M E M O I R S O F T H E Marchioness of Pompadour. (continued 2)

The King was very far from granting them what they required, as he could not obtain of the parliament what he asked of them. Here again it was necessary to issue arrets, to prevent licentious writings, and order certain books to be burnt by the hand of the hangman. These were so many fresh attacks upon the King’s constitution, and what spread an additional gloom over his temper, already too grave.

Of all the royal family, the King was the only one who took this matter to heart. The Queen had accustomed herself to lay all the vicissitudes of this world at the foot of the crucifix: the King’s daughters would not allow the Bull Unigenitus to be mentioned: the Dauphin only said that he could not speak, but that if he were King, he should know what he had to do; the Princes of the blood despised these disputes; the courtiers wanted to be meddling, but they knew nothing of the matter. It was happy for France that old Marshal Belleisle was no Theologian, for he would have embroiled matters still more. His highest ambition was to fathom these things; but his age and vocations did not allow him to signalize himself upon this occasion. He nevertheless, engaged in a dispute upon predestination, to seem as if he was acquainted with what he was entirely ignorant of.

Both parties were very solicitous for my declaring myself openly; but besides my discovering that they were both head-strong, my happiness prompted me to wish for the annihilation of the Constitution, as the King’s repose so much depended on it.

I proposed to Lewis XV. that he should forbid all his subjects, as well ecclesiastics as seculars, to pronounce the words Bull, Jansenist, or Molinist, on pain of being severely punished; and to sentence such priests as should be convicted of having refused the administration of the sacraments, to perpetual imprisonment. But the goodness of his heart would not allow him to exercise any methods that had an air of violence or despotism. He wanted to be obeyed; but then, only by moderate and gentle means.

While it was debated what method to pursue, to terminate these disputes, a courtier said to the King, “Sire, there is but one resource, which is, to renew the Vingtieme, and examine the ecclesiastical revenues; the bishops will forget the Bull Unigenitus, when they are reminded that they must give money to the state.” In effect, this new object diverted their attention from the other.

The arrival of the Infanta of Parma completely dissipated that lowring disposition which the Constitution had spread at court. Nothing was thought of but entertaining the Princess. I advised the King to give a ball and an opera. In these diversions I strove rather to amuse the King, than to divert this sovereign Princess his daughter.

The ministers of state, whom I often saw, told me that they were very much occupied. The war had thrown them into arrears for ten years. The King had given M. d’Argenson a coadjutor in the war department. This was the Marquis de Paulini, a very able and intelligent man; but arts and literature engaged part of that time which might have been employed for the benefit of the state.

He knew more than a learned man need to have done, and he was unacquainted with more things than a minister should have been ignorant of. The King had sent him to examine the military state of France. He had just visited the southern parts to reconnoitre the fortresses, and the troops quarters. When he made his report to the King, he added, that he had seen the protestants of Languedoc, and that at a time they were suspected of taking up arms, they were assembled to offer up prayers to heaven for the recovery of the Dauphin. This intelligence greatly affected the King. It gives peculiar pleasure to sovereigns to find all their subjects attached to them. This, perhaps, is the most tender point of self-love in princes.

Though the King, by an effect of that goodness which is so natural to him, often laid aside his disposition to make our conversation agreeable, the progress of melancholy was very rapid upon my mind. At certain moments every thing was insipid to me. I was convinced of the propriety of what Madam de Maintenon once said, that in every state of life there is a dreadful vacuum. What increased my anxiety was, that I was obliged to put on a gay appearance, at the very time that the most gnawing grief preyed upon me.

Here will I say, to the scandal of human greatness, that notwithstanding the favour I possessed, and the brilliant elevation of my fortune, I several times resolved upon quitting the court—Ambition alone doubtless with-held me, for we sacrifice all things to our predominant passion. It was this same ambition that, having raised me to the pinnacle of grandeur, made me pass more unhappy days than those which would have glided away, if I had remained in a less distinguished state. Every body envied my fate, and no one thought but that I was the happiest of women: but the state of my felicity was far from corresponding with the idea the world entertained of it.

Those who aspire to a more elevated sphere than that wherein virtue has placed them, fancy that riches, rank, grandeur and titles, contribute to happiness, and that in these imaginary advantages felicity centers. This is a fallacious opinion; when once we are accustomed to these things, they seldom afford us any gratification. The idea which we frame of them, pleases us more than possession itself. Neither magnificent palaces, superb furniture, nor the most valuable jewels in Europe, which I possessed, could make me happy.

The Count de Maurepas, who had compelled me to request the King to grant him an exile, signified to some persons about me, that he should like to obtain leave to reside in common at Pontchartrain. This castle is situated near Versailles, and he was expressly forbid, upon leaving court, to reside there. I voluntarily took upon myself to obtain this permission for him. I asked it of the King, who said to me, in granting it,—“Indeed, Madam, I admire your noble soul; the Count de Maurepas has grievously offended you, and you, nevertheless, interest yourself in his behalf.”

When the Count’s friends found that the King so easily granted what was requested in his favour, they spoke to me about his recall to court: But I refused to employ my credit to obtain this fresh indulgence. This was the only thing wherein Lewis XV. possessed unshakeable fortitude. I do not know, that notwithstanding all this Prince’s favour, with which I was honoured, I could in this have succeeded. The attempt might have been dangerous to myself: We should never expose ourselves to a refusal: it is the first step that leads to indifference.

It was then publicly said, that this minister was indebted for this favour to the Cardinal de la Rochefoucault and the Duke de Nivernois, his relations, who at that time had some interest at court: but the truth is, that neither the one or the other had any share in it.

The King was always surrounded with remonstrances from his parliaments. I complained to the gentlemen of the gown, of the disturbances which they themselves created in the state, by their obstinacy. They always answered me, that they laboured for the glory of the King, the welfare of the state, and the happiness of the people. It is, in my opinion, a great abuse of the administration in France, that private individuals, born in obscurity, and almost constantly without any other merit than that of having purchased an employment for two or three thousand louis d’ors, should consider themselves as part of the monarchy, and be continually struggling with the royal authority. Marshal Saxe, before he died, told the King, “Sire, I advise you to reimburse your parliaments; for it is from the value of their employment, that these people derive their consequence.”

These disputes brought religion into contempt. An author, who, supposing that the Bull Unigenitus was entirely destroyed, as the parliament wanted to compel the curates to administer to sick people, suspected of Jansenism, published a performance under this title, “The funeral oration of that most high and powerful Princess, the Bull UNIGENITUS.”

It has been observed, that such books as these corrupt the morals more than heresy itself. The parliament, who would not submit to the King, said, that they opposed the schism. The Jansenists, who were refused the administration of the sacraments, maintained with all their might, that the gates of heaven were shut against them, in opposing the will of God; which was a schism in this doctrine, as they allowed of no flexibility in Providence: wherefore Mr. Maillebois, the father, said, that the Jansenists were guilty of heresy against their own sect; for they wanted to force predestination, after having taught that it was immutable.

This scene, which continued for several years, made France quite ridiculous. The protestants of the kingdom, who were forbidden to speak, said nothing: but those in foreign countries avenged their brethren’s taciturnity, by publishing the most poignant satires against those disputes, without considering that the same principles amongst them produce the same divisions.

Engraving was made a party in this affair; a plate was dedicated to me, wherein the hall of the parliament of Paris represented the school of the Sorbonne. All the presidents and counsellors were dressed like doctors, who instructed the King and the bishops of France in points of religion, and these were depicted as scholars.

These sarcasms, which afflicted the King, embittered my days. I spoke upon this subject to the first president, complained to the bishops, and had some curates introduced to me, to talk with them about it; but these measures procured me no relief, this dispute having given importance to these people, in the opinion of the world, which they would not otherwise have obtained.

Whilst a proper medicine was sought to appease these troubles, the clergy came to ask justice of the King, for the attack the parliament had made. This body had issued arrets in regard to matters that were more connected with theology than policy.

The King appointed a commission to take cognizance of this affair. The deputies of the bishops required preliminaries to be settled, before they entered upon a negociation. They demanded, 1. The annulling of a certain arret, as an attack upon the authority of the church. 2. The establishment of bills of confession. 3. A reparation of honour from the parliament to the archbishop, for having accused him of favouring a schism. The King granted the deputies partly what they asked, and refused them the other part. He annulled the arret, not only because it infringed the rights of the clergy, but because it attacked his own authority; “inasmuch, said the declarations, as the parliament have not a right to make regulations; and that in case they should have any to make, they should apply to the King, to ask him leave.”

In the same arret it was set forth, that no case could occur, wherein a priest was entitled to refuse the sacraments on account of the Bull Unigenitus. It was therefore added, “that with respect to spiritual administration, the lay judges had no right to take any cognizance, unless a law-suit ensued.”

