Chapter IV · 1840 (continued 3)

Valençay, September 28, 1840.—Yesterday we were amused by a small dramatic performance during the evening, which began by the dialogue between Agrippine and Néron, [127] played in costume by M. de Montenon, who took the part of Néron, and my son-in-law as Agrippine, a truly feminine monstrosity. Then Le Mari de la Veuve was acted with much vigour, balance, and spirit by my son Louis, my daughter Pauline, Mlle. Clément de Ris, and Mlle. de Weizel. Then we had two scenes from the Dépit amoureux by Mlle. Clément de Ris, M. de Montenon, M. and Madame d'Entraigues, and finally Passé Minuit by MM. de Maussion and de Biron, which greatly amused the pit. After the performance there was supper and a dance, and all passed off very cheerfully.

Valençay, September 29, 1840.—I have a number of letters, one of which says: "The meeting of the Cabinet has been called at London for Monday the 7th. It is thought unlikely that Lord Palmerston will be able to carry his own views, and the Ministers are said to be by no means unanimous; for this reason some hope survives that peace may be maintained; on the other hand, nothing is known of the nature of the instructions sent to the Mediterranean, and the whole situation is very uncertain."

Now for Madame de Lieven. She begins with many moans over her health, and ends: "My health, however, is not so bad as that of Europe. What a disturbance everywhere! War is the most likely consequence. To think that people could allow things to reach this point and that not a man in Europe can conduct a piece of business properly! Prince Metternich must be dead. Every one desires peace passionately, and see to what the wild love of peace has brought Europe! Indeed, the whole world must be mad! The crisis must be settled in a few weeks. I am told that Vienna is making great efforts, but Palmerston is very obstinate. In France there has been an outcry, and much more also than mere outcry. What self-respecting persons would think of retreating? I should like a talk with you; we have seen better times, and I have many things to tell you of London which would astonish you. My dear Duchesse, if war breaks out I am bound to be the first to leave Paris and France, and where shall I go? It is abominable!"

Valençay, September 30, 1840.—M. Molé writes as follows: "The Comte de Paris has been very ill—in fact, in the greatest danger; he is better, but not cured. No doubt you know that Madame de Lieven has returned; her friend M. Guizot—and I am certain of my facts—will soon break with his master and superior, M. Thiers. The discussion upon the Address will be the latest date for the accomplishment of this great event."

The Duchesse d'Albuféra says: "Anxiety continues to prevail here; people are asking what answer is to be sent to the proposals of Mehemet Ali, but many people think that thunderbolts will be the answer. In France armaments are being organised upon a very large scale. The Duchesse de Massa has arrived in time to close the eyes of Marshal Macdonald, her father. It is thought that his marshal's baton will go to General Sébastiani. The Princesse de Lieven receives a written despatch from our London Ambassador every day."

Tours, October 2, 1840.—Here I find a letter from M. de Sainte-Aulaire, who writes from Vienna on September 23: "The matter would proceed excellently, if it were conducted here; but discussion takes place at Vienna and Berlin, and negotiations at London, where, I believe, a very different temper unfortunately prevails."

Rochecotte, October 4, 1840.—Yesterday's newspapers contain a long explanatory note from Lord Palmerston, addressed to the English Minister in Paris, Mr. Bulwer, which puts the Eastern question in a very different light from that given by the French narratives. [128] We have also news of the capture of Beyrout, [129] which is a strong beginning to the course of coercive measures. What will be the result?

Rochecotte, October 5, 1840.—My son-in-law has a letter from Paris telling him that the salon of M. Thiers on the day when the news arrived of the capture of Beyrout was so bellicose that it threatened to throw the whole world into a conflagration. However, in the Journal des Débats of the 3rd instant I saw a small article on this question urging calm and moderation, and when I consider the inspired nature of this paper I have become a little calmer.

I had expected that the pleadings of M. Berryer on behalf of Prince Louis Bonaparte would display a seditious tendency, would be blustering, rash, and outrageous. I was greatly surprised to find that I could read them without the slightest emotion. But I have often noticed that when one reads Berryer's speeches they do not produce an effect in harmony with his reputation, and that one must hear him to be dazzled and attracted, to such an extent does he possess the outer and attractive qualities of an orator.

Rochecotte, October 6, 1840.—The Duchesse d'Albuféra writes from Paris: "Events in the East are of a very alarming nature, and so also is the language of the Ministerial newspapers, for which the moderation of the Saint-Cloud organ [130] is but a small compensation. The former journalists threaten M. Thiers that they will break with him if he does not begin war. Prussia and Austria seem decidedly anxious not to make war upon us or upon anybody; it is difficult to understand the situation. M. de Flahaut is at London staying with Lord Holland, who sees the Ministers every day and tells his wife that he is trying to convince them of our real position, but this officious service will probably have no great result, as people at London seem to have made up their minds. I have seen Lady Granville; both she and her husband are greatly depressed. They still hope that war will not break out, and I know that Lord Granville is doing all he can to produce a calmer frame of mind. Everybody one meets is uneasy and anxious, nor will they talk of anything but of the memorandum, of Beyrout, of Espartero and the fortifications; they go to bed in excitement and awake painfully anxious. You are lucky to be far away from such a turmoil. Nobody pays attention to the trial of Louis Bonaparte; M. d'Alton-Shée alone voted for death, after a violent speech. The proposal was badly received by the rest of the Chamber."

Rochecotte, October 7, 1840.—Yesterday I heard a sad piece of news—the death of my poor friend the Countess Batthyàny at Richmond on the 2nd. She had recently felt an improvement in her health, which had induced her to consider the possibility of coming to live at Paris.

I hear from Paris: "M. Molé is at Paris for the trial of Louis Bonaparte, in which M. Berryer was a complete failure. All minds are absorbed by the bombardment of Beyrout and the possible consequences. There is a universal outcry against M. Thiers. Madame de Lieven is rather ill; she is feverish, and sees visitors in her long chair. She professes a close attachment for M. Guizot, but is said to show a tendency to coldness."

Rochecotte, October 8, 1840.—Yesterday I had a letter from Madame de Lieven, begun on the 5th and finished on the 6th. The following is an extract from the part dated the 5th: "In England nothing has been decided; the Ministers are not agreed; however, the peace party is predominant, to which Palmerston himself pretends to belong, though he does not offer any means of finding a solution satisfactory to France; moreover, his hands are not free, as he must ask for Russia's consent at every moment. Since the bombardment of Beyrout Thiers seems to think his position no longer tenable unless he makes some bold stroke; his colleagues are not all of his opinion, and the King is not in favour of extreme measures. However, some decision must be made. Lord Granville is very anxious. Things have gone so far that change is inevitable. It was even said yesterday that Thiers wished to send two hundred thousand men to the Rhine and a French fleet to Alexandria to oppose the English. This would be an act of madness. The situation is very dangerous, and assuming that Thiers breaks with the Government, where are people to be found sufficiently resolute to undertake the heavy burden now before them?"

On the 6th she writes: "The three or four councils held within the last two days have ended in the resolution to send a protest to the English Government in which a casus belli will be laid down, and I think that Alexandria and Saint-Jean d'Acre will be the points at issue; but if one of these towns were to be attacked at this moment what would become of the protest? The English Government has on its side addressed notes to its allies to modify the treaty; negotiations are going on with tolerable frankness, but meanwhile military operations are also proceeding. They say that the King is not in entire agreement with M. Thiers concerning the casus belli; he is also said to be especially satisfied with M. Cousin, who is on good terms with Admiral Roussin and M. Gouin. I am told on good authority that the meeting of the Chambers is arranged for the early days of November, and that the protest of which I told you will be decided this morning. Saint-Jean d'Acre will not be mentioned in it."

This interesting letter gave much food for our conversation. The Duc de Noailles, who is here, and who has brought his manuscript, read us a passage on quietism. [131] It is clearly written, and in a good and brisk style, with well-chosen quotations which enliven the subject.

Rochecotte, October 11, 1840.—Yesterday we heard of the sudden death of Arthur de Mortemart, [132] a fine young fellow, who was to inherit a magnificent fortune, and also, though I did not know the fact, to marry the daughter of the Duc de Noailles, who set off immediately upon hearing the sad news. Arthur de Mortemart was twenty-seven years of age, and an only son. It is a dreadful blow to his family.

