that overgrown assemblage of lawless soldiery continued in existence, the Punjaub or the British frontier could entertain no hope of permanent security. Every Sikh carcase which floated on the Sutlej, or lay stiffening on the gory field of Sobraon, was one obstacle removed to the re-establishment of order and good government; and with such an object in view, the destruction of the Sikh army became a more imperative duty than the removal of any noxious or venomous animal which might lie in the path we are about to pursue.

The enemy's cavalry, and a few battalions of infantry, which had been posted in a threatening attitude at the fords of Hureeka, when the result of the day became apparent, opened a harmless cannonade, from their nine pounder battery, on the British Cavalry Brigade (which had been placed to check any diversion in that quarter), and then departed, taking the route leading towards Lahore.

Before the sun had reached the horizon, not a vestige of that mighty host which had so long insulted our north-western frontier was to be seen, save a few dusky tents on the verge of the plain, and the lifeless bodies lying in the trenches of Sobraon, the lawful inheritance of the vulture and jackals.

Abundance of Sikh ammunition and stores for carrying on the war, found in the works, were collected by our artillery and destroyed. To a late hour of the night of the 10th of February the explosion of these magazines caused the earth to tremble as with an earthquake, and sounded like the expiring echo of the thunders which had rolled in deafening peals throughout the morning.

Immediately the enemy had finally disappeared, parties were detached from each regiment to bury their dead, and the British army returned to the quarters which they had quitted on that memorable morning. The 10th of February brought no rest to our gallant chief, who hastened, after the enemy's defeat, to Ferozepore, to direct the passage of the Sutlej by Sir John Grey's division on that very night, when, it was natural to suppose, there was little likelihood of the Sikh army taking any measures to oppose our progress. The pontoon train, under the direction of our engineers, was in readiness for this important movement, and the advanced guard of the army crossed without any accident on the bridge, which was finally completed within two days for the transit of the whole army.

The wounded on the British side had been better provided for than on any former occasion, although the number of soldiers who had been struck down caused a scarcity of conveyances. All were as speedily as possible removed into Ferozepore, where the whole cantonment had been converted into a hospital, and every attention was bestowed which medical aid could afford or humanity suggest.

On the day following the action, many Sikhs came across, unarmed, in search of their deceased comrades, and no interruption being offered to them in the discharge of these sacred duties, in a short time small fires were seen to arise on various parts of the field of battle, and many of the fallen warriors were consigned to the flames.

Two days after the battle, the strange sight was witnessed of British and Sikhs, Hindoos and Mussulmen, wandering indiscriminately over the field where all had so recently been engaged in mortal contest.

Return of Killed, Wounded, and Missing, of the Army of the Sutlej, under the command of his Excellency Sir Hugh Gough, Bart., G.C.B., in the action of Sobraon, Feb. 10th, 1846.

KILLED. WOUNDED.

Officers. N. C. officers. Rank & File. Officers. N. C. officers. Rank & File. Missing.

General Staff 2

Artillery 1 3 1 1 33

Engineers 2 3 1 16

Cavalry—

1st Brigade:

H.M. 3rd Lt. Drag. 5 4 22

4th Cavalry 5

5th ditto 10

9th Irregulars

2nd Brigade:

H.M. 9th Lancers 1 1

2nd Irregulars

3rd Brigade:

H.M. 16th Lancers.

Body-Guard.

3rd Light Cavalry.

1st Infantry Division—

Staff 1 3

1st Brigade:

H.M. 31st Regt. 35 7 112

47th Native Infantry 1 7 4 64

2nd Brigade:

H.M. 50th Regt. 1 41 11 186

42nd Native Infantry 8 2 3 53

Nusseeree Battalion. 6 1 6 74

2nd Division—

Staff 2 3

3rd Brigade:

H.M. 29th Regt. 1 55 13 7 132

41st Native Infantry 2 14 8 8 100

68th ditto 1 10 2 3 67

4th Brigade:

1st Europeans 2 2 31 10 16 142

16th Native Infantry 6 2 23 123

Sirmoor Battalion 1 13 7 123

3rd Division:—

Staff 1

5th Brigade:

H.M. 9th Regt 5 1 2 26

26th Native Infantry 3 2 3 19

H.M. 62nd Regt. 1 3 7 123

6th Brigade:

H.M. 80th Regt. 13 7 123

33rd Native Infantry 1 2 3 1 5 54

63rd ditto 1 2 3 5 26

7th Brigade:

H.M. 10th Regt. 1 1 29 2 2 98

43rd Native Infantry 7 2 9 85

59th ditto 4 1 7 53

H.M. 53rd Regt. 1 7 8 1 104

Abstract:

13 officers, 3 native officers, 301 non-commissioned officers and rank and file, killed.

101 officers, 39 native officers, 1913 non-commissioned officers, and rank and file, wounded.

Lascars, Syces, and drivers, 3 killed, 10 wounded.

Grand total of killed and wounded, 2383.

Nominal Roll of Officers Killed and Wounded at the Battle of Sobraon, Feb. 10th, 1846.

Killed.

Artillery—

1st Troop, 2nd Brig. 1st Lieut. H.J. Faithful.

1st Infantry Division—

Staff Lieut Hay.

H.M. 50th Regt. " Grimes.

2nd Infantry Division—

Staff Lieut.-Col. C. Taylor, Brigadier.

" Lieut. T.S. Rawson.

1st Europeans " Shuttleworth.

" Ensign F. Hamilton.

Sirmoor Battalion Capt. J. Fisher.

3rd Infantry Division—

Staff Major-Gen. Sir R. Dick, K.C.B., K.C.H.