These distinctions did not restore peace, but war continued. They fought as before with the weapons of remonstrance. The parliament, who were desirous of interfering as a party in the affair relating to the administration of the sacraments, would not content themselves with being only judges. New satyrical writings made their appearance: they spared neither church nor state; and the King was greatly mortified by them. I often entreated him to pay no regard to these wretched pamphlets, whose low obscure authors were more deserving of contempt than chastisement. But I could never prevail upon him to take this revenge, which is the only one that should gratify sovereigns, with respect to these unfortunate scribblers.

To convince him what sort of animals these authors were, I sent for one into my apartment at Versailles, after having promised him pardon for the book he had wrote, and also my protection. The King saw him, and spoke to him for some time; after which he said to me, in raising his shoulders, “Indeed, Madam, you are right, those folks deserve more to be pitied than hated.”

Though Europe enjoyed a state of tranquility in 1753, this was a period of troubles and divisions in France.

The nobility of Brittany shewed themselves equally turbulent as the bishops, the clergy, and the parliament. They protested in a very high stile, against what had been determined by arret, during the assembly of the states. They had no such right. This assembly in a body represent the royal authority; so that their deliberations are above the protestations of any individuals that compose it. Louis XV. had several letters de cachet dispatched, which exiled the bishops in their dioceses, and the gentlemen in their estates.

Marshal Belleisle said, that “Letters de cachet in France were the only specific for curing the disorder of disobedience: but that they were so often used, that it was to be feared, they would at length produce no effect?” But this remedy is not always made use of by the King; ministers oftener apply it than the Prince: this is what renders the French administration so odious to foreigners. I have, nevertheless, heard a man of great sense applaud the use of them. He pretended that order was produced by this disorder. “It is said, continued he, that the King of England has no authority to arrest the lowest of his subjects. This is very well in England, where a republican spirit keeps every one within the bounds prescribed to him by the constitution; but, in France, where nobody is acquainted with the laws, where the climate and society excite every man’s desire of speaking, all would be lost, if the administration had not the authority of stopping this natural impetuosity of Frenchmen, &c. &c.

“This authority lodged with the sovereign is, perhaps, necessary amongst us; without it the great bodies politic would infringe too much upon the rights of the crown. We have often seen in France, the clergy, the third estate, and parliaments, endeavouring to rule over the rights of the King. If the sovereign had not then the power of stopping the proceedings of these bodies, all government must have subsided; for it cannot be imagined, that those, who represent the church and the people, would rule with a spirit of moderation and patriotism. In every state of life, man is animated with ambition, and the most dangerous kind of ambition is that which has for its pretext the glory of God, and the happiness of the people.”

The same year gave us one example of this, with respect to the parliament of Paris, to whom the court paid too great deference, and who were so daring as to speak to the King in these words, in one of their remonstrances.

“If those persons, who abuse your Majesty’s confidence, pretend to reduce us to the alternative, either of failing in our duty, or incurring your disgrace, we declare to them, that we feel ourselves possessed of courage to become the victims of our fidelity.”

M. de Belleisle, who personally attended at this last representation, said to the King, that after this coup d’eclat (bold stroke) the parliament must either be dissolved, or the administration of the kingdom given up to them. Lewis XV. banished them to Pontoise; but this did not increase their docility: chastisement came too late; they had been accustomed to withstand the government. From the extremity of their exile they braved the authority of the King, who upon this occasion testified less fortitude than the parliament did weakness. They were exiled to punish them for having interfered with the bills of confession; and they were no sooner at Pontoise, than he decreed the seizing of a priest, for having refused the administration of the sacraments.

Two marriages took place, which in some measure diverted these parliamentary broils. That of the Prince de Conde with Madamoiselle Soubise. There were at first some difficulties raised, with respect to the titles of the house of Soubise; for this was a ticklish period, when obstacles were started on every hand; but the King found out a modification, by granting to both the houses of Bouillon and Soubise the quality of serene highnesses.

Mademoiselle de Soubise brought the Prince of Conde a portion of five millions of livres in land, without reckoning her jewels and other expectancies, at the death of her father. The Princess whom Lewis XIV. wedded, and the lady with whom Lewis XV. shared his throne, were not by far so rich.

The second marriage was that of the Duke of Gisors, son to Marshal Belleisle, with Mademoiselle de Nivernois. The court is the region of metamorphose: the procureur-general Fouquet, condemned to death by nine judges, and banished France for his malversation in the finances, would never have imagined that his grandson would become the father-in-law to the daughter of the duke of Nivernois.

This duke was at that time embassador at Rome, and I frequently saw him upon his return. He was, in my opinion, one of the foremost in merit among the lords at court. The characters of the great are generally composed of good qualities and defects, whereby they are less distinguished by their virtues than their vices. This nobleman was exempt from those foibles which tarnish superior talents. He was an active, vigilant, indefatigable minister; a great statesman; a profound politician; uniting with the sublime qualities of a negociator all those which make a man amiable in society, being a good husband, a good father, and a good friend—in a word, an honest man. Interest, that passion which vilifies the great, found no refuge in his heart. I could willingly compare him to Prince Charles of Lorrain, for the virtues of his mind; and to one of the greatest geniuses that do honour to the age, for the qualities of his head:—he may not, perhaps, be so brilliant, but, then he has more solidity.

These two marriages were necessary to free us from that languid state, in which those mournful disputes had immersed us. It was in vain for me to attempt giving the King a gay turn of mind; those unhappy affairs constantly brought him back to his melancholy state. Besides, I did not now, as I have already said, possess myself that gaiety and chearfulness which, before my residence at Versailles, so greatly characterized me; and it is difficult to transmit to others what we no longer enjoy ourselves.

Lewis XV. who, in his lively moments, took a good deal of pleasure in reproaching me with this change of disposition, said to me one day, “Methinks, Madam, that you throw a great share of gravity into your behaviour. If this continues, I must play my part to make you laugh; I must sing little couplets to divert you.” This was precisely the means I had used to dispel that gloom which overwhelmed him: upon my arrival at Versailles I understood his meaning, and I endeavoured to get the better of my pensive disposition.

The parliament still continued in disgrace: the Prince of Conti endeavoured to restore them to favour. He exerted himself greatly to compass this design. This prince, who had retired from Versailles, troubled himself very little with the perplexities of the court. When the King was informed of the task he had undertaken, his Majesty said, It is surprising that the Prince of Conti who has hitherto never meddled with any thing, should give himself the trouble to bring such head-strong people back to their duty.

His efforts were fruitless; they would not submit to this Prince’s reasons, and he said upon his return to the isle of Adam, “If the King had sent me plenipotentiary to some prince at enmity with France, I should have terminated the war; but I cannot negociate between him and his parliament.”

The King set out for Compiegne, where the Court was very brilliant. All the Princes of the blood and the nobility of the kingdom repaired thither. It is by custom established, that the subjects eat with the King at Compiegne; in consequence of which several lords regaled the monarch. Among those who gave feasts to his Majesty, one Marquis Regnier de Guerchy, lieutenant general, and colonel of the King’s regiment, distinguished himself the most. Methought he had taste and judgment; for both are necessary to treat a King of France with splendour and delicacy. This colonel’s table at Compiegne usually consisted of two hundred covers, and it happened more than once in this journey, that he had upwards of three hundred guests. It was said of this lieutenant-general, that he had served his country very well, which, according to me, is the greatest elogium that can be given to a military man.

When the King was at Compiegne, he was less taken up with the disputes about religion and the parliament. Hunting and encampments entirely engaged his attention, which gave him an air of contentment, that he lost when he came to Versailles.

The year 1753 was the epocha of remonstrances. The comedians turned their representations into state affairs. The opera of Paris, who saw with regret the success of the other theatres, finding that the French comedians had constantly full houses, thought proper to forbid their performing ballets. The comedians made application to the government, to obtain an edict of council to permit them to have dances. There was something whimsical in their remonstrances to the King; for it is difficult for a set of people, who by their profession are destined to excite laughter, to acquire sufficient gravity to preserve such a serious stile as is requisite in a piece dedicated to a supreme tribunal. One of the deputies said to me, “Madam, the modern productions are so very bad, that the greater part of them cannot be supported without ballets. Capering is a great auxiliary to declamation, I foretel you, Madam, that if we are not allowed to dance, words will be of no signification.” The King laughed when I related to him this slight.

Nevertheless these same French comedians shut up their theatre, and haughtily declared that they could not act, unless they were allowed to dance. This theatrical vacation, which appeared trifling, was really an affair of state. Dramatic performances prevent an infinite number of vices which idleness creates.

The parliament, who were always in part exiled, no longer officiating, it occasioned great detriment to public affairs. The King ordered them to resume their vocations; they did not obey. The great chamber sent a deputation to Versailles; they made fresh remonstrances, and here things remained.