M. Molé writes: "The Chambers are being convoked for the 28th, and my friends insist that I should return to Paris between the 15th and 20th. I agree, but we shall have nothing but the remarkable and barren pleasure of exchanging our condolences. We are advancing with fatal rapidity towards a revolutionary Government, which may lead to even more bloodshed than before. God alone knows how long it will last and what will take its place. However, if the newspapers do not mislead and divide the right-minded party we should emerge successfully, with courage, but our domestic difficulties make the situation irremediable; foreign affairs would easily be settled if our home policy inspired any confidence. In any case, the Chamber will have to decide the whole matter, but there is little hope that it will rise to the greatness of its task. I do not know what will happen to my reception at the Academy in the midst of all this. I am ready, and notwithstanding the arguments of M. Villemain, who seems to be intimidated, I shall omit nothing from my eulogy of Mgr. de Quélen, and I invoke the great day."

Rochecotte, October 12, 1840.—A letter from M. de Barante at St. Petersburg tells me: "I am waiting for news from elsewhere, for at St. Petersburg nothing is decided, nor in reality do people greatly care. Peace would be perhaps the wiser course, but war is more in conformity with the sentiments which people have been professing for ten years; so they will only do what England wishes. You can make your conjectures in accordance with this view; you know Lord Palmerston and all his political environment, of which I have no idea."

Rochecotte, October 14, 1840.—Madame de Montmorency writes to say that M. Demidoff has written to M. Thiers for authorisation to announce his wife at Paris as Her Royal Highness Madame the Princesse de Montfort. Madame Demidoff has written personally to Madame Thiers, whom she knew in Italy, on this subject, and the King has given his consent.

Rochecotte, October 17, 1840.—The Duchesse d'Albuféra writes: "Peace now seems to be a trifle nearer. Negotiations have been resumed, and people are agreed in saying that if war is to break out it will not be for a considerable time, and that many diplomatic notes will be exchanged before we reach that extremity. General de Cubières, Minister of War, had resigned because he thought the majority in the Council too warlike, and his opinion was that we should be unable to wage a successful war with the Powers and must avoid the possibility. His resignation, however, has not been accepted, as the negotiations and prospects of peace have been resumed, at any rate for the moment. The French memorandum has brought many over to the side of M. Thiers. The vacant Presidency of the Chamber is a post which occupies many minds; opinions are divided between M. Odilon Barrot and M. Sauzet. The Comte de Paris has fallen ill again, and his parents are very uneasy."

Rochecotte, October 19, 1840.—Madame de Lieven writes: "The English Cabinet has welcomed the French note. The peace party is gaining strength, but the issue does not lie in that direction. St. Petersburg, which is a long way off, must be consulted, and during these delays the newspapers are able to interfere. The memorandum of Thiers has caused much satisfaction at Paris, and some embarrassment to Lord Palmerston; at St. Petersburg it will be thought that he says aloud what has hitherto been whispered. As for Austria, Apponyi claims that the narrative is inaccurate where Austria is concerned. In any case, the decision is imminent, and will be known on November 15. The four Powers care nothing about the war or about France; so we may ask in what direction or for what reason France will take action. Unfortunately there is a general idea that peace and M. Thiers are incompatible. This would be quite dangerous, for excitement is high, and Thiers in the scales can outweigh war."

Rochecotte, October 20, 1840.—The newspapers contain an account of a fresh attempt to assassinate the King, made by a certain Darmès. [133] The constant repetition of these attempts makes one tremble, and it is impossible to avoid uneasiness.

Yesterday my son-in-law received letters from Paris which say that the wind seems to blow in the direction of war. Lord Palmerston is stated to be anxious to insist upon the full enforcement of the treaty. Our Minister thinks himself certain of a majority, rather because of the apprehension with which his opponents would view their own accession to power in the present situation, than of any confidence inspired by the Cabinet. After the attempted assassination by Darmès the Duc d'Orléans is said to have declared that he was strongly in favour of war, and would rather be killed on the banks of the Rhine than murdered in a Paris slum. All our letters agree that excitement is running high and that conditions are both complicated and serious.

Rochecotte, October 21, 1840.—Yesterday the papers announced the abdication of Queen Christina. This event will not form an agreeable page in the annals of M. de La Redorte's Spanish embassy.

The Duc de Noailles writes as follows: "Many people are saying that Thiers will resign, and many say that he is in a difficulty upon the subject. He does not see how he can appear before the Chambers. He would like to arrange a retreat which would leave him at the head of a party, by making people believe that he was unable to persuade the King to take the energetic resolutions which the national honour requires. On the other hand, thus to be eclipsed, to leave every one in difficulty, after raising and provoking all these questions, to evade discussion and responsibility before the Chambers, would certainly be disgraceful. However, people who are best informed think that he will resign. The speech from the throne is now the only point upon which he can disagree and request permission to retire.

"Prussia definitely refuses to let any horses go out of its territory. It is hoped that some will be found in Normandy and Holland. The situation is extremely embarrassing, for we are certainly not ready for war, and cannot be before spring, and yet loans have already been effected to the amount of four hundred and fifty millions. The deficit will be a bottomless pit. If stocks fall to ninety-nine, when by law sixteen millions a month must be redeemed, and if money is taken from the savings banks, the Treasury will be in a hopeless difficulty. The Syrian expedition seems to have no immediate result; Ibrahim allows the allies to seize the seaboard, which is separated from the rest of the country by a chain of mountains which runs along the sea, and which the disembarked troops cannot cross. He holds all this country, which is overawed by his army and dare not revolt, and is waiting for the storms to drive away the fleet, which cannot then return before spring. I have seen a letter from Lady Palmerston, strongly inclined to peace. Guizot also writes that Downing Street is now calmer.

"The King is very depressed by this further attempt to assassinate him, and Thiers feels that the credit of the Ministry is not improved by the event. The Deputies who are already here and those who are arriving are said to be inclined for peace. I hear that the Chamber of Peers is tempted, if it has the courage—which I doubt—to adopt a patronising and embarrassing attitude towards the Ministry."

Rochecotte, October 23, 1840.—Madame Adélaïde, in a very kind answer to a letter from myself, writes as follows about the attempted assassination "The King's first word after the explosion to the Queen and to myself was, 'Well, it seems that you must always be in this fatal carriage,' a truly touching remark."

I have the following from Madame de Lieven: "Granville yesterday handed in Lord Palmerston's answer to the note of the 8th. I believe that this answer undertakes to revoke the proposal for the Pasha's deposition, if he submits; you will see that this does not help matters. All that can now be said is that the general attitude and language upon either side is gentler, and may possibly lead to an understanding. Lord Palmerston will not explain himself more clearly, as he is waiting for news of some brilliant successes in Syria; so far he has waited in vain. The tone of the French Ministry is less warlike; they say that war may arrive in spring, if winter does not settle everything. Here you see a change, and diplomacy at Paris is inclined to believe in peace. We shall see what the Chambers will do; their action will be important both upon events and individuals.

"The King has not appeared in the town since the shot was fired at him. On this subject the foreign newspapers comment far more suitably than the French.

"The dissensions in the English Cabinet are said to be more obvious, and Palmerston is thought to be in the minority. M. de Flahaut, who arrives to-morrow, will enlighten us upon this subject. Madame de Flahaut is now very anti-Palmerston, because she naturally fears the possibility of war between her two native lands. [134] Lord John Russell has gone over to the majority against Palmerston, and, feeble though he is, his influence is important. Things in general are in incredible confusion, but I am really beginning to hope that there is a little more prospect of peace than there has been for the last few days."

Rochecotte, October 24, 1840.—Yesterday my son-in-law heard that the French Ministry had resigned upon the occasion of the speech from the Crown, which it wished to devote to the subject of the casus belli, against the King's desires. [135]

My son, M. de Dino, tells me that the Grand Duke of Tuscany has made M. Demidoff Prince of San Donato, a name derived from his silk manufacture, and has given him the title of Excellency. The Pope [136] has sent the dispensations for the marriage. The dowry of the young Princess is settled at two hundred and fifty thousand francs, with twenty-five thousand francs pin-money.

Rochecotte, October 25, 1840.—Queen Christina is apparently intending to settle at Florence, where her sentimental interests are centred. She has two children by Muñoz, whom she adores, and has managed to save an income of fifteen hundred thousand francs.

The little Comte de Paris is very ill, in continuous fever, which wastes him away. The Duc d'Orléans is greatly distressed, and the Duchesse is in bed very weak and unhappy. She is not allowed to move for fear of a miscarriage, as she is now in her eighth month. The poor royal family is receiving some heavy blows.

Rochecotte, November 2, 1840.—Queen Christina is not going to Italy; Nice, Paris, and then Bordeaux, such are said to be her movements. She wishes to remain near Spain, in order to keep an eye upon the progress of events.