H.M. 62nd Regt. Lieut. Bartley.

33rd N.I. " Playfair.

H.M. 10th Regt. " W. Beale.

H.M. 53rd Regt. Capt. Warren.

Wounded.

General Staff Lieut.-Colonel Gough, Q.M.G., very severely.

" Lieut.-Col. Barr, A.G., severely and dangerously.

Artillery—

2nd Troop, 2nd Brig. Brevet-Major C. Grant, slightly.

Cavalry—

H.M. 3rd Lt. Drag. Lieut. J.B. Hawkes, slightly.

" " H.W. White, ditto.

" Cornet Kauntze, severely.

" Quartermaster Crabtree, slightly.

1st Infantry Division—

Staff Lieut. Holdich, severely.

" Lieut.-Col. Penny, ditto.

" Capt. Garvock, ditto.

H.M. 31st Regt. Lieut. Law, ditto.

" " Elmslie, ditto.

" " Timbrell, dangerously.

" " Gabbet, slightly.

" " H.G. Tritton, mortally.

" Ensign Jones, severely.

" Lieut. and Adjt. Bolton, ditto.

47th N.I. Lieut. and Adjt. Renny, ditto.

" Lieut. James, slightly.

" Ensign Walcot, ditto.

" " Oyston, ditto.

H.M. 50th Regt. Lieut.-Col. Ryan, dangerously.

" Bt.-Lieut.-Col. Pettit, ditto.

" Capt. G. Tew, ditto.

" " Bonham, ditto.

" " Needham, ditto.

" " Wilton, very severely.

" Lieut. Hough, severely.

" " J.G. Smyth, ditto.

" " C. Mouat, ditto.

" Ensign Slessor, slightly.

42nd N.I. Lieut. C. Tottenham, ditto.

" Major Polwhele, slightly.

" Lieut. Macqueen, severely.

Nusseeree Battalion. Capt. C. O'Brien, ditto.

2nd Infantry Division—

Staff Major-Gen. Gilbert, slightly.

" Lieut. F. Gilbert, A.D.C., ditto.

" Lieut.-Col. Maclaren, C.B., dangerously.

H.M. 29th Regt. Lieut. G.H. Jones, very severely.

" Capt. Stepney, severely.

" " Young, slightly.

" " Murchison, ditto.

" Lieut. Henry, severely.

" " Duncan, ditto.

" " W. Kirby, very severely.

" " C. Macdonnel, severely.

" " Walker, slightly.

" " St. G. Nugent, severely.

" " G. Henderson, contusion.

" " Scudamore, severely.

" Ensign Mitchell, very severely.

1st Europeans Capt. Magnay, severely.

" Lieut. Patullo, ditto.

" " Lambert, ditto.

" " Dennis, ditto.

" " Hume, dangerously.

" " Staples, slightly.

" Ensign Palmer, ditto.

" " Davidson, mortally (dead).

" " Innes, slightly.

Sirmoor Battalion Lieut. Beatson, severely.

16th N.I. Capt. Balderston, ditto.

" Ensign Hodson, slightly.

41st N.I. Capt. Halford, severely.

" " Cumberlege, ditto.

" Lieut. J. Stephen, slightly.

" " Onslow, ditto.

" " Kemble, ditto.

" Ensign Scatchard, mortally (dead).

" " Aikman, slightly.

" " J. Bennet, ditto.

68th N.I. Lieut. Robertson, slightly.

" Ensign Dorin, ditto.

3rd Infantry Division—

H.M. 9th Regt Lieut. Daunt, slightly.

26th N.I. Lieut. Mackenzie, severely.

" Ensign R. White, slightly.

H.M. 62nd Regt. Lieut. Haviland, severely.

H.M. 80th Regt. Capt. Cookson, slightly.

" Lieut. Crawley, severely.

" " Kingsley, ditto.

" Ensign Wandesford, ditto.

33rd N.I. Lieut. Tulloh, ditto.

63rd N.I. Capt. Ormsby, ditto.

" Lieut. Morrison, slightly.

" Ensign Barber, ditto.

H.M. 10th Regt. Lieut. R. Evans, ditto.

" " C. Lindham, ditto.

43rd N.I. Capt. Lyell, very severely.

" Ensign Munro, severely.

59th N.I. Lieut. H. Lumsden, ditto.

H.M. 53rd Regt. Capt. Smart, severely.

" Lieut. Chester, ditto.

" " Stokes, ditto.

" Ensign Dunning, ditto.

" Lieut.-Col. Gold, slightly.

" Lieut. Breton, ditto.

" Lieut. Clarke, severely.

" Ensign Lucas, slightly.

(Signed) P. Grant, D.A. Gen. of the Army.

(Sixty-seven pieces of artillery captured, of which no official description is published.)

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER X.

THE BRITISH FORCES CROSS THE SUTLEJ, AND ARE CONCENTRATED AT KUSSOOR—VISIT OF GHOOLAB SINGH AND DHULEEP SINGH TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL—THE ARMY ADVANCE TO LAHORE—THE SIKH ARMY DISPERSE AND SURRENDER THEIR GUNS.

No action ever fought in the East was more decisive than that of Sobraon, and few battles of modern times have exhibited a greater loss in proportion to the numbers engaged.

It must appear that the enemy's intentions in building a bridge of boats across the river, in face of the British army, was to deter Sir Henry Hardinge from transferring the war to the opposite shore, where the Sikh soldiery were well aware that they had much to apprehend from national dissension as well as private intrigue amongst the sirdars.