Happily for France, the Dauphiness was brought to bed, and those disputes, which had spread such a general gloom at court and in the city, were immediately forgot. Public rejoicings inspired such gaiety as dispelled this universal cloud. Frenchmen are seldom long bereft of their chearfulness. A marriage, or recovery, restores to them their natural sprightliness. I do not know whether this continual transition from grief to joy, is not preferable to that pensive disposition of the English, which inspires them with a melancholy, from which no secondary cause can retrieve them. A Spanish Ambassador said to me, that the French have some moments of existence, but that the English are in a continual state of mortality.

The new-born Prince was named Duke of Aquitaine. The King forsook business to give an entire loose to pleasure, for which this happy event gave him a relish. It made a sensible change in my disposition, as it inspired our conversation with gaiety, and renewed our satisfaction. Versailles was now the scene of festivity; when all the nobility belonging to court signalized themselves, and the courtiers upon this occasion seemed transported with joy at an event, which in reality must have been a matter of indifference to them.

Such resources as these were necessary to rescue us from that languid state, wherein the sameness of amusement immersed us. I had employed the greatest refinements of art to dissipate the King’s melancholy; but every thing is at length exhausted. Custom destroys even that novelty, which alone can make impression on our senses.

The Duke of Richelieu, who was often of our parties in the little apartments, afforded us great amusement. He related every thing with that insinuating art that so happily pleases; but even his wit betrayed too much of the courtier. One might read in his very looks his desire of success; never did any mortal sacrifice more to fortune; he was for grasping all favour, and disposing of the state as an absolute matter. He publickly said, that he had done all for me, and I had done nothing for him. But if I did not do better for him, he should blame his genius for intrigue, and his ambitious desires, which he had not always the power to moderate. Complaints were frequently made against him, which I appeased. Several courtiers who had resolved to destroy him, had prejudiced Lewis XV. against him, and I restored him to favour. But I was not willing that he should see the King too often; for I knew his scheme was to gain his confidence, and afterwards to estrange from court all those who had too great an ascendant over him.

The bishops of France, who did not know in what to insult the parliament personally, whom they said pretended to regulate the Romish church, took occasion from the birth of the Duke of Aquitaine, to render them odious to the nation, by comparing them to the parliament of England in the reign of Charles I.

The bishop of Montauban, in visiting his diocesans, to thank heaven for having given a grandson to France, thus expressed himself in his mandate. “The spirit of party and faction was predominant in England; there was no stability in the laws, either divine or human; and in the midst of those clouds of darkness which gathered on every side, all things became uncertain or indifferent, except the sacrilegious dogma of attributing spiritual supremacy to secular authority.

“It was at this unfortunate period, that the enemies of episcopacy having prevailed, true religion was entirely abolished, and the regal dignity expired in the opprobrium. We saw for the first time, revolted subjects seizing sword in hand, and leading to a shocking prison, a King, whose only crime was, having too patiently borne their first sedition; the parliament throwing off the yoke of all superior authority, striking with one hand the bishops, and raising the other against the head of their sovereign; accusing him with indecency, and calumniating him without shame; condemning him without justice, leading him to the scaffold like butchers, and executing him with fury; and the people infatuated with this execrable parricide, became deeply intoxicated with fanaticism and independence; pursuing like ideots, a phantom of liberty, whilst like slaves, they paid to a tyrant that obedience which they owed to their lawful King. What a dreadful series of crimes! Here a king assassinated in his bed—there another hurled from his throne—all his family banished—the crown transferred upon the head of a foreigner—ever tottering, notwithstanding the blood spilt to secure it,” &c.

The Prince of Conti said upon this occasion, that the bishops should be forbid introducing the history of England into public prayers. This was a most poignant satire against the parliament, which foretold what the state had to fear from this body: but we had no Cromwell in France; and the commons of England act upon different principles from the parliament of Paris.

The English embassador made great complaints, that any one in France should dare to reproach his nation with having put their King to death. He spoke to the minister about it, and the bishop’s discourse was suppressed. The fate of this kind of writings is always determined by the times. If France had been at war with England, the mandate would not have been suppressed; but the peace which then subsisted between the two nations would not allow it to pass.

The parliament’s arret, nevertheless, left a vacuum in the administration of justice, and business languished. I was applied to by a great number of people to prevail upon the King to create new judges. Lewis XV. for a long time resisted these solicitations; but he at length resolved upon doing it. He established a chamber of vacations, who performed the functions of the parliament: but this new chamber was scarce established before the members of the Chatelet declared against it; for divisions now reigned between the bodies of judicature. There was no one in the kingdom that did not declare itself independent of any other; which made a man of wit say, that the Turkish constitution was preferable to ours, as the divan alone regulated the state; whereas every parliament in France created confusion in the kingdom.

Some bailiwicks and presidials in the jurisdiction of the parliament, wanted to share in the general disobedience, as well as disgrace. They refused to acknowledge the chamber of Vacations. Here was fresh subject for exile; which made a courtier say, that “every corporation was concerned, and the body of ushers would soon oppose the orders of the court.” The foreign embassadors who were eye-witnesses of this disorder, gave their sentiments with respect to the system of their governments. The minister from Venice said, that a senate should be called, wherein the supreme power should be lodged, and which no other body could oppose. The English embassador spoke of a house of commons. The Spanish embassador advised the establishment of the inquisition in France.

The parliament, removed to Soissons, obstinately refused resuming their functions; and the chamber of vacations rather increasing the disorder, than restoring public tranquility, it was necessary to form a royal chamber, to pursue the business of the parliament. M. de Belleisle said, “he wished that this chamber might continue till the end of time.”

All France was occupied with the parliament’s exile. Another tribunal was substituted in their place, for which it was necessary to create fresh edicts, containing a new form of judicature. The court and city were entirely taken up with these misunderstandings. Upon which occasion a prince of the blood said, that “the court was very good to trouble themselves with such trifles, whilst foreign affairs of importance should engage the attention of the cabinet.”

The ministry was in fact greatly weakened during these quarrels. Several members of the great chamber were related to those who filled the first employments in the kingdom. The parliament were by alliance connected with the finances; and many brave officers were either relations or friends of the exiles: Courtiers and those who had their fortunes to make at court, were for the King. I say nothing of the populace, for their opinion is of no weight in France, all divisions of this nature taking place in a region that is quite foreign to them.

These different parties animated the disputes with so much heat, that they were often carried to extremities. Many duels have been fought in Paris, in defence of the great chamber.

A lieutenant-general walking in the Elysian fields, seeing an officer fighting with a counsellor’s brother, said to the military man, in parting them, “Sir, keep your courage for the service of the state, we shall soon have occasion for it, for we are assured that the English are going to declare war against France.”

Marshal Belleisle, who wanted to be every where, but who could not enter into the disquisitions, because they had began upon theological disputes, which he did not understand, endeavoured to put an end to them. He said to me one day; “In God’s name, Madam, bid the King abolish the parliament, that they may be no more spoken of at court.” Marshal, I replied, speak to him yourself, I give you the preference.

The members of the Chatelet, who would not acknowledge the royal chamber, had also their partizans, who excited murmurs in Paris; which made a courtier say, that “the Chatelet should be sent to the Bastile.”

Most of the provincial tribunals refused in turn to submit to this chamber. Lyons set the example, and this was sufficient to create general disobedience. Lewis XV. saw with indignation, that his subjects, under pretence of fidelity and submission, should rebel against his orders. If this Prince had been as absolute as Lewis XIV. a civil war would have desolated France; but the goodness of his soul, and that gentleness which characterizes him, made him prefer the general peace of his kingdom to the gratification of his own particular revenge. Had he but spoke, those who opposed him would have been exterminated.

The kings of France had formerly but very little power; but since they have had three hundred thousand men at their command, who only wait for orders to obey their will, they can do every thing. A mandate from Lewis XV. to two or three regiments, would have been sufficient to have made the parliament return to their duty. But this Prince was an enemy to every thing that carried with it the appearance of violence. He would be obeyed; but then only by gentleness and moderation. Ministers, who are usually as jealous of the royal authority as the King himself, pretended that this very moderation was the source of all the disorders that disturbed the state.

These ministers exhorted me to induce the King to have fortitude. They represented to me the dangerous consequences that would result to the state, by leaving the disobedience of the parliament unpunished. Those who were in the interest of this body remonstrated to me on their part, the danger of keeping in exile the depository tribunal of justice, and who alone could administer it: a tribunal that were meritorious for their very resistance, as it was the strongest conviction of their zeal for the glory of the King, and the happiness of the people, &c.

If I had followed my inclination, I should have insisted upon the royal chamber’s being sustained, to the exclusion of the parliament; but I knew the King’s heart. I knew that his natural goodness would prevail over his resolution.