Madame de Lieven writes as follows, the day before yesterday: "You see what has happened here; things are becoming very stormy; M. Guizot must be very courageous to embark in such a vessel. At London the general tone is becoming much milder, and will continue to improve in favour of the new Ministry, but a great deal will have to be done to satisfy the madmen here, and an ill interpretation will be placed upon English self-satisfaction. Thus there are many difficulties which are far from a solution. The Chamber will be in a state of continual storm, an interesting spectacle, but likely to become frightful. The King is said to be delighted that he has got rid of Thiers, and to be charmed with his new Ministers; [137] I wish I could believe that his satisfaction was likely to last. Thiers says that he will not oppose Guizot; this is nonsense. The Comte de Paris is better. The Duc d'Orléans is not satisfied with the change of Ministers, but King Leopold is very pleased."

Rochecotte, November 4, 1840.—A letter which I have just received from M. Molé contains the following: "The outgoing Ministry was ruining everything, and in three months would have involved us in war with the whole of Europe, and given us a revolutionary Government into the bargain. I do not know what the new Ministry will do, but it cannot do worse, or even as badly. The method of its formation has obliged me to stand aloof—an easy part to play, and one which I usually prefer, the more so as when I do take part I never do so by halves."

Rochecotte, November 5, 1840.—My son, M. de Dino, writes from Paris that great preparations are being made to decorate the route by which the procession will pass bringing back the remains of Napoleon from St. Helena, and that a strange idea has been proposed, to have a row of the effigies of all the Kings of France. I suppose they will be placed there to present arms to the usurper. Really, people are absurd nowadays; in any case, this fine idea emanates from the Cabinet of M. Thiers, and not from the present Ministry.

A letter from Madame Mollien says: "Yesterday evening, in the middle of the theatre, Bergeron, the foremost of all the King's assassins, entered a box, where was seated M. Emile de Girardin, the editor of La Presse, to whom, without saying a word, he gave a box on the ears. M. Girardin bounded up like a madman; his wife, who is twice as big and strong as he is, caught him by his collar, shouting, 'Don't go out! You shall not go out! He is an assassin!' The result is said to have been an incredible scene; everybody intervened, all were in a quarrelsome state of mind, and in the corridors and vestibule nothing could be heard except challenges and appointments."

Here is an extract from another letter in a different strain: "M. Guizot and Madame de Lieven are the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, and I have a fear that M. de Broglie must be content with the fate of the Sultan's wife, Validé. M. Molé has not been offered a position; the King continually repeats that M. Molé declined to lend a hand; this is not the case. At so serious a crisis no thinking man would use such language, but the matter is most easily explained in this way. The Journal des Débats has since been carefully working upon the scruples of M. Molé, and said to him: 'If you refuse to support the Cabinet, which is Conservative, the Left will come into power, and it will be your fault. It is a crime against the country,' &c. This attitude seems to resemble the case of parents who, when they have a son dangerously ill, say to a girl, 'If you do not grant him an interview he will die, and it will be your fault.' If I were a girl I assure you that in this case I should look after myself. My opinion is that M. Molé should remain a member of the Academy and nothing more. Moreover, he will be none the worse off for that. Do you know that Maurice de Noailles is to become a priest? It is said that Barante will be Ambassador at London. I hope so."

My son-in-law hears that Maurice de Noailles is entering the Church in despair, because he could not marry the daughter of the Duc de Noailles. I admit that I do not believe this story as yet, and await some confirmation of it.

Rochecotte, November 6, 1840.—Yesterday's post brought me a long letter from M. de Salvandy: "We are emerging from a Ministerial crisis, which has passed off with little incident, except that M. Molé has remained outside the new combination. He feels, with much exasperation, that some supreme influence has secured his exclusion. At the outset of the crisis M. de Montalivet worked very hard to find a post for M. Molé in the new Cabinet: he went about everywhere, and declared on all sides that his co-operation was indispensable, to M. Molé more emphatically than to any one. I could not help saying to M. Molé that so much zeal seemed suspicious, and that I could not but infer some bad result. However, M. Molé's chances of office never amounted to anything, nor has he been treated with any of that ceremony, which might outwardly have soothed his feelings; in fact, practically no notice has been taken of any member of the Ministry of April 15. Only upon the last day were they considered in the least. The new body was brought together with such little thought that no effort was made to secure M. Passy, who was ready to come in unconditionally, but was united with M. Dufaure; the latter based his refusal upon a personal dislike for M. Martin du Nord rather than upon political motives. M. Passy and M. Dufaure had no objection to myself or to M. Laplagne. Thus it would have been possible with no great difficulty to gather round Marshal Soult and M. Guizot some members of the Ministries of April 15 and May 12. These would have formed a good nucleus for a majority, at once compact and permanent. Instead of this, a Ministry has been lumped together, and it is expected that the dangers evoked by M. Thiers will provide votes at first, while the future can take care of itself. When the Cabinet, however, was formed, it was remembered that no measures had been taken to secure the adherence of the Left Centre, or even of the Conservative party. Then they took steps to repair this mistake, and the Ministers all came to me. M. Guizot, whom I had not seen since the Coalition, came wearing his order, to ask me solemnly for my co-operation. I did not hide the fact that it was rather late, and that this fashion of forming a Ministry without paying attention to any one, or respecting M. Molé and his party by the observance of outward formality, increased the difficulty of a situation, which was already complicated enough. When I heard M. Guizot I remembered what I was saying to the Duc d'Orléans a few days ago, that of the two rivals it was difficult to say which is the more futile; that if Thiers is futile without, Guizot is so within; in fact, Guizot has not a notion of the domestic dangers, the Parliamentary difficulties, and the general peril caused by the abstention of M. Passy and M. Dufaure; for they, added to Lamartine and myself, would form a possible Cabinet intermediate between that of to-day and that of M. Odilon Barrot, whether we took M. Molé, M. de Broglie, or even M. Thiers for our leader. In short, their confidence and presumption have been inexplicable, while they have completely forgotten the apostasy of 1839, which is aggravated by this fresh change of creed and colour. They are convinced that their theories can be resumed at the point where they had dropped them, and talk of safeguards, order, and resistance with the same authority. They have no notion of the fury which this language is likely to arouse among their adversaries, and regard us as cold and disagreeable. However, we shall support them, for we are men of honour before all things, and I am equally certain that there will be a majority on the general question. Thiers has brought things to such a point that his restoration would mean both revolution and war; but the humiliation abroad which Guizot's Cabinet will have to confront is likely to be a crushing burden. Honourable men do not pardon Thiers for making this humiliation inevitable, and in three months no one will pardon Guizot for yielding to it. In my opinion he will have to give way in a short time, but if he performs the double service of bringing us through a great difficulty without increasing it and of paving the way for a new Conservative majority he will have done a good deal. I do not despair, and for my part will certainly help him. He left me and went on to open conciliatory measures with M. Molé.

"The immediate cause of Thiers' rupture with the King is as follows: In the speech Thiers demanded further measures, that is, an additional hundred and fifty thousand men—making six hundred and fifty thousand in all, the mobilisation of the National Guards, camps upon the Rhine and the Alps, in short, war. The King tried to compromise by saying that his Ministers would explain what they had done and what they intended to do. Thiers refused; it seems as though there was no sincerity on either side. Thiers felt that his position was untenable: the Left was trembling, the Conservatives would venture anything in their fright, and his own foolishness will not bear discussion. The King on his side was bold enough to regard his attempted assassination by Darmès as a possible starting-point from which to turn the struggle against himself and overthrow his Cardinal de Retz, while he ran no risk for his power, but a very great deal of risk for his life.

"The Conservative party thus seems to be reorganised by the return of the large majority of the Doctrinaires and the probable support of the Left Centres, who are in terror, but the Doctrinaire party is divided; M. Duvergier de Hauranne and M. Piscatory follow M. de Rémusat and M. Jaubert from the Left; M. Broglie is divided between the two camps; M. Thiers continues to rely upon him, and flatters himself that he has been strongly defended by him in the Chamber of Peers; M. Guizot, on the other hand, calculates that he will accept the London Embassy; to this he attaches great importance, although M. de Broglie will not be able to lend him all the strength of which he will deprive M. Thiers by a long way; however, he will not weaken him, and that is something. Failing M. Thiers, Madames de Barante and de Sainte-Aulaire will fight for London. There is no doubt that M. de la Redorte will be retired, as he has cut a poor figure in the Peninsula. There will be many changes in the Diplomatic Body. I know that I have been thought of for an embassy, but I have not yet considered my reply. M. Guizot has gained nothing from London; something may be obtained from Lord Melbourne, but nothing from Lord Palmerston, and it is not certain that Europe is less inclined to the latter than to the former. The condition of the Comte de Paris still causes alarm. Chomel, to whom I have spoken, but he is rather a pessimist, has no hope except that the poor young Prince may live long enough to spare the Duchesse d'Orléans a great grief during her confinement."