As the British army, after its concentration, subsequent to the battle of Ferozeshuhur, remained some time inactive, awaiting the arrival of the siege train, the enemy began to regain confidence. It appears probable that the Sikhs would, ere long, have commenced active hostile measures, otherwise the attitude assumed at Sobraon must be quite inexplicable.

It is almost superfluous to notice the error committed by the Sikhs in neglecting to complete their entrenchments, (for which they had ample time,) and in weakly garrisoning the weakest part of their works. To that cause, and fighting with a river in their rear, which offered a main obstacle to their retreat, must be attributed the enormous losses suffered by the enemy, from which a hasty retirement had saved them on former occasions.

In each action, the Sikhs had lost nearly all their cannon, and the greater part of their artillerymen; and as these could not be replaced by raw levies, each defeat had been more serious than at the first glance it may have been considered. Indian history offers no parallel to the resolution displayed by the enemy in preparing for a renewal of active measures immediately after each defeat.[55] It had long been a favourite saying with military men in India, that the Sikhs would certainly fight one good battle when hostilities ensued, and that the remainder of the war would amount to no more than the reduction of their forts. This established maxim, however, did not prove that we were very thoroughly acquainted with the Sikh disposition—and after Ferozeshuhur, it lost all its advocates. The military theorists were compelled to trace a new line of operations, which proved, even after Sobraon, tolerably indefinite, for there were few officers in the army who did not expect a smart action on the opposite shore.

The heavy losses suffered by the British at Sobraon, were mainly owing to the strong works which the centre and right divisions of the army so gallantly stormed. Had the attack upon those points been delayed until the enemy's weaker parts on his right had been carried, (the Sikh entrenchments being then taken in reverse,) his batteries would have been rendered unserviceable, whilst our horse artillery might, with the sappers' assistance, have been brought into the area of the works, to act against the disordered masses. Under such circumstances, it appears likely that the action would have been sooner over, and Sir Harry Smith's and General Gilbert's divisions spared the storm in which they suffered so heavily. At the same time that the enemy would have been compelled to face his new assailants, being attacked by the reserve division, his retreat would have been completely intercepted, and his final and utter destruction been apparently inevitable.

As it happened, the Sikh losses were undoubtedly enormous. The entrenchments were defended by about thirty thousand troops, Aeen battalions and Bundookcheras, besides irregulars and cavalry, who retreated early from the scene of action. Of this army, fully one half were destroyed in the trenches, or in the passage of the river. During the battle, four boats, connecting the bridge of boats with the opposite shore, had been removed, which caused the whole fabric rapidly to give way when oppressed with the weight of the retreating multitude. This removal of the boats was generally understood to have been a pre-concerted arrangement with Ghoolab Singh, for the destruction of a force which caused him, as well as many others, considerable disquietude. I give this merely as a prevalent report, and one likely enough to be true, judging from the accomplishments in treachery which the Sikh history evinces, in common with other nations of Hindostan; but the secrets of the political department are necessarily maintained for a time, and have not yet become public.

The revelation would certainly be inconvenient to Ghoolab Singh; and its suppression, if founded in fact, is perhaps incumbent on those in authority.

Whilst the Sikhs were thus being effectually repelled from our north-western frontier, the force in Scinde, under Sir Charles Napier, was rapidly advancing, to co-operate with the British main column. That energetic warrior hastened towards the scene of warfare, in advance of his forces, but did not succeed in reaching the field of operations before the final act of the tragedy had been performed, and the curtain had fallen. Those who are acquainted with that chivalrous family may judge of the disappointment endured by a Napier arriving too late for a battle!

At the same time that the British army were concentrated at Kussoor, Brigadier Wheler's division at Loodiana crossed the Sutlej, opposite the fortress of Philoor, unopposed by the Sikhs, although a portion of the Khalsas made their appearance in the neighbourhood; but finding that the ground had been preoccupied, no attempt was made to molest the British general.

On the 11th, 12th, and 13th of February, the whole of the British army having been poured across the bridge of boats, advanced, and took post on the strong defensible ridge at Kussoor, where a picket of the enemy, which had occupied that position, fell back, and left them in undisputed possession of the strongest ground between the river and the metropolis.

The shattered remnant of the Sikh army, after the defeat at Sobraon, had fallen back, and bivouacked in the neighbourhood of Umritsir, where they remained irresolute, and awaiting the result of the deliberations going on at Lahore. The whole materiel of that army had been so utterly dismantled, that little apprehension was entertained of even such efforts as might be prompted by the influence of despair. Their guns,[56] in which the main confidence of the Sikh army had ever been placed, had been nearly all captured, and their artillerymen lay on the field of Sobraon. The Aeen battalions, who had readily and gallantly borne the brunt of battle in defence of the batteries and entrenchments, had suffered most severely, especially in the two last engagements. Under this combination of disasters, the Khalsa army was from that day forth no longer worthy of consideration; nor is there any probability that the Sikhs will ever again, during our time, arrive at the same military predominance which they once possessed.

Still, it appeared doubtful that our advance towards the capital would be effected without another struggle, for their mettle had been now too fully tested to be treated any longer with contempt; though any efforts which might be made when reinforced from Lahore must have been hopeless, as no time had been allowed them to entrench themselves. It was conjectured that the sirdars would willingly come forward to sue for terms, but their influence with the Punchayut was not reckoned on with much certainty.

In the midst of all doubts on this head, on the 15th of February Rajah Ghoolab Singh, who had long corresponded through secret emissaries with the British government, approached the lines of Kussoor in order to sue for a suspension of hostilities, and, accompanied by a slender escort, arrived at our outposts.