The Duke of Richelieu was ever intriguing with the King, and had gained an ascendant over him. This courtier always fought for opportunities of conversing with the Prince in private, and of obtaining his good graces. I had frequently opposed his designs, and this had determined him to make one great effort for ingrossing the King’s favour. This conduct displeased me, and as he always renewed the attack, My Lord, said I to him one day in the presence of the King, I have received letters from Languedoc, by which I am informed, that your presence is there required. I advise you to fit out for Montpellier, which is in your department; for his Majesty will not have any bishops or governor of that province at Paris. The courtier understood my meaning. He set out a few days after for Bourdeaux, and I seldom saw him upon his return.

The Duchess de Talard, governess to the children of France, being lately dead; the King said to me, Who shall we entrust with the Dauphins young family? “Sire, I replied, Madam Talard was possessed of great merit, which makes it difficult to supply her place. I have thought upon all the women of France, and I do not know of any but the Countess de Marsan, who is capable of succeeding her.”

She was appointed, and this lady, who was acquainted with my interposition in her favour, made me her acknowledgments. This preference I had given her, created me many enemies. All the ladies that were excluded, considered me as the cause of their exclusion: thus is a King’s favourite loaded with public hatred. When there is a vacancy, she can ask it only for one person, and most frequently all those who laid claim to it, become the enemies of her that disposed of it.

The birth of the Duke of Aquitaine had diffused universal joy at court; and his death immersed the royal family again in melancholy—tears succeeded joy—but the subject was soon forgot. Had it not been for the funeral pomp, which lasted several days, he probably would have been no more thought of after the first. The spectacle of his death made tears to flow; without these obsequies, his loss would scarce have been mentioned. The court was still engaged in curbing the strides of the parliament and the Chatelet. This affair filled the state with edicts. A politician said, “that if the government had given the same attention to the other branches of the administration, France would have been the best regulated kingdom in Europe.”

This attention did not, however, restore order; no one of the parties would yield to the other.

At length this great affair, by which France had been so much disturbed, and given foreign nations so much scope for satire, was terminated just as it should have been terminated; that is to say, by the obstinacy of the parliament, and the weariness of the King. Lewis XV. (I cannot too often repeat it in these Memoirs) is a good Prince; his tender and sympathising soul is not of the number of those that are irritated by resistance.

The self-love of kings who will be absolute, creates disorders, which usually swallows up both states and politics. The Prince, who was desirous of maintaining the peace of his kingdom, and advancing the happiness of his people, yielded, the very instant he saw that, by opposing his parliament, a general revolution might be dreaded.

The King’s conduct in this respect, was by many greatly censured; he was accused of weakness. Perhaps he was animated only by respect. The shafts of ridicule began to fly; for kings of France, as absolute as they may be, are not exempted from their attacks. A prince of the blood thus expressed himself before several courtiers. “I always said, gentlemen, that the mountain in labour would bring forth nothing but a mouse.”

M. de Maupeou had a private audience of the King at Compiegne, where all the preliminary articles of peace were signed. The monarch declared to him, that he should recal the letters de cachet, and that the parliament might return to Paris, where the general treaty of reconciliation was to be framed.

The triumph was too great not to be accompanied with glory. The president immediately proclaimed his victory. He dispatched a courier to every court in the kingdom, and gave intelligence to his brethren, who arrived at Paris in triumph. Although this peace restored tranquility at Versailles, which influenced the happiness of my life; yet I acknowledge, my indignation was kindled to see the lawyers thus get the better of the King’s first resolutions. I was acquainted with their obstinacy, and this alone set me against them.

Reports were spread that I was the instrument of this reconciliation, and that the King yielded only at my intercession; but this was rumoured like an infinite number of other things, which had no more foundation. I acknowledge, that I ardently wished that these parliamentary disputes were at an end; but if I considered my own tranquility, I did not forget the glory of the King. I several times scolded M. de Maupeou, in the minister’s presence, for the little deference he paid to his master’s orders, and of the formal disobedience of his body. He constantly replied, with that gravity which is common to those who are at the head of an assembly, that he and his brethren were the most submissive subjects of the state; and this answer irritated me still more.

The King desired to see this magistrate once more before an entire reconciliation took place. He received M. de Maupeou with that politeness that is so natural to him, and which gains him the hearts of all those who approach him.

“My intention, Sir, (said the King to him) is, that my parliament should resume their functions in the capital: I hope I shall have no farther occasion to complain of them; and that the goodness with which I treat them, will engage them to fulfil their duty for the future, with that zeal which they owe to my service, and a ready submission to my orders.”

The Queen was desirous of having her share in the event; the president waited upon her. “I conceive the most perfect joy, said this Princess, at the King’s restoring the parliament of Paris to their ancient functions. I have been greatly affected at the interruption that has occurred; and it is with satisfaction I assure you of my esteem for that body.”

Those who determine every thing at court and in the city, thought the King had shewn too much weakness upon this occasion; that he should either not have carried things so far, or else pursued them still farther. But those who determined in this manner, could they themselves have communicated to the government that foresight that is necessary to be acquainted with events before they happen? The first disputes that arose between the court and the parliament were so trifling, that to have judged of them by the usual course of things, they could not have occasioned the least disturbance in the state. The minds of people were insensibly irritated.

Fresh circumstances having changed the state of the question, they insensibly wandered from the first principles, and then each party were carried beyond their goal. The King often told me, at the very time that he was thundering forth edicts against the parliament, that if he had known things would have been carried to such a length, he would have yielded at first.

The recal of the parliament had great influence over us. From that moment the King became gayer than usual; our conversation was lively and joyous. “Sire, I said to the King, if you have any subject of complaint against your parliament, I entreat you not to let them remain long in exile; for I have too much at stake in the misunderstanding, and much to gain by a reconciliation.”

The death of the Marquis de S. Contest, which happened at the time of the recal of the great chamber, occasioned a vacancy in the ministry. I have in another place spoke of the talents and character of this minister; it was said of him that he was fond of peace, because he did not know how to conduct a war. By his death there was a post to be filled in the department of foreign affairs. There were many candidates, but few ministers. The war had disposed every one’s genius for arms. Few but the first clerks in offices applied themselves to business. The King sought about him, and I enquired of all those who surrounded me, without finding what the state wanted. “Sire, I said to the monarch, till such time as some happy discovery can be made, I advise your Majesty to appoint M. Rouillé to supply the place.”

All France was astonished at this choice, and M. Rouillé himself as much as all France.

Many considerations induced me to make this determination in his favour.

He was to be raised or lowered at will. M. de Belleisle said, that he might be created King of France, and afterwards reduced to a clerk of the navy or war office. He had none of those brilliant qualities which attract admiration; but he was endued with probity, and a minister was then wanted who was an honest man.

Many placemen had been guilty of malversation; some upright person was required to remove the disorders of the state. I heard a very honest man say, that the office of foreign affairs required a chief who had more equity than sense, and more probity than knowledge. He said, that the northern nations, with whom this minister was continually engaged, have the character of frankness, which they like to find in those with whom they are concerned. This same person proved that all, or the greater part of the wars between France and Germany, derived their source from the corruption of this minister.

The department of the marine was given to M. de Machault; he was already keeper of the seals, and comptroller-general. Many persons had spoken to me of him; but his qualifications alone determined me in his favour. He had great penetration, and was very proper to fill the post he held: I could have wished that he had possessed not quite so much ambition; for this passion, when it has no bounds, makes the most enlightened geniuses commit many errors. Ingratitude is most constantly its attendant, and I look upon a man who is wanting in sentiments of acknowledgment, as a monster in nature.

The comptrollership of the finances was given to M. Moreau de Seychelles. These changes puzzled the public, and gave a wide field for speculation. Those who aspired to these places, thought that the persons to whom the preference had been given did not deserve them. They were first murmured at, and then courted. M. de Machault in giving up the finances for the marine had degenerated. It was said of this minister, that he had left a golden post for a wooden one.

I acknowledge that I would have induced the King to have placed at the head of these two first departments in the kingdom, two men of superior genius to those who were lately invested with them; but where were they to be found? Marshal Saxe said before he died, “that a ministerial school and not a military school should be established; he pretended that all Frenchmen were born soldiers, and that no one came into the world with the qualities of a minister.”

The officers of the navy had for a long time complained that they did not enjoy the same honours as those of the land-forces. They underwent more fatigue, and equally exposed their lives; it was therefore unjust not to allow them the same prerogatives. Lewis XIV. who had done a great deal for the French navy, had not yet done enough. I interested myself in its favour, and only seconded the King’s good intentions: he instituted a great cross of St. Lewis, with three commanders, the orders of which were to be distributed according to the rank and merit of sea-officers.

The joy that sprung from the reconciliation of the court and parliament, was succeeded by still greater. The Dauphiness brought forth a Duke of Berry. The satisfaction the King received from the increase of his royal family, was unparalleled. Each new heir filled him with happiness. I may say, that the fortnight following these two events, was the most agreeable period of my life whilst I was at Versailles.