Rochecotte, November 8, 1840.—M. d'Entraigues, our Prefect, who has been here since the evening of the day before yesterday, received yesterday by a courier a telegram sent to him at Tours with news of the nomination of the President, the Vice-President and the Committee of the Chamber of Deputies. The nominations in general are, thank heaven, favourable to the Cabinet and supported by a good majority. This beginning is a trifle consoling. If fear inspires wisdom, so much the better.

I have a letter from the Duc de Noailles, who tells me that there is no truth in the rumour that his cousin M. Maurice is to enter the Church. People are indeed wonderfully clever in inventing and spreading stories and providing them with so many details as to make one believe what is utterly unfounded. The Duc de Noailles also says: "The royal session is said to have been a most mournful ceremony; [138] on the one side was much outcry of obvious meaning, while on the Left there was menacing silence; in the middle was the King shedding tears at a certain passage in his speech. The speech was wanting in dignity, and a pacific attitude should be more dignified; it was drawn up by Guizot. The desire for peace was too obvious, and it was not a success. The Ministry are sure of a majority for some time, but as the fear of war dies away they will lose it. Syria has been given up as a bad job by the Government. If the Pasha submits, all will be over; if he resists and is attacked in Egypt it is difficult to say how an explosion will be avoided here. Thiers said to Guizot on his arrival: 'Now it is your turn. There are only two men in France, yourself and I; I am the Minister of the revolution, you of the Conservative movement; if one is not in power the other must be. We cannot act in concert, but we can live upon good terms. I shall put no obstacle in your way, and make no attempt to inconvenience you.' None the less he is already intriguing in the Chamber, and an agitation will be raised to support him."

Rochecotte, November 12, 1840.—The Abbé Dupanloup arrived here yesterday to consecrate my chapel. The ceremony is to take place immediately. Yesterday's post brought news of the confinement of the Duchesse d'Orléans. I am delighted to hear of the birth of a second son. [139] Madame de Lieven writes that she is somewhat dissatisfied with the beginning which the new Ministry has made.

Rochecotte, November 14, 1840.—I had wished the first mass said in my chapel to be for the repose of the soul of M. de Talleyrand, but an inaugural mass cannot be one of mourning. At the ceremony of the day before yesterday, therefore, colours were worn in honour of St. Martin; yesterday's mass was for the dear departed. The altar is exactly where his bed used to stand in the room which has been replaced by the chapel; the coincidence affected me deeply.

Rochecotte, November 17, 1840.—M. de Salvandy, who has most obligingly undertaken to send me a little weekly bulletin, tells me that the Diplomatic Body at Paris was almost as keenly excited by the last note from Lord Palmerston as the Chamber itself. [140]

It seems that Count Apponyi has written everywhere pointing out the danger of urging France to revolution and to war when she is attempting to throw off the yoke of anarchy. Lord Granville and Herr von Bülow disavow the acts of Lord Palmerston. If he really wished to drive France to extremities, it may be believed that neither Austria nor Prussia would support him. Even Russia seems to have moderated her language.

My son-in-law writes me from Paris on the 15th: "The state of affairs here seems to me very confused. The transition from revolutionary provocation to a demeanour of humility can only be effected amid uproar in order to put shame out of countenance. To this end everybody is working. There is a general cry for peace and for the support of the former Ministry, and a general outcry against the cowardice and degradation of the supreme power, though no one can say exactly what should have been done. These indeterminate attacks never produce a really embarrassing situation, and as they make an uproar without doing any harm, the men against whom they are ineffectually directed obtain the credit of success. It thus seems generally admitted that the Ministry will gain a majority. M. Guizot, for instance, was saying the day before yesterday in his salon, with the heroic air characteristic of General Guizot: 'Gentlemen, we have just begun the campaign; the war will be long and severe, but I hope that we shall gain the victory.' Though the Chamber desires peace at any price, it is not compliant. The greater its anxiety, the louder its outcries, which will only end with its unregretted fall. The Address, which is to be drawn up, people say, by M. Passy or M. de Salvandy, will be very bellicose, so much so as to embarrass the Government, although it had been decided to create as little trouble as possible on this point.

"You will have read the answer of Lord Palmerston to the memorandum of October 8. It is an important matter. His disdain for us is obvious, and is not even disguised by forms or ceremonies. It seems, moreover, that this feeling towards us has grown remarkably of late. None the less the note has caused much embarrassment to M. Guizot, who had told everybody that since his entry upon office the situation in England had entirely changed and that Lord Palmerston was an altered character. He summed up his views in these words: 'I have peace in my pocket.' This is how he explained Lord Palmerston's note when he was talking at the house of the President of the Chamber [141] two days ago: 'Lord Palmerston has a theological mind; he will let no objection pass without an answer, so that this note means nothing; it is merely a question of principle.' M. Dubois, of the Loire-Inférieure, who is a clever man, and a strong supporter of the new Ministry, then took M. Guizot aside and told him that he would be making a great mistake if he repeated that observation in the Chamber. M. Guizot merely answered by repeating his statement, with which he was so delighted that he caused it to be inserted that evening in his own newspaper, Le Messager, in the form of a note at the foot of the memorandum, merely suppressing the term 'theological.' At the same time the incident has caused some stir, which has not yet died away, and would make M. Guizot cut a ridiculous figure if things seemed what they are in this country. The Ministry proposes to make peace, and everybody thinks that it will be successful. After that it will perish, for no obvious reason, in a hurricane; this also seems to be generally believed. Then M. Molé, who now remains in isolation, will come to power. He will probably be welcomed by every one, not because he is any more popular in the Chamber than he used to be, but because every one's energy is exhausted, while the King remains master. The matter will depend upon the King, who is ill-disposed to M. Molé at this moment, and uttered a remark concerning him which others attribute to M. Guizot, but which is too good to come from more than one source: 'M. Molé is an excellent looker-on, but is a bad actor.' I have an idea that the remark is mine, and that some one stole it from me five years ago.

"The Syrian campaign is decidedly favourable to the allies. The English have displayed much energy. They are inducing the Turks to strike hard, and everything is yielding before them; the force of Ibrahim was a myth. At every moment we are expecting the news of the capture of Saint-Jean d'Acre, which will be an important success both here and there. The saddest part of it is that there is no certainty concerning the possible safety of Egypt. Already rumours are present of a probable revolt at Alexandria, of the assassination of the Pasha by knife or poison; while you have seen that Lord Palmerston, with his theological mind, no longer speaks of the deposition of the Pasha as he did three weeks ago. There is no certainty that we shall not yield upon that point here, and it would be a tremendous concession.

"So much for the present. I now turn to the past. Thiers has shrunk in everybody's eyes: his timidity has been invariably as great as his imprudence and his superficiality. He dismissed the French Consul at Beyrout because he wished to serve the Pasha in Syria by calming the revolt, and it has never been possible to induce him to send reliable agents to Syria for the purpose of finding out the exact extent of Ibrahim's power. Hence we have been deceived, and the attitude of France has been guided by unrealised expectations. M. de Broglie thinks that the King was greatly mistaken in dismissing the Ministry of M. Thiers, because he would in any case have fallen a victim to public ridicule at this moment. This opinion is based upon the fact that if one stakes a large sum upon one card and it does not appear the ridicule is universal. The person to whom he was speaking on the matter yesterday evening thought, on the other hand, that while the Chamber might fear war, it would never have been strong enough to overthrow the Cabinet.

"The speech drawn up by Thiers did not propose a new levy of a hundred and fifty thousand men, but merely wished to anticipate the new levy by three months, whether for peace or for war, this being the levy ordinarily made in the spring. Moreover, the tone of the speech was quite moderate; but the fact is that neither he nor the King was sincere and it was a mere pretext on either side.

"There was a Ministerial crisis, of which we had no suspicion, after the capture of Beyrout. The Ministry wished to make a demonstration by sending the fleet to Alexandria, but the King was opposed to this idea. M. de Broglie was asked to mediate between the two parties, and patched the matter up, on the theory that it was impossible at that moment to appoint a permanent Ministry if those in power resigned upon such a question. He was also opposed to the idea of sending a fleet to Alexandria, believing that the measure was good in itself, as likely to cause the allies anxiety while giving them no reason for complaint, and thinking it a measure which an absolute Government would have every right to carry out; but in French practice, on the other hand, as soon as this measure had been executed, the Press would have driven the fleet into action, whether they wished or not, and war would have been the result. All this argument, in any case, is based upon the fact that this measure or anything like it could only be carried out by violent means of which the public must hear, such as a resignation, a crisis, and so forth. If the matter had been quietly arranged with the private knowledge of the King, the case would have been very different. Moreover, M. de Broglie is by no means well disposed towards the King. He says, however, that it is all a matter of indifference to him apart from the outward disturbance; that he will support any possible Ministry, that not only will he make no attempt to overthrow them, but will not even try to shake their stability, seeing that any of the said Ministries are always more reasonable than the Chamber. In short, he says that he is part of the Ministerial suite, an avowal which no one had yet ventured to make, and that he greatly envies you the prospect of spending his winter in the country. His calmness is quite Olympian, though tempered with bitter and piercing irony.

