Front matter (continued 5)

Regretting, as I do, the difference of sentiment to which I have already adverted, I must premise distinctly, and in terms which cannot be misunderstood, that it would be impossible for me to form a part of any Government without reserving to myself, in the most ample manner, the full liberty not only of supporting and advocating, but of originating, either in Parliament or in Council, any proposition which may appear to me desirable to promote the amelioration of the general state of Ireland; and it is scarcely necessary for me to add, that in my judgment concession to the Catholics is a primary step towards the accomplishment of this inestimable object. It would be moreover essential that I should not only posses, but also, at my own discretion, avow the perfect liberty of speaking and acting, which I retain on this subject; and it is probable that I might feel myself called upon to declare publicly that as the hope of contributing to the success of this measure had been my principal inducement to accept of office, so I should not hesitate one moment to relinquish it from the time of my being convinced that this purpose might be more effectually assisted by my resignation. The circumstance which mainly encouraged me to act upon this hope is the intended appointment of Lord Wellesley and Mr. Plunket. This appears to hold out to Ireland in general the fairest prospect of a firm, impartial, and conciliatory Administration, while their known sentiments with regard to the Catholics in particular will, I trust, excite in that great body of his Majesty's subjects, a confidence from which the most beneficial results may be expected. These nominations are, however, accompanied by that of another gentleman as Chief Secretary, whose opinions are known to be directly at variance with those of Lord Wellesley and Mr. Plunket on this most momentous subject. To Mr. Goulburn's merits and general character every man must do justice who has observed his conduct in the department which he has hitherto filled, but I am so deeply impressed with the inconvenience and irritation which may arise from the apprehension in the public mind of counteraction and opposition between the Lord Lieutenant and his Secretary at a period of so much disturbance as the present, that if this should be made the subject of Parliamentary discussion, I may, besides referring to my not having participated in his Majesty's councils when the appointment took place, find it necessary to declare that it is one in which I could not have concurred. Lord Londonderry has already, I have no doubt, fully stated to your Lordship the various discussions which have taken place on public measures in my conversations with him; but the points I have adverted to in this letter are of such paramount importance that I am sure you will agree with me in thinking them fit to be the subject of a direct and specific communication to your Lordship. Upon these points, therefore, as upon that of the confident expectation which I collected from Lord Londonderry of Lord Wellesley's and Mr. Plunket's appointments being both completed before the meeting of Parliament, I shall hope to hear from your Lordship as soon as is consistent with your convenience.

I have the honour to be my dear Lord,

Your Lordship's most faithful and obedient servant,

C. W. Williams Wynn.

THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL TO MR. CHARLES W. WYNN.

Bath, Dec. 12, 1821.

My dear Sir,

I was prepared by Lord Londonderry for the letter which I have received from you this morning, and he has, of course, communicated to me the substance of the conversations which he has had with the Marquis of Buckingham and yourself since my departure from London.

Agreeing, as I have every reason to hope we now do, in all the other leading principles of Government, foreign and domestic, the difference of opinion which unfortunately exists between us on what is called the Roman Catholic question must be a matter of sincere regret to me.

You will do me the justice, however, to believe that this difference can only be founded on an opinion that the beneficial consequences supposed by yourself and others to be likely to follow the proposed alteration of our laws on this subject, would not in fact result from it. But I think it material further to add, that whether I may or may not be mistaken, I am fully persuaded that in the state in which that question now is, and under all the circumstances of the country, fewer public evils are likely to arise from the adoption or rejection of the Catholic claims under a Government of a mixed character, than might occur under one which for brevity I designate as exclusively Protestant or exclusively Catholic.

With a knowledge of the sentiments entertained by you and by those immediately connected with you on this question, I could never have ventured to have asked the King's permission to be the bearer of the proposition which has been made to you, unless I had been prepared to have it distinctly understood that you would be at full liberty to support, to advocate, and even to originate, if you should deem it necessary, any measure of which the removal of the disabilities of the Roman Catholics might form a part, or the whole; and you can certainly not be precluded from adopting hereafter any line of conduct which, in the discharge of your public duty, a consideration of what is due to this question, combined of course with what is due to other great national interests, may appear to you to require.