In the mean while the parliament was received at Paris with demonstrations of joy, rather insulting to the court; all the avenues to the palace were illuminated, bonfires blazed, and the bells were rung. The King was displeased; but M. de Maupeou answered him, that none of his body had any hand in these rejoicings—and this should have rendered them the more suspected.

Edicts had been created for establishing a royal chamber of justice; others were now issued for suppressing it: whereupon one of the members said, “that it was not worth while to make a court-gown for so short a time; and that if he had known that the royal chamber would have been revoked so soon, he would have bought neither wig nor band, but would have judged the criminals with a sword by his side.”

The King’s letters-patent upon the return of the parliament, are worthy of being handed down to posterity. Lewis XV. there speaks like a master to a court who had opposed him, because they had considered themselves as absolute, and whose fresh convocation was a manifest proof of their disobedience. The King expressed himself in this manner.

“The resolution which the officers of our parliament took on the fifth of May, last year, of discontinuing the administration of justice to our subjects, which they should perform from us; their refusal of resuming their functions, which form an indispensable duty of the functions of their state, and which they have engaged by the sanctity of oath to perform, compelled us to testify to them our displeasure at their conduct: the pretext they gave for discontinuing their usual service was a kind of additional fault on their part, the less excusable, as they could not doubt of the intentions which we had, and by which we constantly abide, of listening to what our parliament might have to represent to us, for the good of our service and that of our subjects; and not being ignorant that we were informed by their arrets, of the object of their remonstrances, they must have acknowledged that they had brought upon themselves the refusal which we gave to hearing those repeated remonstrances. But after having for a time made them feel the effects of our displeasure, we have willingly listened to the dictates of our clemency, and we have recalled to our good city of Paris, the officers of our parliament. Being, nevertheless, ever attentive to the dissipating of those divisions, which have for some time arisen, the consequences of which have appeared deserving of our greatest attention, we have taken the most effectual measures for procuring henceforward public tranquility; and in hopes that our parliament, earnestly striving, by ready obedience and redoubled assiduity, to repair the injury our subjects may have sustained, will upon every occasion testify their submission and fidelity to us, by conforming themselves to the wisdom of those designs which animate us, we have resolved to re-assemble them at Paris, to signify to them our intentions.

“Urged by these motives and others, with the advice of our council, and our certain knowledge, full power and royal authority, we have by these presents, signed with our hand, ordered, and do order all and every one of our officers of our parliament to reassume their usual functions, in our good city of Paris, notwithstanding any thing to the contrary, and to administer justice to our subjects without delay or interruption, according to the laws and the duties of their posts; and being sensible that the silence imposed for so many years, upon matters that cannot be agitated, without being equally prejudicial to the advantage of religion and to that of the state, is the most proper means of securing the public peace and tranquility; we enjoin our parliament to pay attention, that there be nothing on any side attacked, attempted, or innovated, that may be contrary to this silence, and to the peace which we desire should reign in our dominions; ordering them to proceed against the offenders agreeable to the laws and ordinances. And, moreover, to contribute to the pacifying of turbulent minds, and have what is past forgotten; we will and expect, that all proceedings and prosecutions, that may have been carried on, and the definitive sentences that may have been pronounced for contumacy, from the beginning, and on account of the late troubles, till the date of these presents, shall remain without any consequence or effect, without injuring, however, the definitive judgments that may have been contradictorily given without appeal; provided always, that the parties against whom they may have been given, may have recourse to such legal methods as remain, if such there be,” &c. &c.

We were told at Versailles, that this declaration met with many difficulties from the great chamber. Marshal Belleisle said to the King upon this occasion, “If your parliament after their exile, do not register your letters patent, they must be banished out of the kingdom,” &c. A courtier, on the other hand, said, he should be very much surprised if they did register them. His reason for being of this opinion, was, that when too much respect is paid to a body, they naturally abuse it. The declaration was nevertheless registered, but with the usual restrictions and distinctions.

After the parliament’s recall, it was necessary that they should pay a compliment to the King, and M. de Maupeou pronounced it. He acquitted himself like a subtle and skilful magistrate, who, in cautiously treating the prerogatives of the crown, displayed those of his own body. This second piece deserves also to be handed down to posterity. It was as follows.

“Sire,

“The greatest misfortune that can befal faithful subjects is, doubtless, to incur their sovereign’s disgrace.

“This trial, which your parliament has lately made, plunged them into such excess of grief, as cannot better be described to your Majesty, than by the striking testimony which we give you, in respectfully acknowledging it.

“The union, Sire, which, through your goodness, has taken place amongst those members, who were for a long time dispersed, has enabled us to testify our submission to your orders, and our love to your sacred person.

“Can any thing be more worthy of the best of Princes, than to stretch out a paternal hand to the magistrates, who were totally incapable of giving him fresh proofs of the zeal, with which they are animated for his service, and enable them to lay before him the motives which induced them to take, as may be said, against their inclinations, such steps as have been so unfortunate as to displease him?

“What glory, Sire, will ever be comparable to your’s! After having so often conquered your enemies in person, your sole occupation, in the height of peace, is the happiness of your people. You love truth, and you endeavour to be acquainted with it; truth reaches even you, without any other aid than your own understanding: and it is no sooner known to you than it enjoys all its prerogatives.

“Truth alone made you sensible how much the dispersion of all the members of a parliament is a dangerous example, by reason of the blow it levels at all the fundamental laws of the kingdom; and by the immensity of the evils that are derived from it.

“It was this same truth that made you acquainted with the feelings of your parliament, at the dread of being for ever banished from your presence, by your refusing to receive their remonstrances, upon the mere view of the nature of the objects that must have been introduced into these important representations.

“In a word, it was this truth that engaged you to remove their fears with that goodness which will transmit to future ages the true love which you have for subjects, whose interests, you know, are inseparable from your own.

“You have gone still farther; you have extended the wisdom of your designs throughout your whole kingdom, by taking the unshakeable resolution of maintaining therein that order and tranquility upon which its splendor depends. It is in order to stop those divisions, the dangerous consequences whereof you are acquainted with, that you have commanded the most profound silence to be kept with regard to matters, which cannot be discussed without being prejudicial to religion, and the happiness of the state.

“Ah! Sire, how could your parliament have refrained from consecrating, by registering, so salutary a law, notwithstanding the pungent grief with which they were afflicted upon reading the preamble to this law? Yes, Sire, we dare make this representation to you; your parliament, in all the unhappy circumstances in which they have found themselves, have, by giving the preference to public affairs before private ones, only done what was exacted from them by the duties of their station, and the sacred observance of their oath.

“Let us be allowed to tell you, Sire, that your parliament desires nothing so ardently, as to know how fully to convince you of the strength and extent of their duty. They can do nothing of themselves: they exercise that portion of authority you have entrusted them with; and the only object to which all their efforts tend, shall be to make themselves agreeable to your Majesty, and to fulfil their duty: a duty, Sire, that compels them incessantly to watch over the preservation of that precious deposit of authority which you hold from the Almighty, and which should be transmitted in all its purity to your most remote posterity.

“How happy is it for us, to see this supreme power in the hands of a Prince, who governs with such wisdom and moderation, as must gain him all hearts; and who knows that the real links which unite Frenchmen to their Sovereign, are those of love.

“So deeply, Sire, is it graven in our souls, that we protest to you, in the name of all the magistrates that compose your parliament, that they will be always ready to sacrifice what is the most dear and precious to them, as soon as the interest of your glory is concerned, and to set an example to your subjects of the fidelity and obedience they owe to the Sovereign will.”

The bishops of France pretended that this was a stroke of the most arrogant modesty that had appeared this century. Courtiers found many contradictions in it. The first president declared, in the name of his body, that the authority exercised by the parliament was a deposite entrusted with them by the King; how then, it was said, could this trust confer to this body such independence as extends to opposing the will of the Prince?

Towards the close of this discourse, we find an insult offered to the crown. This body, who had manifestly opposed the King’s orders, and who had preferred exile to submission, say, that they will always be found ready to set an example of obedience. It was said, that an example of obedience was never before given by disobedience.

Notwithstanding this reconciliation, there was still some animosity remaining on both sides. For my part, I was delighted that this affair was terminated. I have frequently repeated in these Memoirs, that it troubled the King, and this was sufficient for me to desire a reconciliation.

To the parliamentary quarrels succeeded political affairs. The English were making great warlike preparations; the last peace had not removed all difficulties. The plenipotentiaries were more eager to put an end to battles, than to prevent fresh bloodshed.

Marshal Noailles had often told me, that the negociators at a congress have only one point in view, which is to sign the treaty. Upon this they exhaust all their genius, so that they have not the faculty of foresight remaining.

The Duke of Mirepoix came from London to receive the King’s orders. This Minister, in speaking to his Majesty of the preparations that the English were making, assured him, “That Great Britain had no thoughts of interrupting the peace.” Whence comes it then, said the King, that they are arming as if they wanted to be at war?