"M. Guizot tells his friends in confidence that he has induced M. de Broglie to accept the London Embassy. I believe nothing of the kind, but I forgot to ask him yesterday evening. M. Molé seemed to me to be utterly cast down; he is a kind of Jeremiah singing madrigals, and is greatly changed."

Rochecotte, November 22, 1840.—Yesterday my son-in-law wrote to his wife saying that the diplomatic correspondence was read privately before the Commission of the Address in the Chamber of Deputies. It represents M. Thiers as an incompetent and impossible Minister, M. Guizot as a wise ambassador and a dangerous auxiliary, Lord Palmerston as a resolute and strong character; it shows that Thiers had attempted to deceive and blind the eyes of every one and to take them in, and was simply laughed at, as also was France. He also writes that the Duc d'Orléans made his little impromptu speech before the Chamber of Peers with admirable tact, grace, and nobility.

Another note has been received from Lord Palmerston, milder in tone than the former, but still raising anxiety upon the Egyptian question. M. Mounier has been officially sent to London to try and secure some concession.

My son Valençay writes to me to say that Madame de Nesselrode is at Paris for six weeks; that she will not appear at Court, and therefore will not go into society, but will live quietly by herself, and is delighted with her idea. I do not know whether Count Nesselrode will be equally delighted.

Rochecotte, November 23, 1840.—My son-in-law writes that M. Walewski, who had been sent to Egypt as an envoy to Ibrahim, thought that he was still writing despatches for the Ministry of March 1, and had announced that in spite of all his efforts he could not induce Ibrahim to pass the Taurus. This despatch seems to be causing a great sensation.

Rochecotte, November 24, 1840.—My son-in-law writes: "There is a vague rumour that some arrangement will be made in Syria and Egypt which will not be the ruin of the Pasha. This is in consequence of his complete submission to the Powers, but we shall boast of it here, and the majority will appear to believe it. For some time past there have been terrible arguments between Thiers and Guizot, face to face, and the worst of it is for them both that the bystanders support one of them against the other; consequently they will dig the pit in which they will both fall. Thiers is almost entirely ruined, and Guizot will be in the spring after he has refused, as he will, to pave the way for M. Molé, who will certainly enter upon office if the King wishes."

Rochecotte, November 25, 1840.—I have been reading with admiration the noble farewell of Queen Christina to the Spanish nation. [142] It seems to belong to another time and to an age when there was still something divine in the language of kings. This touching manifesto is said to have been drawn up by Señor de Offalia, who has also left Spain.

Rochecotte, November 26, 1840.—What a dreadful speech M. Dupin has made! I am certainly the most peaceful creature in France, but I cannot understand how any one can descend to such depths. A descent so useless, so tactless, and so clumsy that it really seems as if he were trying to win a wager.

The wife of the Marshal d'Albuféra tells me that the Comtesse de Nesselrode met M. Thiers at her house, and that he put out all his efforts to charm the Comtesse. Madame de Nesselrode takes such sudden fancies that she might get excited even over M. Thiers.

The English have captured Saint-Jean d'Acre. Their little Queen has been confined of a daughter. [143]

Rochecotte, November 28, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles writes: "You will see by reading the reports of yesterday's session in the Chamber of Deputies the excitement which pervaded the assembly. This establishes and confirms peace with disgrace. These events will be a heavy burden upon the future of the present dynasty. I think that the consequence at home will be a kind of reform in the Chamber, which will produce a dissolution, and also another Chamber, in which we shall be forced to endure a Left Ministry led by Thiers."

Madame Mollien writes to me: "Queen Christina is pretty; her complexion is superb, her skin fine and white; she has a gentle look and a clever and gracious smile, but those who wish to think her charming must look no lower than her head; in full detail she is almost a monstrosity, quite as much as her sister the Infanta. She came to France unattended by any of her ladies, though the newspapers are pleased to speak of some Doña, who, if she does exist, is probably nothing but a chambermaid. At Paris there are some Spanish ladies who will perform some kind of attendance upon her; at the present moment the Duchess of Berwick is so acting. Her suite is composed of only two men, who are both young; one especially, the Count of Raquena, does not seem to be more than twenty. He is a little man with fair moustaches, and looks like a comedy lieutenant. I do not know when the Queen will start. She says she is very happy here. I am afraid she will be too happy and stay too long. These royal visits always cause a certain amount of disturbance, which soon wearies the inhabitants of the Tuileries. She dines there every day, though she is staying in the royal palace. Her interview with her sister was very cold, but it passed off without any scene, and nothing more was expected."

The Duchesse de Bauffremont sent me news of the marriage of her grandson with the second Mlle. d'Aubusson; the eldest daughter is marrying Prince Marc de Beauvau. Gontran's marriage will not take place for a year, as the young lady is only fifteen; she will be enormously rich. Her mother is Mlle. de Boissy. Her father has been ill for ten years, and his property is in the hands of executors. Gontran is not yet nineteen, and a very handsome young fellow.

Rochecotte, November 29, 1840.—The day before yesterday the Journal des Débats was very curiously filled with the speeches of M. Passy and M. Guizot, throughout which M. Thiers must have felt himself somewhat uneasy. On the whole these explanations are not very creditable to the cleverness of any one except to the skill and the dignified tenacity of Lord Palmerston. It appears to me that all the French actors have emerged from the business somewhat bespattered, including even the little Bourqueney.

Rochecotte, November 30, 1840.—The discussions in the Chamber have induced me to read the newspaper through, and I am not sorry, for it is a curious drama, though one in which the situation is more interesting than the people, whose appearance becomes ever more threadbare as they adopt the most certain means of degradation, want of straightforwardness, simplicity, and truth in their dealings. Moreover, this discussion is like the Day of Judgment; whether they like it or not, every one is stripped of his fine feathers, and truth is forced to the forefront. Hitherto M. Villemain seems to me to speak the truth in the most suitable and striking language, but he is only in a position to speak for one side of the matter, though this, in my opinion, is the side to which blame chiefly attaches.

Rochecotte, December 1, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles tells me: "I had a long talk yesterday with M. Guizot, and I told him that recent events and all that discussion has brought forth will considerably complicate the present situation for a long time. He thinks, on the contrary, that the difficulties are only momentary, and that public feeling upon this question will be as short-lived as it was upon the Polish war eight years ago. [144] I also had a long talk with Berryer concerning his speech; he is thinking it over, and has some good ideas; his conclusion will probably give the Ministry a set-back. He will say that war is obviously impossible at this moment, but that peace as formulated by the Ministry is not acceptable to the Chamber, and that the Address should be referred to a new commission. Odilon Barrot and M. Dufaure have already proposed this idea, which might easily become popular. I also met Thiers at the Chamber, and walked about for ten minutes with him. I reminded him that I had already prophesied the events that have come to pass, because in this great business nothing could be done without alliances, while France was united to an ally who was opposed to her interests and obviously likely to abandon her. He replied that France even alone could have prevented action, at the expense, however, of great energy and a large display of force. He throws the whole responsibility upon the King; he says that it is a case of inertia upon the throne, and that with inertia in high places and also naturally ingrained in the nation, nothing can be done; that if the Duc d'Orléans had been King the course of events would have been different; that he would perhaps have perished, but have perished with dignity, and would not have left France in her present state of humiliation and hopelessness, in which she will long continue. In any case, he is entirely devoted to the Left, and M. Odilon Barrot drew the bonds tighter yesterday. Madame de Lieven is, I think, really attached to Guizot, for she no longer goes to the sessions of the Chamber, and confines herself to asking news of them with much anxiety."