The Sikh chieftains, with little show of the pride or pomp of other days, and dressed in the simplest garb of Asiatic soldiery, were conducted to the quarters of Sir Henry Hardinge, and received with solemn distrust.

No eagerness was manifested on the part of the British government to negotiate with the deputation from the Lahore court; but Ghoolab Singh and his companions exhibited such unquestionable proofs of uneasiness, anxiety, and humility, that it was almost painful to behold the stately and chilling deportment which it was deemed politically expedient to assume towards the humbled Sikh chieftains. No firing of cannon, no ceremonious salutes were made use of on the occasion; and when Ghoolab Singh tendered his nazzur[57] he was requested to keep his presents until he had sufficiently testified, by his future fidelity, the dependence which might be placed upon his amicable professions towards the British.

The crest-fallen chiefs appeared willing and anxious to assent to such conditions as were demanded, and listened with affected humiliation and evident apprehension to the catalogue of iniquities laid to the charge of their countrymen. When, at length, Ghoolab and his chosen colleagues retired to a secret and conclusive interview with the secretaries, it was more with the air of malefactors about to receive their sentence, than with the bearing of men who professed themselves the firm and faithful advocates of British supremacy. The Sikh chiefs were vested with full powers from the Lahore Durbar and the military Punchayut, to arrange whatever terms could be obtained, and, after an interview protracted to a late hour of the night, the rajah took his departure, having assented to every proposal, and no doubt much relieved to find the terms were not more stringent.[58]

The conditions demanded on our part, and agreed to on that of Ghoolab Singh, were—

1. The surrender to the British of the lands[59] lying between the rivers Beeas and Sutlej.[60]

2. The payment of one and a half crore of rupees (a million and a half pounds sterling) as an indemnity for the expenses of the war.

3. The disbandment of the Sikh army, and its reorganization on the system and pay of the time of Runjeet Singh.[61] The limitation of this army to be determined in communication with the British government.

4. The surrender of all guns used in the late campaigns against the British.

5. The entire control of the river frontier, and the organization of future administration in the Punjaub.

It was also arranged that the young Maharajah, Dhuleep Singh, should be sent from Lahore to meet the Governor-general on his advance from Kussoor, and to accompany him to the capital.

Before leaving Kussoor, an officer and six privates, who had been taken prisoners at Buddewal, were sent from Lahore, where they had experienced the most liberal treatment from their captors, especially after the news of Sobraon reached the capital.

The population of the district in which we were encamped professed much satisfaction at the change of administration about to be effected. One hoary headed old Mahommedan advanced towards a group of officers in our lines, smacking his lips, and protesting that he felt immense confidence in the new government, and had already enjoyed a fair taste of its benefits, by eating a portion of a slaughtered bull,[62] a food of which he had not partaken for upwards of forty years. The superannuated epicure met with very little encouragement from our party.

On the morning of the 18th of February the whole British army advanced from Kussoor towards Lahore, marching in order of battle, to guard against any change of mind on the part of our newly acquired friends.

A brigade of cavalry were left in charge of the baggage, and this onerous duty caused the troops to march more in the semblance of a funeral procession than that of the advance of a victorious army.

The weather, at this season, was fine, though the sun at noon was becoming rather severe. The country was generally open and cultivated, but with large patches of low jungle or underwood interspersed, which rendered it unfavourable for cavalry manœuvres, and would have afforded excellent shelter for the enemy's Light Infantry; but they had had fighting enough to satisfy them for the present.

On the evening of the 18th, after our arrival in camp, at a small village named Lullianee, the Sikh chiefs arrived from Lahore, escorting their youthful Maharajah. The deputation were fully as humble in their deportment as the most punctilious despot could have required; and Dhuleep Singh, having been graciously forgiven for the offences of his countrymen, and raised to the precarious honours of acknowledged sovereignty, was at last treated to a royal welcome from the voices of our heavy cannon. A proclamation had been issued from Kussoor, giving notice that territorial aggrandisement was not the object of the British government, but that they were desirous only of establishing such authority at Lahore as would be competent to restrain the soldiery from the perpetration of outrages similar to the past. The chiefs and sirdars were invited to act in concert for the furtherance of such an arrangement, and as the wording of the proclamation gave a special invitation to the "well wishers of the descendants of Runjeet Singh," the Lahore Durbar were made aware that the semblance and name of a kingdom would not be taken from them.

Subsequently to Dhuleep Singh's visit at Lullianee, a second proclamation was issued from our camp, giving notice that the Durbar had acquiesced in all the terms, and that if no further opposition were offered to the British arms, measures would be taken to re-establish the descendants of Runjeet, and to protect the inhabitants.

The British army, continuing to advance in the same order as before, came in sight of Lahore on the morning of the 20th of February, and took up their encampment about three miles from the city, forming three sides of a square, and occupying the parade ground and cantonments recently held by the Aeen battalions.

The soldiers were strictly required not to stray from their lines or visit the city, which at present was crowded with people of every denomination, few of whom, it may be supposed, could feel very favourably disposed towards their conquerors. The troops of Ghoolab Singh were encamped near the walls, and held the most important positions in the capital.

On the afternoon of our arrival, the secretary to government, accompanied by a large military escort, under the directions of Brigadier Cureton, proceeded to the palace with the young Maharajah. Marching round the walls of the city, nearly suffocated with dust, which rolled in dense columns and obscured the whole scene, we were received and saluted by Ghoolab Singh's forces, drawn up on their several posts around Lahore. Most of these were fine wiry looking soldiers, and bore some resemblance in appearance to our Goorkha battalions, though inferior in appointments, and evidently not half disciplined. The gateway to the palace, then occupied by the Ranee, opened from the north-western quarter of the city, and the escort formed line fronting the citadel, whilst the governor-general's representative and his party proceeded on their mission. On arriving at the entrance, the political agent and a few officers proceeded to the interior, and shortly afterwards a salute from the light guns announced that the boy whom we had set up to be a king over the Sikhs had been placed in the hands of his anxious mother, the Ranee, of drunken notoriety.