I trust that the explanation will prove satisfactory to you, and I have only to say, with respect to the appointment of Mr. Goulburn, that upon the principle upon which the Government is acting I can never consider the opinion of any individual, whether in support or in opposition to the Roman Catholic claims, to be in itself a bar to his appointment to office in Ireland, provided he is in all other respects duly qualified, it being understood that the existing laws, whatever they may be, are to be equally administered with respect to all classes of his Majesty's subjects, and that the Roman Catholics are in any case to enjoy their fair share of the privileges and advantages to which they are by law entitled.

With respect to the appointments of Lord Wellesley and Mr. Plunket, the appointment of the former has already taken place, and he will leave London for Ireland as soon as his private arrangements can be made.

Lord Wellesley will have instructions to take measures for carrying into immediate effect the intentions respecting Mr. Plunket. In the mode of accomplishing this most necessary and important object, some consideration ought and must be had for the feelings of the gentleman now in office; but in order to obviate any eventual embarrassment on this head, I can have no objection to the other arrangements being suspended until Mr. Plunket's appointment is effectually secured.

I cannot conclude without assuring you of the cordiality of my feelings towards you, and without expressing the sincere pleasure and satisfaction which I shall have in an official connexion with yourself and your friends.

Believe me to be, with sincere regard,

My dear Sir,

Your very faithful humble servant,

Liverpool.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, Dec. 13, 1821.

My dear Lord,

Since I had the pleasure of seeing your Lordship I have been assured, upon information on which I think I can rely, that I may perfectly well hold one of the Commissionerships of the Board of Control and continue the exercise of my profession; if this be so, and you see no objection, it really seems to me that if they refuse to turn out the King's Advocate, it would be most desirable that you should press my going with Wynn to the Board of Control, upon an understanding that, on the death of Lord Stowell, I should succeed him as Judge of the Admiralty. I will enclose a memorandum containing the statement. It is very natural that Wynn should take some person with him in the capacity of a Commissioner, and we know that Sturges Bourne has made a vacancy there; it must, however, be understood that I am not to be a Privy Councillor, as that would prevent me from arguing causes before the Privy Council.

Wynn has as yet received no answer from his letter to Lord Liverpool, which is rather singular. The idea is very general that Canning will not go to India.

Believe me,

Yours gratefully and sincerely,

Joseph Phillimore.

Since writing the above I have been summoned to a Cabinet at next door on the arrival of Lord Liverpool's despatch, which, of course, you will receive by this post.

Memorandum for the Marquis of Buckingham.

King's Advocate, if an arrangement can be made for the removal of the present King's Advocate, which, from his unfitness for his situation, would be a desirable arrangement for Government;

Or,

The promise of being Judge of the Admiralty, whenever Lord Stowell shall make a vacancy, and in the meantime to go with Wynn as one of the Commissioners (with a salary) to the Board of Control, if the duties of that office should not conflict (as I am assured they would not) with the exercise of my profession.

THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Bath, Dec. 16, 1821.

My dear Lord,

I have this morning received the favour of your letter, and I derive sincere pleasure from the satisfactory conclusion of the communications that have passed between us. I can assure you that I look forward to the connexion which has now been formed, as one that is likely to be highly advantageous to the public service, as well as truly gratifying to my personal feelings.

There can be no objection to your putting yourself in communication with the Secretary of State for the Home Department respecting your title, and the time is now come when you may properly write to the King to acknowledge his Majesty's gracious intentions.

I feel with you all the importance of the whole arrangement taking place as nearly as possible at the same time, and if I wish for a short delay, it is because I am convinced that Lord Wellesley and Mr. Goulburn will find great facilities in carrying the point respecting Mr. Plunket, from being able to say that the general arrangement is suspended till it can be brought to a conclusion.

Mr. Goulburn is now with me, and proceeds to Ireland to-morrow; Lord Wellesley will leave London, I understand, on Wednesday, and I am to see him here on his way. I will certainly recommend to the King to make Mr. Fremantle a Privy Councillor; I shall be most happy if it is in my power to open a seat at the Board of Treasury for him. I feel he would be of great personal use to me at that Board; but I cannot be confident as to my success in this respect until after my return to town.

Believe me to be, with great truth,

My dear Lord,

Very faithfully yours,

Liverpool.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Strathfieldsaye, Dec. 16, 1821.