I now come to an extract from a letter from the Princesse de Lieven herself: "Thiers seems to have decided that he will no longer serve the King. He says that he will wait for the Duc d'Orléans. Syria is lost for the Pasha. It is hoped and believed that he will yield to the summons of the English Admiral Stopford. I suppose that the French Government is advising him to do so; then the matter will be concluded with no glory for France, we must admit, and with every credit to Lord Palmerston. There are many people who strongly object to this latter result. The Ministers here expect a decent majority of fifty or sixty in favour of the Address, after which they will get on as well as they can. M. Guizot seems very tired, but is full of courage. At Vienna people are delighted with the change of Ministry and full of confidence in the present Ministers. I have no news of public opinion as yet from St. Petersburg. I am a little curious to hear what our Russian public will say about this great affair which has been settled without any active interference on the part of us Russians; it will cause us some astonishment. You will probably ask me whether there is a Russian public; the question is not unreasonable, but there is one, as far as the East is concerned. When I was at London as Ambassadress I ventured to call Turkey our Portugal; my own Court much appreciated the epigram, but the English did not. No haste is shown here to nominate a London Ambassador; I think they would prefer the Egyptian business to be settled first. We shall certainly have to wait until the middle of December. Madame de Flahaut does not know what to do, torn as she is by the whims and fancies which are natural to her and the extreme desire of her husband for a diplomatic post. The King greatly wished his ambassadors to call upon Queen Christina in a body; many of them felt scruples upon the point, but at length they decided to go, regarding her as nothing more than the widow of Ferdinand VII., and in fact she is nothing more now. The Queen of England is said to have had a very easy confinement, and will probably have seventeen children like her grandmother. Madame de Nesselrode lives at the Chamber of Deputies; she is in love with Thiers, and has joined the Opposition extremists; she is finding life quite pleasant here. I see very little of her as her time is taken up with the debates in the Chamber and with theatres. My ambassador is crushed beneath the weight of all the great Russian ladies who are grouped together in Paris. I am sorry for him, for I can believe that it is entirely tiresome."

I would have been ready to make a bet that Madame de Nesselrode would conceive a violent fancy for Thiers, if it were only to rival Madame de Lieven's fancy for Guizot. After reading the speech of M. Barrot and the series of invectives which he aimed directly at Guizot, I began to wonder yesterday how such things could be said and heard without leading to further explanations by means of swords and pistols.

Rochecotte, December 3, 1840.—The following are the most important passages from the bulletin sent by M. de Salvandy, under date December 1, before and during the session of the Chamber. He says: "Have you heard at Rochecotte a pleasant epigram by Garnier Pagès, who is to speak to-day? 'I would strip them both, and their ugliness would then be obvious.' This epigram very well sums up the situation. M. Thiers retains his revolutionary attitude, but that is all; he remains incompetent to many and impossible to all. M. Guizot is far from having gained all that M. Thiers has lost. He has immense talent, admirable strength of mind in times of storm, the gift of overaweing all hostile revolts in the Assembly, and the art of raising the minds of his audience to consider questions with him upon a higher plane and from a wider point of view; these are his special advantages, though he has never made the best of them. Yet he grows stronger, though he raises no defences, and rests his power upon the majority without permanently establishing it. The soil declines to be cultivated. M. Thiers is like a mistress who is asked only to behave herself; anything will be permitted to him, and his reputation will not suffer. M. Guizot is the woman of strict morals who has been a failure and is blamed for everything. This struggle between the Ambassador and the Minister, in spite of attempts to soften it, does harm to the Chamber and to public opinion. He is not even pardoned for his firm resolve to abandon the principles of the Coalition, as if people would have preferred him faithful to infidelity personified. The speech of Dufaure seems to many people a manifesto intervening between the Cabinet and M. Thiers; the action of Passy and Dupin in this direction has caused much anxiety. My name is coupled with this movement because no one imagines that Ministers in retirement are not displeased to be employed. M. Molé is represented as hovering above all, although he has no connection with the sphere in which the Ministry of May 12 predominates, for that Ministry, I think, regards it as a point of honour to preserve its consistency by holding aloof from M. Molé, as Jaubert thinks to remain consistent by retaining his seat among the others, whom he wounds and annoys by his constant outcries against the King and his enthusiasm for M. Barrot. Such is our position. The ground seems to be crumbling beneath us. Alas for our country, which should be strong and cannot be governed! Our Chamber is really the Œil de Bœuf of the democracy. [145] Favourites, male and female, disturb everything by their intrigues, and spend the time in overthrowing one another, with the result that ruin is universal. I am going to the Chamber, where MM. de Lamartine and Berryer will cross swords, and shall close this letter there.

"P.S.—Berryer has just spoken, a clever, brilliant, and perfidious speech. He has protected Thiers by going straightway to the Tuileries. There he has displayed his thunderbolts and launched anathemas against M. Guizot the Ambassador, which have been definitely applauded three times by the Assembly. M. de Lamartine is now rising to reply."

Rochecotte, December 4, 1840.—The speech of M. Berryer shows the state of the country from one point of view and that of M. de Lamartine from another. These two speeches seem to me to be the most brilliant effort on the part of one orator and the most lofty on the part of the other that the whole discussion upon the Address has produced. M. de Lamartine, for whom in general I have but a moderate liking, greatly pleased me with his reply which seems to be wise, well supported by facts, well thought out, and well delivered, with excellent touches of straightforward feeling, which had its effect upon the Assembly.

We are assured that the mission of M. Mounier to London is intended to secure the help of England for the proposal of a marriage between the innocent Isabella with her cousin Carlos, Prince of Asturias.

The remains of Napoleon have now been brought to Cherbourg. In Paris no preparations are said to have yet been made for this ceremony, which in my opinion will be very ridiculous.

Rochecotte, December 5, 1840.—Yesterday I had a letter from M. Royer Collard, from which the following is a striking extract: "A week ago, madame, I was a prisoner in the Chamber, following a great debate upon the Address with close interest. The audience have alternately expressed dissatisfaction with the chief actors, but not from the same point of view. The faults of Thiers are those of the Minister, and the faults of Guizot those of the man. I do not know whether you noticed in the newspapers that I was led to make a declaration in Guizot's favour which he greatly needed, as he was in a difficulty, for no one believed a word of what he was saying, although he spoke the truth. The next day he came over to my place to thank me, boldly crossing the whole Chamber for the purpose. I did not accept his thanks, and told him that I had done nothing for him, but had been thinking only of myself. He then buttonholed me in a corridor. I maintained a distant attitude and refused to converse. The difference between the two men is that Providence has not granted Thiers the power of distinguishing between good and evil; Guizot has this power, but will not use it. He is therefore the more guilty, but not, perhaps, the more dangerous. If one could regard any decision of to-day as irrevocable, I should say that they are both utterly ruined. I wish they were, but I am not sure of it."

My son-in-law hears that the effect of Berryer's speech has been tremendous. It seems to have dealt a death-blow to M. Guizot, and a vigorous thrust in higher quarters. The Carlists are overjoyed. I am inclined to think that they regard the event as more important than it really is. Thiers loudly praises Berryer, and tells any one who will listen to him that in point of art nothing is superior to it, and that in 1789 no better performance was achieved.

The Princesse de Lieven, to whom some one related the thrust that Guizot had received, answered that he had not been hit.

It is said that the ceremony in honour of the remains of Napoleon will take place on the 15th of this month. How opportunely his ghost arrives!

Rochecotte, December 6, 1840.—I hear from a correspondent: "I have no certain confirmation of Demidoff's death, but I know from a sure source that he had a very unpleasant journey to Rome, and afterwards some harassing interviews with the Cardinal's Secretary of State and with the Russian Minister, after which he was obliged to leave the Papal States, in accordance with orders. The consequent excitement then caused him one of his worst attacks. Apparently he told a Greek priest that his children would all be brought up in the Greek religion, while he told the Catholic authorities that they would be brought up as Catholics. Moreover, he said, with his usual assurance, that with money anything could be gained from the Court of Rome, and that he had sent a hundred thousand francs to the Pope for the dispensations which he has procured. Cardinal Lambruschini, indignant at this story, inserted an article in the Gazette romaine, which has been circulated everywhere, and which denies the statement, affirming very positively that M. Demidoff only paid ninety francs for his dispensations—namely, the cost of their postage. The Russian Minister then refused to intercede with the Roman Court on behalf of Demidoff. Demidoff abused him, in consequence, and after all this fine performance was obliged to leave Rome; and if he is not dead with fury he is none the less in an awkward position."

Rochecotte, December 7, 1840.—The chief news of the day is the rejection of M. Odilon Barrot's amendment by a majority of more than a hundred.

One or two clever epigrams current at Paris are these: MM. Jaubert and Duvergier de Hauranne—in short, the Doctrinaire section that has gone over to the Left—are known as the unrestrained schismatics from the Doctrine. In other circles partisans of Mgr. Affre, the Archbishop of Paris, are known as the affreux (frightful). People must have their joke.