“Sire, answered the Duke, it is a maxim with the English, to avail themselves of the tranquility of Europe, to increase their forces.”

This Minister, who was besides an honest man, believed what he said. French emissaries in London had written to court, that the English deceived him, that he let himself be imposed upon by appearances, and that the cabinet of St. James’s concealed their views and designs from him.

I often desired the King to appoint another Ambassador for the court of London: but he was afraid of disobliging this Lord, who, moreover, did honour to his employment, by his grandeur and magnificence.

Lewis XV. has such a beneficent soul, that he cannot resolve upon withdrawing his friendship from those whom he has once honoured with his confidence, unless he is convinced of some capital fault that compels him to it.

Versailles became daily more and more melancholy; the unhappy affairs of the clergy, the bishops, and the parliament, spread a gloomy air over all those who frequented court.

To relieve the King from the languid state into which these disputes had brought him, I had Bellevüe built. It was a square pavilion, where the eye discovered more taste than magnificence: the King complimented me upon it. He often repaired thither. I had embellished this spot with simple works, and art was concealed behind nature, which prevented its discovery.

The gardens and groves were delightful. Lewis XV. often said to me, that he was suffocated at Compiegne, at Fontainbleau, and at Marli; but that he breathed at Bellevüe. We divided our time between walking and gardening, with other rural amusements. Flowers composed part of the plan of our recreations, and I had some brought from every part of the world.

When the King entered this house, he laid aside that air of Majesty which regal pageantry obliged him to keep up elsewhere. I was always a gainer by this metamorphosis, as it rendered him gayer than usual; and his satisfaction, which increased mine, spread an air of joy over our conversation. There was, besides, another difference, which was, that at Bellevüe the King talked to me of his taste, of his appetites, and other things that tended to his pleasure; whereas at Versailles he never entertained me with any thing but disputes upon religion, the refusal of sacraments, or other matters, which were far from being agreeable to him.

This retreat gave him frequent occasion to speak of the advantages that accompanied private life. He discovered in it charms, that the perplexity of public business, and the tumults of the throne, made him the more sensible of.

The King, desirous of giving me marks of his particular protection, created the estate of Marigni, which belonged to my brother, into a marquisate. I thanked him for this favour, which appeared to me the greater, as Vandiere had not done any thing yet to deserve it.

Let us return to general affairs. America, which was upon the point of exciting universal war, began already to display some sparks of that blaze which was to inflame Europe. The English made the first complaints. The Earl of Albemarle represented to the court of France, that the French in Canada committed hostilities, contrary to the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle.

The court of France replied, that they were ignorant of such proceedings: but that to prevent any misunderstanding, they would send orders to suppress these first differences, on condition that the English would, on their side, act in the same manner. Both nations promised, but neither kept their word. They were mutually deceived, as most usually happens upon these occasions.

I remember that when the English made these first complaints to our court, a foreign minister said to me, that the cabinet of Versailles and that of St. James’s knew very well they were going to war; but that they would not say so, to make the thing more mysterious.

“In that case, Sir,” said I to him, “the King is not in the secret, for he does not know a syllable about this war which you foretel.” In fact, Lewis was quite ignorant that he was at the eve of engaging in a long succession of sieges and battles. He was well informed of the motives which induced the English to complain: but he had not been acquainted with their resolution of having recourse to arms.

Whilst the misunderstandings in the new world were the subject of conversation, the religious war still continued in the kingdom. The King, who, in order to restore tranquility to the state, had done every thing that was desired of him, had the mortification to find that nothing was done that he desired. He was obliged to exile the Archbishop of Paris. I was witness of the affliction he was under, from the necessity of giving this order. He had endeavoured to bring this prelate back to his duty, by all the methods which his goodness, and his beneficent soul, could suggest to him; and it was not till after he had in vain essayed them, that he resolved upon sending him to Conflans.

The conduct of this Archbishop, who had openly disobeyed his Sovereign’s orders, irritated the courtiers to that degree, that the Monarch was advised by several of them to have him seized by the military power, and to keep him closely confined: but Lewis XV. was of too gentle a disposition to put such rigorous counsel into execution. I have often heard him say, that Kings should punish, but never think of revenge. He entrusted the letter de cachet to one of his ministers, with orders to signify it to the Archbishop as privately as possible.

The King found himself again obliged to banish the bishops of Orleans and Troyes, two prelates whose sentiments were too conformable to those of the Archbishop of Paris. These two might be considered as the fire-brands of the kingdom. They prepared the people’s minds for disobedience, in showing themselves rebels to their Prince’s orders. One of these, from the extremity of his exile, insulted the court and the state by a mandate, wherein he forbad all his diocesans to have recourse, in the case of administration, to any other priests than those whom he prescribed; and it was necessary that these priests should be vicars, or curates. This was constraining the extent of priesthood; but as soon as the episcopal authority is the least attacked, the Princes of the church are always ready to undertake any thing. Marshal Saxe said, “That if God were to limit the power of bishops in France, these bishops would, in turn, allot bounds to the power of God.”

The exile of the Archbishop of Paris silenced his most considerable partizans; but it did not finish the quarrel.

The minister of the marine laid before the King a list of his navy: it consisted of sixty-six ships of the line, and thirty frigates. A politician of the North said, that this was not sufficient to make head against the English; and he prophesied, at that time, that if we did not avoid going to war, the French navy would be totally destroyed when we made peace. I repeated these words to several of our ministers, who answered, that this politician was unacquainted with marine prophecies. France has long since been deprived of those statesmen whose penetrating genius could unravel the most distant events. We at present go mechanically and habitually to work, in the track we are compelled to follow. Marshal Saxe made use of a very singular expression, he said, that our government daily performed their day’s work.

The naval force was kept in readiness: seamen were enrolled; but able sea-officers were wanting. France has seldom had any good ones. Lewis XIV. formed some, but they expired with his reign.

The spirit of party and animosity was still kept up at court. The cabal who strove to destroy me, increased with my favour. Envy displayed all the latent springs that human wickedness could suggest. All who surrounded the Prince, endeavoured to deprive me of his confidence.

Amongst those who conspired against me, there were people who were indebted to me for their fortune, and for whom I constantly interested myself. I pointed them out to the King. Lewis XV. detests ingratitude; these dark proceedings produced a very contrary effect to what my enemies had proposed. The King paid me more attention than before, and despised those the more who would have deceived him. I shall not repeat here the low and scandalous artifices that courtiers, and even some ambitious women, put in practice to surprize the Monarch’s heart. A detail of these intrigues are unworthy of history, and I have no design of transmitting to posterity the artifices of cabals, which relate to no one but myself.

M. Moreau de Seychelles, comptroller-general of the finances, was of service to the state. He was very assiduous in regulating the finances. I made the King take notice of him, and immediately this Prince made him minister of state. He had his enemies at court: it was said that he had done nothing yet to deserve that post, and that fortune having so precipitately forced his elevation, he would never advance above half way to favour.

When he came to court, to return the King thanks, I said to him, “Sir, many people pretend to foretel the destiny of your administration, convince all France that they are false prophets.”

The Duke of Mirepoix, who had always assured the court, that the English had no thoughts of breaking the treaty of peace, was at length obliged to write that they prepared for war. France hastily put herself into a state of defence, without knowing precisely whether she was coming to blows. Orders were dispatched from the office of the marine to all the ports and harbours. The ships that were finished were launched, and the others kept ready to sail on the first notice.

The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle was, nevertheless, still negociating at Paris. This business was no longer transacted with Lord Albemarle; he was dead. The interests of Great Britain were in the hands of a secretary of embassy, who gave vague replies to the questions that were put to him, upon the preparations his court was making.

Some politicians have assured us, that if Lord Albemarle had lived, the war, which afterwards rent the two nations, would never have taken place. It has been said that minister, who had great weight with George the Second, was at that time connected with a woman of pleasure at Paris, whom he would not part with. This perhaps is only a surmise, destitute of foundation; but after all, this would not have been the first time that the amours of a courtezan have influenced the affairs of Europe.

Upon the arrival of the dispatches from London, a great council was held at Versailles, and the King expressed himself in the following manner to his ministers. “I am resolved I will not begin the war, and if the English break the treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, Europe, who shall be witness to my moderation, shall see that they are the aggressors.”

M. de Maillebois, the father, said publicly at court, that it were better to prevent them, than to give them an opportunity of doing it.

The King’s moderation met with no advocates but those whose interest it was to avoid sieges and battles; for every one was concerned in the event according to his particular views of interest. Military people wanted war, merchants and financiers wished for peace.