The interview was not of long duration, much to our relief, as the sombre walls which we were left to contemplate did not present a very cheerful aspect, and the inhabitants of Lahore evinced no interest or curiosity in the transactions.

The ceremonial being ended, we wound about the exterior of the city towards our camp, thus completing the whole circuit of the walls, and returned to our quarters about nightfall, after a tolerably fatiguing day; but we had now become so well used to living in our saddles, that it was rather a variety to pass the day anywhere else.

As the conclusion of the war now rested in the hands of the political department, we were at length able to lie down at night, with some hopes of not being trumpeted into our saddles before we had well fallen asleep; and there were few soldiers of the British army who did not take full advantage of this immunity, save the unfortunate members of the standard guards and outlying pickets.

The remainder of the Sikh forces still continued encamped between the river and Lahore, but an intimation was sent to them, that such as chose to come into Lahore would receive payment of all arrears due to them, and must then consider themselves as no longer required for military service. The Irregular Cavalry hastened in crowds to take advantage of this offer, but the regular battalions heard at first with feelings of indignation that they were to be disbanded, and professed their resolution to hazard another battle with the remaining thirty-six cannon which had been saved from the wreck at Sobraon, owing to their remaining on the opposite bank. The chiefs, Tej Singh and Lal Singh, seeing the game was up, refused to lead the soldiers to action, and having also assured the Sikh army that a great portion would be re-enlisted for future service, and that those who were most ready to accept the proffered terms would undoubtedly have the first choice in re-enlistment, these arguments produced a salutary effect.

The surrender of all the cannon which had been used against the British was at length reluctantly complied with, for the attachment of native troops to their guns is proverbial throughout the East, and when this point was carried, the complete dispersion of the regular battalions ensued.

The reluctance on the Sikh part to abandon their profession, must appear an inexplicable matter to those who judge of soldiers' attachment to their trade by its unpopularity amongst our countrymen; but throughout the greater portion of Asia military zeal is a prevalent feature, and in the Indian armies, dismissal from the service has hitherto been deemed one of the gravest punishments which could be inflicted.

The most surprising feature in this campaign was the readiness with which the Sikhs rose after each defeat, fresh for another contest. But with that nation war is one of the principles of religion, and as the wily Mahomet led his daring soldiers to believe that they were fighting their way to Paradise, so the presumptuous Sikh was taught that his greatest moral obligation consisted in being a brave soldier. To further this object, he was trained in early youth to the use of his weapons, and learned to consider them as the most useful part of his costume. Under this hardy regime they rose from a sect into a formidable nation. In this instance they formed no exception to the general rule amongst all nations, where military prowess has always been a necessary condition in the scale of ascendancy.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER XI.

RATIFICATION OF THE TREATY—OBSERVATIONS ON THE EFFECTS LIKELY TO BE PRODUCED THEREBY—CONCLUSION.

The restrictions regarding officers visiting the city of Lahore being removed, we hastened to take advantage of this liberty. The streets and bazaars were so thronged with inhabitants, and the recently disbanded soldiery, that it was exceedingly difficult to force a path on horseback, and an elephant was found to be the most advantageous mode of travelling. A brigade of our native infantry were cantoned in the Badshahee mosque, a large, half-dismantled building, which had stood the test of a good many pieces of artillery during the late effervescences in Lahore. The walls which enclose it were speckled with the prints of grape-shot and bullets, and the angry passions of men had left their marks on every portion of the once sacred edifice. The mosque afforded a strong military position, and Allah's mansion promised a commodious quarter for Christian, Mahommedan, and Hindoo.

The gardens, amidst this general revolution, had not shared the same fate, or had been more easily restored, for the flowers and shrubs were flourishing and exhaling fragrance around, nourished, perhaps, by the gory manure which had been lavishly spread on the parterres.

Adjoining these gardens, was the tomb of the old Lion of Lahore—Runjeet Singh—as yet unfinished, but a humble monument to the memory of such a chief. The Sikh nation, since Runjeet's death, had been too busily employed in slaughtering each other to afford leisure for national testimonies to the founder of their dynasty; but that chieftain can dispense with monumental records to hand his name to posterity. History will not neglect him.

Our engineers were actively employed in repairing the Badshahee mosque, and in improving its defences, that it might become an eligible situation for the garrison, which was destined to remain at Lahore for the present, according to the articles of the treaty.

In other parts of the city, we found Lahore little altered from the condition in which we left it on our return from Afghanistan in the winter of 1839-40.

Very few European adventurers had withstood the late turbulency of the population.

A German, who had superintended the manufacture of gunpowder, a Spaniard, who had planned the engineer's work at Sobraon, and a Frenchman, (Mons. Mouton,) who had held a subordinate command in the cavalry and artillery, formed the wreck of the European officers in the Sikh service.

The inhabitants, having now so far regained their confidence as to feel assured that the British had no intention of plundering the city, reopened their shops, and our camp was daily crowded with itinerant tradesmen, offering their wares for sale. The prices put on their goods led to a supposition that the vendors entertained a high opinion of our wealth and a low one of our knowledge of the value of their merchandize.