Rochecotte, December 9, 1840.—Madame Mollien informs me that, as the Address is now voted, men's minds are beginning to turn to the ceremony of the Remains, as the people of Paris call it. The expenses of the ceremony will amount to a million; thousands of workmen are busy day and night with preparations, and thousands of loafers spend their time looking on until nightfall. What foolishness all this comedy is, coming at such a time and in such circumstances! I think that the rock of St. Helena would have been a more fitting sepulchre, and perhaps a safer resting-place, than Paris, with its storms and revolutions.

Rochecotte, December 10, 1840.—M. Raullin writes to say that the Stock Exchange gambling was discussed at the session of the Chamber, and M. Thiers actually wept. He also says that the hatred and acrimony which embroil all these people is quite unparalleled, and that it is impossible to talk with any one unless you share their particular form of madness. Thiers wished to fight a duel with M. de Givré, which was prevented by Rémusat. M. Jaubert is also slightly infected by the disease. Madame Dosne is in bed, a result of the effects of the last session of the Chamber at which she was present. The revelations made upon the subject of the Stock Exchange gambling have overwhelmed her.

M. de Saint-Aulaire writes from Vienna saying that he is going to stand for election to the French Academy; he displays great disgust with public affairs, and there is every probability that this feeling will become general.

Rochecotte, December 13, 1840.—Yesterday, as my solitude was more complete than usual, I returned, as I constantly do, to my recollections of the past. It occurred to me to write a few lines upon certain mental characteristics of M. de Talleyrand, as follows:

His mind was strong, but his conscience was weak, for it needed enlightenment. The age in which he lived, his education, and the position into which he was forced were all incompatible with that reflection which can illuminate the soul. His natural want of sensitiveness also disinclined him for the serious work of self-examination and left him in darkness. Thus his unusual mental powers were entirely devoted to political interests. He was swept away by the terrible movement of his age, and threw the whole of his energies into it. If stress was required his energy was great; he could live without repose and rest, and deprived others of it as well as himself, but when he had attained his object he would relapse into a lengthy indifference, upon which he cleverly prevented any encroachment. He could be idle so gracefully that no one could disturb him without self-reproach, but he had a keen and accurate eye for a situation and a penetrating perception of its possibilities, while his mind was tempered with excellent common sense. When he took action he worked but slowly at first, but with rapidity and precipitation as the crisis approached. The attitude of carelessness, which he abandoned as little as possible, was most disastrous to him in private life, for he carried it to excess. His door was always open, his rooms were constantly invaded, while his indifference to the reliability and moral worth of the men who made their way to him was deplorable. At the same time he saw everything through his half-closed eyes, but he took little trouble to judge men, and even less to avoid those of whom he thought least. In conversation, if he felt no need of opposition, he allowed people to talk or act as they would, but if he felt himself attacked he was immediately aroused, and the answer was a crushing blow; he overthrew his opponent on the spot, though he never retained any bitterness of feeling for him. He speedily relapsed into his indifference, and as easily forgot an impropriety as he sincerely pardoned an insult. In any case, he was rarely called upon to defend himself. His dignity was natural and simple, so well protected by his reputation, his great past, and by the apparent indolence which was known to be only a mask, that I have rarely seen even the worst characters venture to show their true nature with him. I have often heard him say with real satisfaction: "I was a Minister under the Directory; all the hobnailed boots of the Revolution have tramped through my room, but no one ever ventured upon familiarity with me." He spoke the truth; even his nearest and dearest addressed him only with respectful deference. I am, moreover, convinced that his overpowering dignity was supported by a natural characteristic which could be felt even beneath his indolence. This was a cool courage and presence of mind, a bold temperament and instinctive bravery which inspires an irresistible taste for danger in any form, which makes risk attractive and hazard delightful. Beneath the nobility of his features, the slowness of his movements, and his luxurious habits there was a depth of audacious boldness which sometimes peeped out, revealed a wholly different order of capacities, and made him by force of contrast one of the most original and most attractive characters.

Rochecotte, December 14, 1840.—Among the letters which I received yesterday I had one from Berlin from M. Bresson, who says: "Frankfort is by no means a misfortune for Herr von Bülow; he has long desired it for private reasons; the post ranks as at least equal to that of London. The strange outcome of Eastern events has restored the credit of those responsible for the negotiations. The men who made the loudest outcry against Bülow are to-day warmest in his praises. We are so indulgent to those who show daring that I am myself inclined to regard them as correct. Humboldt has no political influence over the King of Prussia; no one has any as yet, and it is impossible to say exactly at present what attitude he will adopt. Some recent nominations of members of the Pietists have slightly damaged his popularity; his liking for them is not shared by the country. Lord William Russell extends the area of his amusements more and more; he is now divided between three ladies, one of whom attracts him with some frequency to Mecklenburg. Prince Wittgenstein no longer takes any share in public business; he has had several attacks and will not live long. I need not tell you what I felt concerning the discussion upon the Address; existing conditions make life abroad most unpleasant. Is it true that Flahaut is going to Vienna to replace Saint-Aulaire? If so, I shall certainly be left here. The wind of favour does not blow in my direction. A certain street and house very well known to you are not so well disposed to me as they were." This last passage alludes to Talleyrand's residence in the Rue Saint-Florentin, where Madame de Lieven now lives.

I am informed of the death of the young Marie de La Rochefoucauld, daughter of Sosthène and granddaughter of the Duchesse Mathieu de Montmorency. This poor woman has survived her contemporaries, her children, and her grandchildren. Heaven has severely tried the high courage and profound faith with which she is endowed.

I am also informed that at the much-talked-of ceremony of the Remains the Queen and the Princesses will be in mourning as for Louis XVIII. It seems that everybody is mad; the newspapers only speak of the funeral, or rather of the triumphal procession and of the religious honours which will everywhere be paid to the remains of Napoleon. After all, Napoleon, twice in forty years, will have performed the same service for the French. He will have reconciled them to religion, for it seems that it is quite curious to see the crowds upon their knees surrounding the clergy who bless these remains. Curious, too, is the general wish that their hero should have the benediction of the Church. Strange are the people who accept order personified in the midst of actual anarchy for the sake of a revolutionary idea, for it seems clear to me that there is no other motive for all these honours, which are paid, not to the legislator, but to the usurper and to the conqueror.

Rochecotte, December 15, 1840.—Yesterday I had some news from Madame de Lieven, the chief points of which I will copy: "Egypt is now done for. Napier was rather violent, contrary to his instructions, but at the same time he has succeeded. Napier wished to show his learning, and is asking the Pasha to restore the reign of the Ptolemys, a strange position for a vassal, but there it is. At Constantinople the principle of hereditary succession will be recognised for his family, and he will afterwards surrender the fleet. At London delight is great and Lord Palmerston cannot contain himself. Relations between the two countries remain very strained; it is not war, but cannot be called peace. The discussion upon the Address has been forgotten in view of the funeral of Napoleon; this will be a superb ceremony, and I hope it will be nothing else.

"Queen Christina has gone, after making a conquest of your King. She will go to Rome, but not to Naples, where her daughter has not been recognised. The whole of Russian female society is here; five of the palace ladies are at Paris and only four left at St. Petersburg. The ambassadors have declared that they will not be present at the funeral. Most of them have adopted this idea independently, but Lord Granville asked for instructions; after some hesitation he was told to do as the others did. The confinement of the Queen of England was perfectly easy."

Rochecotte, December 17, 1840.—We have not yet heard how the funeral passed off at Paris the day before yesterday. Some uneasiness prevailed. The Duchesse de Montmorency told me: "There is an idea of attacking the English Embassy and wrecking the house. Some soldiers have been placed within the residence and Lady Granville has moved. It is estimated that eight hundred thousand people will be on foot. My children went to the Pecq, and thought that everything was very well conducted; there was a general silence when the boat came in, and all heads were bared. General Bertrand was on the right of the coffin, General Gourgaud on the left, M. de Chabot before it, and the Prince of Joinville went to and fro giving orders and had all the decorations removed which were not religious. The priests were there with surplices and many candles, and there was nothing worldly or mythological."

The newspapers speak of great excitement. I shall be delighted when the evening post tells us how it has all gone off. I have written to secure my grandson Boson a view of the ceremony. Foolish, incoherent, contradictory, and ridiculous as it may be, still the solemn arrival of the coffin brought back from St. Helena will be very imposing, and he will be glad one day to have seen it. Unfortunately at his age he will be merely impressed, and will be unable to draw any of the strange conclusions which the sight should inspire—the complete forgetfulness of the oppression and the universal maledictions with which Europe resounded twenty-six years ago; to-day nothing remains but the recollections of Napoleon's victories, which make his memory so popular. Paris, proclaiming her eager love of liberty, and France, humiliated before the foreigner, are doing their utmost to honour the man who did most to reduce them to servitude and was the most terrible of conquerors.