The court of London sent my Lord Hertford to Paris, to replace the Earl of Albemarle. This Ambassador was compared to a herald at arms: it was said that he was come to declare war against France. He spoke, in fact, in such a tone, as testified that every thing was ready in England to invade America. M. Rouille was so intimidated, that he said to the King: “Sire, Great Britain must have resolved to declare war, for her Ambassador talks in such a stile, as if the English were ready to open the campaign.”

Upon the first report of the preparations of an armament, the military men, who, since the last campaigns in Flanders, had deserted Versailles, came in shoals to make their court to me. All my apartments were lined with officers, who, in intreating my interest to recommend them to the Prince, set forth their talents in the military art.

The Bishops war, nevertheless, still continued. The Archbishop of Paris, banished to Conflans, was not thereby rendered more submissive. He, from the extremity of his exile, braved the court and the city. He was removed to Lagny sur Maine, a little town that had neither the grandeur nor magnificence of Conflans. This retreat, by diminishing his episcopal pomp, no way changed his character, which remained inflexible. The other rebellious bishops were treated with more severity: but these lettres de cachet had a very opposite effect to what was intended. They served only to make them more important in the eyes of their partizans, which increased their arrogance.

A courtier said to the King, that a seminary should be built at Rome, to which should be sent all the French bishops who rebelled against his orders, with an establishment of 100 Roman crowns per head, for supporting their grandeur.

It is certain that too much respect was paid to these people; and the very chastisements that were inflicted on them, when they swerved from their duty, were tempered with so much consideration, as to prevent their returning to it.

The bishops having nothing to do in their exile but to write, and being unable to employ any other arms than their pens, France was deluged with letters and mandates. These were so many manifestoes against the royal authority. The King was often advised to hang the Printers, who were instrumental in the circulation of these seditious papers; but Lewis XV. would never have recourse to these violent methods.

The English, at length, explained themselves with respect to their warlike preparations, the news of which Fame had trumpeted throughout Europe. They declared to the government, that the French in Canada had made incursions upon lands under the dominion of Great Britain, and that England was not inclined to suffer such usurpations. We have seen that the two crowns, when peace was concluded, left the decision of this affair to commissaries. Count de Argenson had foreseen, at first, that these commissaries would completely ruin the interests of the two courts. “Sir, said he, when two powers, with arms in hand, cannot agree upon certain differences, it is impossible for individuals to reconcile them.”

Nevertheless, the English council did not say that they should declare war, but only that they were discontented with the French in America.

This declaration afflicted the King, who did not desire war. The national debts were not yet paid, the same imposts still subsisted as before, the people were always oppressed; so that a new war must overwhelm them. Lewis XV. spoke to me of the misfortune that threatened France, in such a manner as persuaded me he was sensibly affected. I was a witness to his uneasiness upon this account; and it is but justice, which I owe this Prince, to say he was penetrated with grief upon the occasion. This was not the case with the ministers and military courtiers, who were in hopes to advance their fortune by means of this new revolution. The difficulty was not to undertake the war, but to find generals to carry it on.

Marshal Saxe, the terror of France’s enemies, and in whom the troops placed an implicit confidence, was dead. Of all the officers who had served under him, there was not any one who furnished the same hopes of his abilities. They had courage and experience: but these were not sufficient; for I have heard it said, that to form a hero, requires an assortment of qualities, which are seldom found in the same man.

Amongst the generals who had served in the late wars, Marshal Belleisle was the most desirous of commanding in chief; but besides his never having been a good general, his capacity was greatly impaired. He expressed himself in diffuse terms, and was very verbose. It was said of him at court, that of all the genius that had elevated him to the pinnacle of greatness, he retained nothing but loquacity.

The state was now threatened with three different wars, two of which were declared. That of the Bull, as it was called, which was upon the point of causing a revolution in the state: that of the Barbarians, who, notwithstanding the faith of treaties, interrupted the trade of the nation; and that of the English, who were ready to give us battle.

A man of wit, who was told that the English were going to be our foes, said, God be praised, the bishops quarrel is now at an end, for these people are never at war but in time of peace.

The Archbishop of Paris, who was still exiled, and still obstinate, wrote a letter to the King in a stile truly original, and without example since the foundation of the monarchy. He said to the King, in very formal terms, that “His power was superior to that of the Sovereign, in matters relative to the administration which God hath entrusted him with; that his duty was that of conducting his flock; that he acknowledged no other upon earth; finally, he would not, nor could not, retract from the first steps he had taken; that these were his last sentiments, which would continue always the same to the grave, &c. &c.”

This was a period distinguishable for disobedience. The clergy gloried in rebelling against the orders of the King. This obstinate disposition had made its way into the provinces. The deputy of Languedoc related to the King an event that happened at Montpellier, which pointed out to this Prince the necessity of stopping the progress of such abuses. This man said, that the wife of a counsellor of that city, who had refused to receive the Bull, and whose life was in danger, requested the curate of her parish to administer the sacraments to her. Upon her first request, the curate and four vicars fled. Application was made to the other parishes, but it was found that all the clergy who administered had deserted. The chief justice then ordered an independent priest, and who was not belonging to any church, to administer to the Lady. This ecclesiastic thought it was his duty to obey; but he had observed that the host had accompanied the priests in their retreat. He did not find a single wafer in the tabernacles of the different churches of the city. The curates and the secondaries had eat them all before their departure. He consecrated one: but this was not sufficient; it must be administered. A general insurrection was feared. The commander of the place was obliged to put the garrison under arms, and appoint guards for the conducting of the host in safety to the sick Lady’s house.

Such scencs as these, in a city full of Protestants, made the Romish religion become a subject of public derision. The King was greatly affected at it, though he would not yet resolve to use violent remedies.

I have said that the King did not desire war; to prevent which, if it were yet possible, he sent Bussy to Hanover, where George II. was expected. I was not for employing this man, thinking he had not sufficient capacity to succeed in a negociation of this importance; but Lewis XV. had been prejudiced in his favour.

Bussy’s partizans said he spoke with resolution, and an absolute tone; qualities that were looked upon as essential at a free court, where moderation and suppleness are always unsuccessful. But the contrary was the truth. Bussy negociated badly to prevent the war, and he failed some years after to restore peace; but I laid it down as a maxim, never to oppose the King’s sentiments.

Orders were dispatched to all the commanders in the American colonies, to fit out as many ships as they could, to oppose the designs of the English. I heard Marshal Noailles then say, that troops should have been sent, and not orders.

The death of Marshal Lowendahl, the pupil and companion of Count Saxe, that happened at this time, created sorrow, which in the present circumstances was the more sensibly felt. His military talents had made us conceive hopes that his death destroyed. The conquest of Bergen-op-zoom had acquired him a reputation, from which France might have derived advantages in the war with which she was threatened. I testified my chagrin, upon this occasion, to the King. “You have reason to lament the death of this officer, he replied to me; he was among the number of those who were most deserving of any confidence. It is in vain for me to seek amongst my subjects, I shall find no one capable of supplying his place.”

Lewis XV. who had honoured him during his life-time, was willing to bestow marks of distinction upon him after his death. He was at the expence of his funeral obsequies, and granted pensions to his children of both sexes; recompences that were due to his merit, and with which the King gratified his heirs. All those who were eclipsed by this general’s merit, rejoiced at his death; none but real patriots lamented it.

Whilst France was employed about the means of supplying the expences of the war, we learnt at Versailles that England found voluntary resources in her subjects for her’s. Private persons offered money to such sailors as enrolled themselves in the royal navy, and others engaged to support their families at their own expence during the war, had it continued six lustrums.

Certain communities offered free gifts to those who would bear arms against France. I said to Marshal Belleisle, who related these facts to me: “It appears to me, sir, that a people who act in this manner, has the advantage over those who give no money but what they are compelled to part with, for the expences of the war.” That is true, replied the old Courtier; but this same English nation, who thus voluntarily part with their riches for a war, which they think useful to the state, often lose all their advantages at a peace. A Lord who wants to make his way to the administration by a system of pacification, intrigues with the king, gains his confidence, and has his creatures. These set forth, that sieges and battles ruin the state, that commerce is hurt by them, and that industry perishes. The cabal acquire strength, the candidate minister’s party increases, he gains the ascendent, and the peace is signed, at the expence of the nation’s blood and treasure.

M. de Mirepoix still continued his negociations at London: he conferred with Sir Thomas Robinson, who gave him hopes; but this was only to gain time: the war was resolved upon. Count D’Argenson often said to the King, that this Embassador should be recalled, as his residence in London only amused the state, and made the French nation ridiculous. The King and council were greatly perplexed; Lewis XV. was not willing that Europe should be able to reproach him with having committed the first hostilities.

Marshal Lowendahl, who before his death was witness to this embarrassment, said publickly at court, that it was better to attack as a principal, than to be beat as a second. This counsel was not followed, but we repented of it.