My dear Lord Buckingham,

I have received a letter from Lord Londonderry which gives me reason to hope that your discussions with the Government have been brought to a conclusion to your satisfaction. I cannot express to you the gratification which this circumstance affords me; and most particularly [when] I think that I have been, in some degree, instrumental in bringing about an arrangement which is, I trust, as agreeable to you as I am sure it is beneficial to the country. I could not avoid writing these few lines to congratulate you; and I beg you to believe me,

Ever yours most sincerely,

Wellington.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Dec. 20, 1821.

I think you are certainly right in what you propose to do as to your own title. I am not herald enough to see any difficulty in your son's being commonly called Earl Temple, as at present; and I should vehemently suspect that any difficulties arising on that head at the College, have nothing else in view than the payment of a third set of fees.

If, however, you give way to them, I should incline to recommend your taking the Marquisate of Temple. I wish I were not in the way as to that of Grenville; and should you and he prefer that, most undoubtedly I could have no claim to object to it; but I could not recommend it, because he as well as I should then experience, to a much greater degree, the inconvenience which already results from the confusion of Granville and Grenville.

I return Lord Liverpool's letter, which is very handsomely expressed.

I know nothing of French politics, and care as little as possible. I am sick of reading two or three columns about them every day in our English papers. I cannot much praise the wisdom of letting the Ministerial papers here open a battery against the existing Ministry (be it what it may) in France.

You must be aware of the case of the Earl of Euston, and others similar to it. After all, I see no reason against his being called Marquis of Chandos, if you find it necessary to take another Marquisate, though I know no instance of the son's being called by the same title as that which his father has in a higher rank; but it does not occur to me why it should not be so.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 19, 1821.

My dear Lord,

I am much obliged to you for your communication about the Treasury. I should certainly prefer acting under Lord Liverpool, for whom I entertain the highest personal respect and the warmest feeling, to a seat in the Board of Control; and I feel, moreover, that I could be of more use in the one than in the other. I am also much gratified by the intention of recommending me for the Privy Council, but I would by no means wish for such a distinction unless I held one of the offices to which I have alluded, and which were distinctly named to me by Lord Liverpool as open to your nomination.

I won't worry you on my concerns more, knowing how much discussion this whole subject has created.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. Fremantle.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 21, 1821.

My dear Lord,

I never for one moment doubted your kindness and friendship towards me, which I have always felt, and on this occasion I was sure you would keep Lord Liverpool to his engagement; but in looking at his letter you will see that it is very vague, though probably he did not mean it to be so, and I wished you to be aware of this in time. I am quite sensible to your particular attention to my extra object of Privy Council, which I was so anxious for you to press because it was not stipulated. I am quite sure it will all end right, and whether it is Treasury or Control I care little, but on the grounds which I think would be most advantageous to you.

From what I hear, the blow is felt by Opposition. They are very sore at the connexion you have formed, and endeavour to hold out that the Government is not strengthened by it. There can be no doubt of its increased strength, provided the whole of Canning's party, with him at the head, do not form a junction with Lord Lansdowne; and this seems impossible, for some time to come at least. Indeed, those most connected with him still hold out that he is to go to India, though not immediately. I was not aware till a day or two ago that he was to have a Peerage previous to his return, but not on his assuming the Government.

Ever truly yours,

W. H. F.

LORD GLASTONBURY TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Conduit Street, Dec 21, 1821.

My dear Lord,

Nothing can be more honourable than the arrangements lately proposed to you by Lord Liverpool, or more dignified and consistent than your acceptance of them on your own part and on that of your friends', whether considered in a public or private point of view. I am most thankful to you for the communication of them, and I feel most sensibly the very flattering and affectionate terms in which you convey it. I share, believe me, most warmly in the pride and exultation which yourself and every part of your family must feel on your advancement to the highest rank in the Peerage. This was the object of your good father through the whole course of his life (who justly considered it as the most substantial proof of Royal favour which could be given), as it has been of yours; and you have now the gratification of obtaining it thus speedily, and (as it must be universally allowed) without any dereliction of principle or submission whatsoever. On the contrary, you have asserted your right to maintain all your old opinions, and to adhere to them in spite of all possible contingencies: nothing more could be required by you, and your satisfaction must be complete. I must likewise observe on your Dukedom (and I feel a pride in making the observation), that you are to be called to it without a companion, which adds considerably to the distinction. This great boon, therefore, is conferred on you with every circumstance which must make the acquisition complete, and, in any point of view, it is of higher value as it brings no responsible situation in the Cabinet or elsewhere with it. This would have appeared to me a sad drawback in times like the present, which I may say, without meaning to convey any censure on the Government, are truly alarming. But your mind may [be], and probably is, of a more ardent cast; and difficulties and dangers may be to you additional recommendations. However, my grey hairs do not dispose me to thrust my hand, like the old Roman, into a flaming fire; but better days may follow, and the sun may again shine upon us, when such situations may be more desirable, and will be attainable.