In the newspapers we have read a description of the decorations in the Champs Elysées, with the row of kings and great men. The great Condé at least should not have found a place among them. Condé offering a crown to his grandson's assassin! What I think should be fine is the hearse. I like the idea of Napoleon brought back to France on a buckler....

Rochecotte, December 18, 1840.—Yesterday we awaited the post most anxiously, and by some fatality the box was broken and we had to go to bed without letters. Fortunately my son Dino, who had been at Tours, brought back a copy of a telegram received by the Prefect which said that everything went off very well, apart from a small demonstration by some fifty men in blouses, who tried to break through the lines in the Place Louis XV., but were driven back.

Rochecotte, December 19, 1840.—At last our letters have come. Madame Mollien, who was at the Church of the Invalides in the King's suite, says: "This ceremony was just as unpopular in the position where I was placed as it was popular in the streets of Paris. For every reason people are delighted that yesterday is over. Before entering the church we met in a kind of room, or rather chapel without an altar, which had already been used for the same purpose at the funeral of the victims of Fieschi. The royal family, the Chancellor, the Ministers, the Households, and even the tutors, waited together for two hours. The time was chiefly spent in speculation upon the progress of the procession and in attempts to derive some heat from two enormous fireplaces that had been hastily constructed and avoid the volumes of smoke which they belched into the room. Recollections of the Emperor were conspicuous by their absence; people talked of any subject except that. The Chancellor [146] was noticeable for his cheerfulness and his comical outbursts against the smoke. The Queen was feverish, but nothing could prevent her from accompanying the King, and she went home from the Invalides really ill. I can tell you nothing of the scene within the church. I was so shut in on my stand that I saw nothing, and could hardly hear the beautiful mass by Mozart, divinely sung."

The following is another account: "The hearse, in my opinion, was really admirable; nothing could be more magnificent and imposing; the departmental standards borne by subalterns made an excellent effect, and the trumpets playing a simple funeral march in unison impressed me deeply. I liked, too, the five hundred sailors from La Belle Poule, whose austere appearance contrasted with the general splendour; but a ridiculous effect was produced by the old costumes of the Empire, which looked as though they had been brought out from Franconi's. The progress of the hearse was not followed sufficiently closely by the crowd, so that the people rushed along in too noisy a fashion. There were some unpleasant shouts of 'Down with Guizot!' 'Death to the men of Ghent!' Some red flags were also seen, and the Marseillaise was heard once or twice, but these attempts were immediately checked. The Prince de Joinville has grown brown and thin, but he is handsome and looked very well. He was warmly welcomed throughout the procession yesterday."

The Duchesse d'Albuféra saw the procession pass from Madame de Flahaut's house, who had invited the old ladies who had figured under the Empire, the wife of Marshal Ney, the Duchesse de Rovigo, &c., with a number of modern society figures or strangers. The eighty thousand troops are said to have given the ceremony the aspect of a review rather than of a funeral. The Marshal's wife reasonably disliked the attitude of the people, which was neither religious nor impressive nor respectful.

I have also a letter from M. Royer Collard, who says nothing about the ceremony, at which he was not present; but in answer to a statement of mine, expressing my astonishment at his silence concerning Berryer's speech, he says: "If I were to give you my plain opinion of the protagonists in the debate upon the Address, I should be tempted to use very violent language. M. Berryer is supporting the cause of good by evil methods, an imaginary good by what is certainly wrong, and the cause of order by means of confusion. He has the outward graces of an orator, but not the essential points. He makes no impression upon men's minds, and nothing will be left to him but his name. You ask my opinion of M. de Tocqueville. He has a fund of honest motives which is not adequate for his purposes, and which he imprudently expends, but some remnants of which will always be left to him. I am afraid that in his anxiety to succeed he will wander into impossible paths by an attempt to reconcile irreconcilable elements. He extends both hands simultaneously, the right hand in welcome to the left, and the left hand to ourselves, and regrets that he has not a third hand behind him which he could offer unseen. He proposes to present himself for election to the French Academy in place of M. de Bonald. My first vote is promised to Ballanche, but he will have my second. His opponents—for there is an opposition—say that his literary success has already brought him into the Institute, the Chamber, and will give him an armchair at Barrot's house, and that he can therefore wait." Our hermit of the Rue d'Enfer displays a considerable spice of malignity beneath his excellent qualities. The notion of a third hand is very persuasive, a capital metaphor, in my opinion.

Rochecotte, December 20, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles also sends me a small account of the funeral, and says that the crowd of onlookers watched the procession going by almost as if it were that of the Bœuf-Gras, and that the people in the church were entirely absorbed by the question of the cold and the business of wrapping themselves up; that the service was confused and that the social spectacle was the main point in everybody's mind. The obvious inference seems to me to be that there are no more Bonapartists in France. The fact is that there is nothing in this country except newspaper articles.

My son-in-law is told that a proposal is to be brought forward in the Chamber to efface the figure of Henry IV. from the star of the Legion of Honour and to replace it by the effigy of Napoleon. As a matter of fact there will be nothing more extraordinary in destroying the image of one's ancestor than in staining one's coat of arms. [147]

Rochecotte, December 23, 1840.—I have a letter from M. de Salvandy, of which the following are the essential points: "A note has arrived from Lord Palmerston stating that Napier's convention has been ratified, and guaranteeing the fact in the name of England.

"M. Thiers will be president of the Commission concerning the fortifications, and will report their proceedings to the Chamber; thus he will have the Cabinet on the stool of repentance and be able to keep the Chamber in check. It thus appears that M. Thiers is by no means so weak as was thought, and that M. Guizot's position is by no means assured. In this general state of uncertainty anything is possible. The credit of the Chamber is shaken by it within, and a European disturbance may very well follow. Austria has presented a very moderate note upon the question of armaments, but Germany will not disarm."

M. de Salvandy says the same as my other correspondents with regard to the funeral. He complains that there was too much gold, which was to be seen in every possible position. Apparently those who arranged the ceremony thought that it was the best means of representing glory. He also said that nothing could be less religious than the religious ceremony. This is natural when one has an archbishop who cannot walk or pray or use incense. I notice in the Moniteur a phrase which is quite admirable: "De Profundis was sung by Duprez and the prayer by the Archbishop."

M. de Salvandy says that during the ceremony M. Thiers was remarkably hopeful at the outset, very angry at the conclusion, and preoccupied throughout; apparently he had set his hopes upon a day which, thank heaven, has been a failure. Even in the church he attempted to begin a discussion with M. Molé concerning Napoleon's thoughts and chances during the Hundred Days.

Now I have an extract from a letter sent by Frau von Wolff from Berlin: "Hitherto nothing has disturbed the perfect harmony between the Sovereign and his people; on political questions there is practically no difference of opinion among them, so we are almost all orthodox in this respect; but religious opinions are strongly divided, and from this point of view the first steps of the King are watched with some anxiety. It is to be hoped that the King will never sacrifice true merit to sectarian prejudice. With regard to the new nobility which the King has just created, it will be difficult for me to give you a precise explanation, for the institution seems to be still somewhat vague. The King hopes to obviate the inconvenience of a poor nobility—and the Prussian nobility is usually poor—by introducing new titles and attaching them to territorial estates, so that the title will pass only to those children or descendants who inherit land, and will become extinct if the succession leaves the family. This idea has not been greatly appreciated so far. People fear possible complications and entanglements and it is thought that the institution will hardly survive, as it is not in harmony with Germanic custom."

Rochecotte, December 27, 1840.—The Duc de Noailles tells me that M. de Tocqueville has withdrawn his candidature for the Academy. The Duc has just been to dinner with M. Pasquier, where he met Mgr. Affre; he speaks of him as a regular peasant; even the enemies of Mgr. de Quélen noticed the difference at the ceremony in the Invalides. It was Mgr. de Quélen who officiated for the victims of Fieschi. Mgr. Affre is an appropriate prelate for this wretched age, which is so devoid of dignity wherever it is looked for.

Rochecotte, December 30, 1840.—I hear from Paris that a despatch in a mild and friendly tone has arrived from Russia for communication to the Government, saying that the isolation of France is regarded with regret and that there is a readiness to begin the usual measures for bringing France into the train of negotiations since a Conservative Ministry has been re-established at Paris. The despatch was read to M. Guizot and then to the King. Can it betoken a desire for a closer union? I hardly think so, but I do think that there is a general wish to avoid war in Russia as well as elsewhere; that there is a wish to calm the feelings of France and induce her to disarm, and that disarmament may follow elsewhere, for these general armaments are the ruin of Europe.