The Shalimar Gardens, about four miles from the city, formerly the chosen scene of the Ranee's entertainments, were a favourite resort for our leisure hours. The luxuriant shrubberies and flower-beds, with marble aqueducts and fountains, rendered these gardens a delightful retreat from the noonday sun, which was now becoming oppressive under our canvas abodes on the plain.

During several interviews held with the Sikh Durbar, the terms of arrangement with the Lahore chiefs were finally settled, which provided for the fulfilment of all the clauses specified in the before-mentioned treaty with Ghoolab Singh. That chief[63] was selected as prime vizier, whilst the Ranee continued as regent during the minority of Dhuleep Singh. A force of 10,000 British troops, under command of Sir John Littler, were named to occupy Lahore,[64] and assist the Sikh Durbar in the fulfilment of the measures which were deemed necessary for the future government of the country.

The native army of Lahore were to be re-enlisted under a reduced system of pay—viz., under the same footing as they enjoyed during the lifetime of Runjeet Singh; and their establishment was never to exceed twenty-five battalions, of eight hundred men to each battalion, with 12,000 cavalry.

The Sikh Durbar, being unable to raise at once the sum of one and a half crore of rupees demanded as an indemnification for the war undertaken by the British government, ceded in perpetual sovereignty, as equivalent for one crore of rupees, (one million sterling,) all interest in the territories lying in the hill districts, between the Beeas and Indus, including the provinces of Cashmere and Hazarah.[65]

Fifty lacs (500,000l.) were paid down before the ratification of the treaty.

If the British government should at any time wish to send troops through the Punjaub, on notice being given, they are to be allowed to pass through the Lahore territories. The Maharajah is never to retain in his service any British subject, nor the subject of any European or American state, without the consent of the British government being previously obtained.

The Maharajah agreed to recognise the independent sovereignty of Ghoolab Singh to such hill territories as were guaranteed to him by the British government, and that Sirdar was to be admitted to the privilege of a separate treaty with the British, in consideration of the good services rendered by him in procuring peace.

The limits of the Lahore territories are not to be changed without the British concurrence.

This treaty, consisting of sixteen articles, was signed by the Maharajah and his ministers, and by the governor-general of India and his secretaries, on the 9th of March, 1846.

The day following the signature of this treaty, on the governor-general paying a visit to the Lahore court, a paper was read, conveying the thanks of the Sikh Sirdars to his excellency for his generosity, kindness, and mercy shown towards the Sikh nation, and for having consented to leave a force for the maintenance of the Sikh government, until a satisfactory settlement of affairs could be arranged, provided that could be effected within twelve months.

In the separate treaty concluded with Ghoolab Singh, the British government transferred, as an independent possession to that chief, all the hill countries east of the Indus[66] and west of the Ravee.

In consideration of this transfer, Ghoolab Singh bound himself to pay to the British Government a sum of seventy-five lacs of rupees, (750,000l. sterling.)

Ghoolab Singh bound himself to refer any disputes between himself and any other state to the arbitration of the British Government. Also to join, with his whole force, the British troops, when employed within the hills adjoining his possessions; and the British engaged to aid in protecting the sirdar from external enemies.

Ghoolab Singh engaged to take no British subject, nor European, nor American, into his service without the consent of the British; and, in acknowledgment of the supremacy of the British Government, promised to present, annually, a horse, twelve shawl goats, and three pairs of Cashmere shawls.

This treaty was concluded at Umritsir, on the 16th of March, 1846.

Whilst these treaties were in progress, continual meetings between the chiefs occurred, and it was a matter of much interest to view the changed deportment which the vis fortioris had inflicted on the Sikh sirdars. Runjoor Singh, who had directed the operations at Buddewal and Aliwal, requested a special introduction to his friend, Sir Harry Smith; and Tej and Lal Singh, the commandants at Moodkee and Ferozeshuhur, now converted into ministers of state, were most diffuse in their expressions of friendship and gratitude towards the British chiefs.

The coin which was brought for the payment of the fine inflicted, proved pretty correctly that the vast treasures stored by Runjeet Singh in the treasury of Govindghur, had been melted down into soldiers' pay, and that the sirdars had been too lavish in their expenditure to retain much ready money for the benefit of the commonwealth.

Russian, Persian, Chinese, and Afghan currencies, intermingled with gold and silver jewellery, were scraped together to meet the exigencies of the case, and the far-boasted wealth of the Punjaub appeared to have evaporated during a two months' campaign.

Silver being the current coin throughout India, the counting out of large sums occupied a very considerable time, and thus afforded leisure to the Lahore Durbar to make exertions to raise the sums of money demanded, which they had with much alacrity promised to pay, but which they counted out with much difficulty and evident reluctance.

News having ere this reached the furthermost parts of the country of the termination of the war, it became necessary to hasten the reduction of the Sikh forces to the stipulated amount; and orders were forwarded to the killedars of forts, and commandants of districts, to take measures for effecting this purpose. Less difficulty than was apprehended was experienced with the portions of the army which were cantoned in distant parts of the country, and, with the exception of a fortress of great strength, named Kote Kangra, in the hill districts, none of the Sikh officers held out for any time against the British mandates.

The army of the Punjaub had been so heavily disabled at Sobraon, and during each of the previous actions the loss in artillery had been so considerable, that these circumstances could not be concealed from their fellow-soldiers and countrymen, which tended to dishearten the rest of the army for any further resistance.

The fanatic Akalees, so notorious in the military annals of Runjeet Singh, and who had been exceedingly abusive formerly to such British officers as had attended at reviews of the Sikh army, were scarcely ever beheld during our late engagements, nor did I see a man wounded by a quoit[67] during any of the battles. I was told by a Sikh officer in Lahore, that this race of priest soldiery had been so active and forward during the Lahore massacres of the few preceding years, that the greater portion of them had met with the fate they so amply deserved, and were nearly destroyed. If this be true, it is certainly one of the chief benefits conferred on the Punjaub by their sanguinary revolutions.