The Catholic question is the only point on which you differ with any part of the King's Ministers, and on this point there has been always a difference among themselves. I sincerely wish that the new arrangements may bring this question to a happy conclusion, which seems now more indispensably necessary than ever to the public safety. But this is the only part of the change which I do not quite approve. The appointment of Lord Wellesley is excellent, provided he still retains sufficient bodily strength, and the energies of his mind are such as they were several years ago in India; but I think that I see a sort of compromise in the appointment of the Lord Lieutenant and his Secretary, who are thought to come from different schools and to hold different doctrines. This compromise has been already fatal, and we are now tasting its fruits. The times will no longer bear such a line of conduct. I therefore sincerely hope that the public suspicions on this subject are unfounded.

My brother desires to join me in every sentiment which I have expressed personal to yourself. We both desire to be personally remembered to Lady B——, and I remain, my dear Lord, with the sincerest esteem,

Ever affectionately yours,

Glastonbury.

MR. HENRY W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, March 28, 1821.

My dear Lord B——,

I saw Lord Castlereagh this morning, and am happy to say that his reception of me was as favourable as I could have wished. He began by a great deal of palaver about the obligation the Government were under to my family, and that he conceived I had an undoubted claim upon them. At the same time he said that he was not enabled to make any communication to me, but that he trusted soon to have it in his power. When I told him that I was going abroad for six weeks, he desired me to call on him on my return, and that he did not doubt he should then be able to give me a decisive answer. I consider this as almost tantamount to a promise, and that I have very nearly obtained the object I have so long had in view. This I owe entirely to you, and the most difficult task I have now to perform is to express to you one half the obligation I feel for your kindness. You will, I am sure, consider yourself as repaid by the happiness you have procured to me and mine.

Ever your affectionate and obliged,

H. W. W.

Watkin has just brought in from the House of Commons the account of the game being quite up with the Neapolitans.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Llangedwin, Christmas Day.

My dear B——,

On Saturday I slept at Dropmore, in my way down here, and my visit was well timed, as I just met Lord Wellesley, and had a great deal of conversation with him. Ha was in high spirits, and very entertaining, narrating his past victories over Indian cabals, and anticipating his future ones over Irish. I cannot say that the King's Lieutenant (as he took care more than once in conversation to style himself) was received without that ceremony. On the contrary, Mr. Dodsworth was Lord Chamberlain for the occasion, to show him his room before dinner, and he found his own way into the gallery afterwards, and had nobody even to carry up his candlestick to bed.

In and about his carriage were five servants, among whom were two young gentlemen between eighteen and nineteen, who, by the housemaid's report, made his bed. (I should have thought one would have been sufficient to make or unmake it) Lady Grenville was cruel enough not to repeat this to me till he was gone, so that I had no sight of them.

He told me that he understood Downes made no objection to retiring, and therefore he anticipated no difficulty or delay in Plunket's appointment, as Saurin would not have the power to stop it, and would only have to choose between promotion to the Chief-Justiceship and dismission from the Attorney-Generalship. The latter is reported to be troubled with scruples of conscience, not only from his want of experience in criminal law, but objections to passing sentence of death. Now, since as Attorney-General he must have swallowed these sufficiently to direct capital prosecutions, I have myself little apprehension of their choking him when he is to pass sentence, or even if his office required him to execute it. Lord Wellesley talked to me a good deal about Canning, and expressed his belief that he really wished to go to India. If that is the case, there can be no doubt, that whether he delays two or three months on account of Lord Hastings or not, that it will end in his going. He treated the reports of disturbance in Dublin as quite ridiculous, and told us that they rested only on the depositions of Patrick Maloney, a discharged serjeant, who tells of a meeting of 1700 men at night under Carlton wall, who were seen by nobody else but Terence O'Tregan, who is to come forward hereafter, but at present is confined at home, having caught a could in his head, and so keeping house.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 27, 1821.