As for me, I was neuter in this great affair. It was reported that I wished for this war, to make myself more considerable at court. I had no occasion for either sieges or battles, things constantly destructive to a state, to support my credit with the King. Lewis XV. honoured me with his confidence: all those who had endeavoured to prejudice me had miscarried in their attempt; rank and grandeur had no longer any charms for me: the only ambition I had remaining was the settling of my daughter; but she was not arrived at an age to be married, and I did not doubt that the King would honour her with his protection.

Peace was still the subject of conversation at London and Paris; but we at length learned that the English had declared war against France in the new world; the court of Versailles received advice, that Admiral Boscawen had with his fleet taken the Alcide man of war, upon the banks of Newfoundland. The manner in which he took this ship aggravated the offence. The Alcide should not have been attacked, at the time it was attacked, for she had no fighting orders. It is a custom established amongst all civilized nations, when they declare war, to publish a manifesto, containing the grievances which induce them to have recourse to arms; and England had not published any such: therefore this step was considered as a real piracy. This was observed to the King, who immediately sent orders to the duke of Mirepoix and Bussy to return to France, without taking leave of the court of England. Henceforward all means of accommodation were suspended.

The King, who had been desirous of avoiding a war before it began, took his measures as soon as he was acquainted with this first act of hostility. His honour would let him no longer put up an affront offered to his flag. He said, upon retiring from the council, “Madam, war is declared; the English are my enemies.”

The operations of the war office took place; the armaments by land and sea, the augmentation of the troops, and the means of supporting the army, were taken into consideration.

From this time the King lived more retired, he did not hunt so often, and he debarred himself several diversions which he took before. He conferred regularly with his ministers. Count D’Argenson, with whom he was often locked up, gave him a circumstantial detail of his land forces, and the naval minister laid before him a similar account of his navy. Lewis XV. made several objections to them concerning the principal points of their administration, to which these chiefs in office were obliged to answer.

The count D’Argenson, whose administration was then the most important, as he was at the head of military affairs, told the King that his troops were in a good state, that military discipline was well enforced, that the French were fond of war, and that we might flatter ourselves with successful campaigns, provided the generals seconded the ardour of the troops, and were not themselves an obstacle to the grandeur of France.

The conferences with the minister of the finances were of a still more intricate nature; there were many ancient debts unpaid, the revenues of the crown were mortgaged, commerce and industry, which had just recovered some little vigour since the peace, were upon the point of returning to their inactive state.

The comptroller-general said to the King, “Sire, the state of things must not be disguised to your Majesty; great springs must be put in motion to maintain the burthen of the war. I have made a calculation from the state of your finances, and they will procure me resources for four years: if at the end of that time peace should not take place, the campaigns cannot be carried on without imposing very oppressive taxes upon your people.”

The King, who after this conference paid me a visit, said, that he had just been conversing with a minister, who was the honestest man in all France; for such I must call him, he added, who has so much probity as to speak freely to his King.

The minister of the war department required an augmentation of 40000 men, which was granted him, and orders were issued accordingly for raising recruits. M. Belleisle told me, that so many men were not necessary for the defence of a handful of barbarians, that this would increase the expences of the state, and only tend to weaken it. He did not forsee that these levies were nothing in comparison of those that were to be afterwards made.

France had been perfectly secured by the treaty of Aix la Chapelle. Her ports were open and defenceless. Upon the commission of the first acts of hostility in America, it was resolved to restore the works at Dunkirk. The prince of Soubise was appointed by the King to see this operation take place: eight thousand troops were allotted him to favour the execution of this design.

Upon the first reports of the revolutions in Canada, two successive squadrons were dispatched, of which no news had yet been received. The uncertainty of the success of this small naval armament suspended the grand operations by land.

The council of state could not resolve upon any fixed plan of operations, the members being divided in their opinion. I was a witness to a great part of the diversity of sentiments which then disturbed the court, with respect to this grand affair.

A man of much good sense said, like Marshal Belleisle, “that great armies were useless; that land campaigns were not the object, but a sea war; that the colonies should be put in a state of security, which alone could be conquered; that the plan of the English was not to increase their power in Europe, but to extend their limits in America; that all their designs tended that way, and that we should direct ours to the same object; that France was guarantied in Europe by the general balance; but that there was no system whereby our settlements in the new world were guarantied; that the crown would lose its influence, when trade would be entirely in the power of the English; that the British navy was already superior to the navies of all Europe, but that after the loss of Canada and the other parts of the continent of America, it would be the only one in Europe; that this was the crisis for France, and that if the opportunity was neglected of protecting ourselves from this last attempt, it would never return; that all other plans of warlike operations should be given up, to pursue that of the colonies, as they interested the general republic; but that this personally and solely interested France; that America being once conquered, the whole body of Europe could not restore the equilibrium, because the power of the first states of the continent did not extend to the sea; that the English in the center of the christian world, were separated from Christendom; that they could not be attacked in their own islands; that nature had secured them from all invasions in Europe, &c.”

The opposite party, on the contrary, said, “that great armies should be raised to oppose the allies of England, who would not fail to form designs in Germany; that here the capital strokes would be struck; that the war in America was only the pretext for that which was to be carried on in Europe; that some troops should be sent to Canada; but that numerous legions should be raised for Germany; that we were mistaken if we thought the English limited their enterprizes to America, as it was visible that their designs tended to excite a revolution in the north of Europe; that the general balance guarantied France no farther than she herself contributed to support a just equilibrium; that with respect to trade in general, there was no reason to apprehend that England could engross it, as there were not sufficient materials in that country to compass the design; that the English were compelled to have recourse to industrious nations, and where the price of labour was not so high; that universal trade consisted in exchanges, and that a people who should considerably diminish that of other states, would greatly cramp their own; that with respect to the navy, one could not be immediately formed to balance that of England; that the expences made upon this account would be endless, as the time was too short and the means too circumscribed; that the loss of Canada was not certain, the events of war being casual; that the savage nations loved the French and hated the English; that they would prefer being exterminated, rather than submit to the British yoke; lastly, that if Canada should be conquered in this war, it might be retaken in another; but that if the English, united with their allies, should avail themselves of favourable circumstances to gain advantages in Europe, it would be then too late to repair the damage, as the last victories would be guarantied by new treaties of peace; whereas in America the barbarous nations in alliance with France, who are unacquainted with the laws of nations, are always ready to create revolutions: in a word, that it was France’s interest to set on foot numerous armies to support her pretensions by land, and to yield for some time the dominion of the sea, &c. &c.”

A third party maintained that both these objects should be attended to: “We should (said they) prevent the English making conquests in America, and hinder any taking place in Europe. France is sufficiently powerful for this; she need only manage well her forces; she will prevail every where, when those who govern the state unite in one common interest; that is to say, the glory of the nation, and the happiness of the people. If the northern powers of Europe are inclinable to avail themselves of the misunderstandings in America, we must keep our engagements, and send 24000 men into Germany. A more numerous army can only procure us a greater loss without any advantage. These moderate succours will enable us to send more considerable assistance to the new world, to protect our colonies; the revolution in Canada is not a maritime quarrel, it is a land war. The point is to defend the continent, and it is only necessary to land troops there; and this the English cannot prevent. They have taken no measures yet to block up the passages; but if we do not make haste, we shall be too late; for the English, who keep a steady eye upon our operations, will no sooner find that we do not make any great preparations by land, than they will begin to make very considerable ones by sea.”

There was also a numerous party inclined for peace: the reasons which they alledged, were founded upon our inability of carrying on the war; but the minds of the people were too much agitated to listen to plans of pacification; each had his schemes for pushing his fortune, and private interest always prevails over the common weal. Subaltern officers who wanted advancement, were desirous of sieges and battles. Those who endeavoured to obtain the command of armies, were desperate advocates for war; and such as would be employed in furnishing the necessaries for carrying it on, thought it indispensable: it is plain from these motives, how little the interest of the state was considered.

During this crisis the clergy of France were assembled; they deliberated very seriously, whether sick people should have the sacraments administered, or whether they should die without them. The bishops who had been brought over by the court and the parliament, were of opinion, that they could not be refused this assistance. Those who expected nothing of the King, and who hated the parliament, maintained on the contrary, that they should be refused them like heretics. At length, after many debates, they seemed inclinable to leave this great affair to the determination of the Pope.

I learnt this news with pleasure. Benedict XIV. then filled the papal chair. Many persons who had been at Rome, gave me a very favourable opinion of this pontiff. He despised his predecessors, refined policy of turning every thing to their own advantage; the first steps he took upon his obtaining the pontificate, made me conceive a real esteem for him. He had abolished at Rome those wretched equivocations, which in serving as food for superstition, dishonour the Christian religion. He knew that God sometimes wrought miracles, but that he does not daily alter the course of nature. This prince of the church preferred the title of an honest man to that of a holy one, and this quality raised him above all the Popes that ever existed upon earth. Benedict XIV. had so much understanding and so little prejudice, that his decision could not fail to restore tranquility to the Gallican church.