The fate of the Sikh sirdars, since Runjeet's death, has presented also a tragical catalogue: thirty-five have been murdered, seven died a natural death, eleven were killed in the late actions, twelve remain living at Lahore.

Under the present reduced state of the Sikh army, it is not the least probable that the nation can ever become again the formidable enemy which they have lately been found.

In the first place, their military establishment being numerically reduced to one-third of their late numbers, and the extent of the country requiring these to be quartered far apart, a British force of superior numbers could, in a few days, in case of an insurrection, take post under the walls of Lahore. The reduction of an army must, doubtless, impair the martial propensities of a nation, and when these weakened battalions are under the surveillance of the keen-eyes of the British agents, who must, henceforward, dwell in Lahore, we may reckon almost as safely on information reaching us of any irregularities, as we might in the native forces of India.

But, as I have before stated, the principal confidence of all Indian armies is placed in their guns. As the greater part of these are in our possession, and the Lahore arsenal cannot be as busily employed now, without our knowledge and consent, as formerly, the scarcity of cannon will be an obstacle, to which it ought not to be difficult to add a scarcity of artillerymen, for the profession is a noisy one, and therefore their practice is easily overheard, and without unremitting attention and practice, artillery are not usually very formidable.

In Ghoolab Singh, the British Government ought to possess a tower of strength, for they have made him a greater man than he ever was before; and it must palpably be his interest to maintain amicable relations with the British, having paid beforehand for his alliance in solid rupees. The tribute of a few goats and shawls cannot be very irksome to the governor of Cashmere, as the price of the guarantee for his dominions; and not being himself a Sikh by parentage, and most of his army being also aliens to the Punjaubees, there cannot be much danger of a collusion between that chief and any Sikh sirdars who might desire a change of administration.

The establishment of so powerful a chief as Ghoolab Singh as our ally, on a line of hill territories bordering the whole Punjaub on the north, has afforded a security sufficient to deter the Sikhs from any thoughts of hostility, so long as the chief of Cashmere remains contented with his principality, or unable to discover more powerful friends than the British.

I cannot for one moment do Ghoolab Singh the injustice of supposing, that he would prefer the precarious sovereignty of the Punjaub to his present secure and extensive government. The lesson which that sirdar must have learned, when within a hair's breadth of being sacrificed to a popular turmoil in Lahore, operated so favourably, that he manifested the utmost desire to return to his mountains as soon as practicable after the departure of the British authorities from the Sikh capital. But should ambition whisper such a wild project in his ear as to aim at the throne of Lahore, prudence would surely suggest that the Sikh nation had recently experienced how much could be done against the British with a chance of success.

The tract of country between the Beeas and the Sutlej, known as the Jullundur Dooab[68] which was ceded to us in the first treaty arranged by Ghoolab Singh at Kussoor, though extending over territory, will, on reference to the map, be seen to contract the actual frontier line.

That frontier, uniting at the northern angle with the territories of our ally, Ghoolab Singh, and overlooking, from a strongly defensible country, the city of Umritsir and fort of Govindghur, has materially altered our position relative to the Punjaub.

The new forts built as our outposts on that frontier will not, it is to be devoutly hoped, be encumbered by large towns and cantonments; or, if that be deemed indispensable, the area of the new fortresses should be sufficiently extensive to admit all European inhabitants to take refuge within their defences.

The part enacted during the late war by our old enemies, the Afghans, has been a matter of surprise to many. The natural and religious antipathy between the Afghans and Sikhs is a sufficient cause for a want of co-operation at the outset, but the overthrow of the Feringhee would have been a temptation which, if gilded with a fair chance of success, must have overcome all minor prejudices. Situated at a distance of five hundred miles from the scene of action, and the news travelling at anything but a railroad pace over this long interval, the Afghan chiefs learned of the Sikh invasion and the result of the actions under so many shapes, that they were at a loss which to believe.

Akbar Khan, having assembled his forces, was hurrying in a state of commotion towards the lower gorge of the Khyber pass, when the news of the Sikh defeat at Sobraon reached him, which induced that chief to refrain from any further proceedings. If any entertain a doubt as to whether his real intentions were to co-operate with the British or with the Sikhs, this last measure must amply explain them, for what better opportunity could have presented itself to the mountain chief for striking a blow at Peshawur than the period of paralyzation ensuing after so many rapid and severe defeats of the Sikh forces?

Had matters befallen otherwise, there is little doubt that success on the part of the Sikhs would have ensured the performance of the promises of assistance sent by Akbar Khan to Lahore, and such a swarm of Eastern warriors would have spread over our north-western provinces, as had never been seen since the days of the victorious Nadir Shah.

Affairs being now in a train for settlement, it was no longer deemed necessary to keep the whole army concentrated at Lahore. Two regiments (the 16th Lancers and 31st Foot) were permitted to volunteer previously to proceeding to Calcutta and embarking for England, and as, during such occasions, liquor is freely administered, and discipline necessarily relaxed, the camp afforded daily evidence of the prevailing tastes of the English soldier.