My dear Lord,

Nothing can be more satisfactory or conclusive than Lord Liverpool's letter, which fully confirms your interpretation. I am perfectly satisfied, and shall wait with great patience and pleasure his convenience.

I believe there is something in the change of Bloomfield. I have heard it from a variety of quarters, but I doubt its being put into execution, as there must be so much in the power of the individual, from long habits and confidences. At present it is clearly not so, for only yesterday I received a note from him, under the King's authority, requesting me to learn from Charles Wynn for a certainty whether he could place at the disposal of his Majesty a writership for the year 1821, for a young man whom he was anxious to send out to India. I have enclosed the note to Wynn. A pretty good and modest demand, even before he is in office, or knows what his patronage may be; and why it was to be conveyed through me, I know not.

When this letter will reach you, I have not a guess. The floods have stopped up all communication with London. There are not less than twenty stages now at rest in Egham, and the water still rising. The sheep, oxen, &c., all removed, and no provision for this additional population. I see by the papers it is much the same in your Northamptonshire neighbourhood. When do you expect your patent will be ready?

Ever most truly yours,

W. H. F.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Englefield Green, Dec. 30, 1821.

My dear Lord,

I heard yesterday the particulars regarding Canning, which I believe to be true, and accounts about the trouble of a letter, &c., which you had heard.

About a year and a half since, Lord Hastings wrote to Sir John Doyle a private letter, in which he complained bitterly of the conduct of the Board of Directors, saying as he had lost their confidence, he should remain in India no longer. Doyle showed this letter, and had authority from the Directors to say that so far from Lord Hastings having lost their confidence, they entertained the highest opinion of him, and should be extremely sorry if he returned. In answer to this, Lord Hastings writes to Doyle to say he is glad to find the Directors are satisfied with his conduct, but that he should return to England, as he found his health and spirits give way, and he was anxious to return. Upon the strength of this letter the Ministers thought proper to act, and notified their intention of naming Canning for his successor, transmitting the letter of Lord Hastings to Sir John Doyle to the Court of Directors as their grounds for appointing him a successor. The Court return the letter, saying they could not receive a private letter to a private friend as a ground for such an appointment, and on this objection it was decided to write to Lord Hastings to know decidedly his wishes on the subject of return. This letter was prepared by the Court of Directors, and ended in leaving it entirely at his option to remain or come home; and being sent to the Board of Control for approbation, B. Bathurst scratched out the latter paragraph, and left it with the intention of naming him a successor, in compliance with the wish expressed by him to Sir John Doyle. This letter went the 15th of last month, so that no answer can be had for ten months to come; and I have no doubt Canning will wait till that time under an assurance of supporting Government, unless anything turns up in the meantime to make it worth his while to take another position.

I hear from many hands the Opposition are violent with us; and there does not seem to be two opinions as to the liberal and handsome terms which have been made with you; indeed, I may fairly say to you that Wynn's appointment is considered much beyond his pretensions.—The King is living very retired; literally no one at the Pavilion but the Conynghams and two or three of the household. One of the grounds for believing in Bloomfield's disgrace is that Lady Bloomfield is not there, being the first time she has ever been absent from a party of this sort. I am very glad to hear the Christmas quarter in the Revenue has kept up very well, and I understand Vansittart talks of having a surplus of seven millions this year. Such a result would very much lighten our labours in the session. They are going to make a new Board for the preventive service against smuggling, Sir Henry Hotham to be the chief, and two other commissioners, Boyle and the officer now employed, whose name I believe is Shortland. This will necessarily create a new Board of Admiralty by the vacancy occasioned by Sir H. Hotham and Warrender, who wishes to retire. I heard the new navy lord, but I can't just now recollect who it was. I have never heard who comes in the room of Warrender.

Ever sincerely yours,

W. H. F.

CHAPTER VII. [1822.]