It is a general opinion in the service, and I believe a correct one, that soldiers who have served long in India are not the best material for home employment. It does not at all surprise me, that men who have been employed in storming batteries and overcoming armies, whose days have been passed in marching under the fiery beams of an Eastern sun, and whose nights have been spent in watchfulness through the chilling damps of a January night in India, should not feel much relish for resuming their recruit's skin. When a man has done the utmost which the service requires of him, nay more, when his conduct has become the theme of encomium, and he has enjoyed a private's full share of the thanks of Parliament, he is not generally over well pleased when set assiduously to work at battalion drill with a herd of recruits, to help and make a new regiment. It is on this account, I think, that soldiers who have served in India are not the best qualified for English duties, and not because the habits they have contracted in the East have become so inveterate that they are unable to shake them off. Yet, with this conviction on my mind, it certainly was a painful sight to witness the breaking up of a regiment, which must ensue under the volunteering system. A man awakes on the morrow after his intoxication, and finds that he had bound himself with hopeless fetters to exile. Another presents himself as a willing offering for service in the East, which he could hardly hope to see to an end, abandoning all ties of home and kindred, and embracing with satisfaction, as his adopted country, in lieu of old England, the land of the stranger and of the heathen. How many an anxious mother, or orphan sister, has looked forward, with eager expectation, for the return of a regiment to their native country, and found that after all the perils of war had been overcome, the blandishments of an Eastern bazaar had induced the expected son or brother to abandon and forget the natural ties of kindred, and to separate himself for ever from those who ought to have some hold on his affections!

On the evening of the 3rd of March, previously to the breaking up of the army, the three British cavalry regiments which had been engaged in the late actions, assembled to dine together, when the extensive tables spread under long rows of tents exhibited a motley array of uniforms, and an equally varied collection of dinner-equipage, such as will rarely be met with again. The number of black bottles would have been startling to the advocates of plate and decanters; but on this occasion they were all applied to their legitimate purposes. Formerly, the case had been widely different; for many regiments, after the sorrows of Buddewal, had devoted those unseemly flagons, not only to the service of wine, but to the more urgent calls of illuminating the tables; and Guinness's portly bottles had often stood in homely familiarity beside their more slender and elegant claret brethren; both alas! degraded to the vile purpose of supporting wax candles.

The next morning, the two regiments above-named quitted their fellow-comrades to commence their roasting expedition towards Calcutta; and a few days afterwards, the greater part of the army returned towards their allotted cantonments in India, leaving Sir John Littler, with ten thousand men, to form the garrison of Lahore.

The Governor-general, who had now been raised to the honour of a peerage, proceeded by the sacred city of Umritsir towards his summer abode in the Himalayah mountains; and the forces under Brigadier Wheler, with some additional native corps, occupied the newly-ceded territories in the Jullundur Dooab.

Amidst this general departure and dispersion of our forces, there remained but one troublesome and refractory party, in the killedar, or native governor of a fort, near the foot of the hills, called Kote Kangra. Deaf to the orders from the Lahore Durbar, he resolutely objected to surrender his command; and the fort was known to be so strong, that it was found necessary to despatch additional troops, with some guns of heavier metal, to reduce the place.

For upwards of three months, this obstinate killedar continued to refuse possession of his fortress. After numerous parleys and conferences, which were accorded with the humane intention of preventing any further bloodshed on either side, a suitable train of battering-guns reached the British camp, when, seeing that any further resistance would be hopeless, the commandant of the fort surrendered to the detested Feringees, marching out his garrison with the honours of war.

Thus ended the sanguinary struggles with an enemy who had caused the British supremacy in India to quake to its foundations, and who had so far profited by the often-repeated lessons taught them in European tactics, that it is not surprising that clauses should be inserted in the treaties to restrict such inconvenient knowledge for the future. But, although the instruction may be discontinued, yet the information gained, and the practical purposes to which it has been applied, cannot be annihilated by treaties and proclamations. Few will now venture to question the soundness of the maxim, that our Indian empire must be maintained by the sword.

The practical comment on the late war has been a large reduction of our native army, recently promulgated. If this be followed by an augmentation of the European troops employed in the north-western provinces, we may understand the economy, and applaud the policy, which dictated such a measure; but if, with the extension of territory, a reduction of the forces—which already had just sufficed to turn the scale in our favour—should ensue, a second campaign on the Sutlej will be likely to render the abolition of the Queen's and Company's forces in India a probable result.

My tale of Eastern Wanderings, and of the campaigns in which it has been my lot to bear a humble share, is told.

The subject of these pages has beguiled many a leisure hour in camp and quarters. I hope I may not have retaliated unfavourably on such of my readers as have been liberal enough to accompany me throughout my long journey.

I have spoken freely on all subjects connected with military matters, because I take the deepest interest in my profession, and feel convinced that the trade of war cannot be better served than by a minute and free investigation of all its details.

If, in the description of active operations, any errors of details may be detected, let me be judged leniently; for the confusion of the field of battle not only prevails at the moment, but its din will often bewilder the mind of the eye-witness long after the cannon have ceased.

That it is not an easy matter to be accurate in such details, may be inferred from the fact, that in the despatches of Sobraon, especial thanks were given to a brigadier for his exertions in the field during that day, when the innocent hero of the despatch was fast asleep on a sick bed at Ferozepore. Such is the fortune of war, that the feather-bed is often more prolific of honour than the path of thorns, and "the bubble reputation sought in the cannon's mouth."

Now that the scene of active operations has closed, I cannot flatter myself that the author of these volumes can have excited sufficient interest in his movements to be followed any further in his pilgrimage. Therefore, on the sun-burnt plains of Lahore we will part; and we cannot do so under more favourable terms than those emphatically recommended by the eccentric Terence—

"Vos valete et plaudite."

FOOTNOTES:

T.C. Savill. Printer, 4, Chandos Street, Covent Garden.

Transcriber's note: The book cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.