CHANGES IN THE GOVERNMENT. LORD ELDON'S DISSATISFACTION. MR. CHARLES WILLIAMS WYNN APPOINTED PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF CONTROL. OTHER MINISTERIAL ARRANGEMENTS. THE KING'S SPEECH. TROUBLES IN IRELAND. THREATENED ATTACK IN PARLIAMENT ON MR. HENRY WILLIAMS WYNN. LORD GRENVILLE ON THE FINANCES OF THE COUNTRY. DEAN BUCKLAND. DISCONTENT OF THE COUNTRY GENTLEMEN. THREATENED DISSOLUTION OF THE GOVERNMENT. DISMISSAL OF SIR BENJAMIN BLOOMFIELD.

CHAPTER VII.

The long negotiated arrangement of the Government for an accession of political and official strength was made known to the public by an announcement in the Gazette of the 12th of January, that the King had directed letters patent to be issued, granting to the Marquis of Buckingham the titles of Marquis of Chandos and Duke of Buckingham and Chandos. On the 17th the King held a Court at Carlton House, when the Right Hon. Charles Williams Wynn kissed hands on receiving the appointment of President of the Board of Control, and on the following day he attended at a Cabinet Council. A little later Dr. Phillimore and Mr. W. H. Fremantle were joined with him at the Board, and Mr. Henry Williams Wynn received a diplomatic appointment to the Swiss Cantons. The Cabinet was further strengthened by having the Right Hon. Robert Peel in place of Lord Sidmouth, who resigned the post of Secretary of State for the Home Department.

After recording these changes, a modern historian adds: "This coalition gained Ministers a few votes in the House of Commons, but it was of more importance as indicating—as changes in the Cabinet generally do—the commencement of a change in the system of government. The admission of even a single Whig into the Cabinet indicated the increasing weight of that party in the country, and, as they were favourable to the Catholic claims, it was an important change."[76]

The biographer of Lord Eldon implies that this accession of strength was regarded with much dissatisfaction by a certain portion of the Government, of which the Lord Chancellor may be considered the representative, and acknowledges they were of opinion that the honours and advantages conferred on the new recruits would have been better bestowed on themselves. An extract of a letter, dated January 14th, from the learned Lord to Lady F. J. Bankes, supports his views: "This coalition," he writes, "I think will have consequences very different from those expected by the members of Administration who have brought it about. I hate coalitions."[77] The Lord Chancellor was in truth very much put out of temper by an arrangement in which he had not been consulted, and revenged himself by circulating all the jokes (harmless enough) he could hear or invent, at the expense of his new colleagues.

There is no doubt that this junction firmly established the Government in their position. If only a moiety of the rumours that had long been circulated affecting their stability was true, they were in an unenviable state. The King's dissatisfaction had been confidently reported, and changes threatened of a very sweeping character; but, though his Majesty had no doubt been greatly irritated by the result of the Queen's trial, the unexpected removal of the cause of irritation, and the agreeable impression created by his Irish and German tours, caused a sensible reaction in favour of his long-tried servants, and he only permitted the removal of one—replaced by a younger and more active statesman, who had already acquired high political eminence. How these changes affected the parties most interested in them, will be found fully detailed in their correspondence.

MR. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Bagshot Park, Jan. 11, 1822.

My dear Lord,

Most sincerely and truly do I congratulate you on your creation, which, thank God, closes an event so many years looked for, and anxiously desired by your good father and yourself; I did not flatter myself with the hopes of living to see it take place, and more so, from the honour conferred upon you two years ago. The addition of the entail of the Earldom in the female line, is a mark of most singular and partial favour altogether. It is as much as any subject of the empire could acquire, and bestowed on one whose family and himself have been unconnected with the Government, and generally opposing it for the last fifteen years. We have been here for three or four days, and leave it to-morrow. The Duke was quite flattered and pleased with your letter. From all I learn, I am inclined to believe the Opposition are very low, and do not flatter themselves with a great stand this session. The revenue is a great aid to us. I have not heard a word since from Lord Liverpool, but take it for granted (which I shall lament) that he will not be able to succeed in vacating the Treasury; I am rather of opinion that he would wish it if he well could.

Most faithfully yours,

W. H. Fremantle.

MR. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM.

Tuesday.

My dear B——,

In consequence of Lord Liverpool's summons, desiring me to be in town two or three days before the 16th, and that he would meet me there any day I would appoint, I announced to him that I would come up Sunday evening, and call upon him any hour that he would fix on Monday. On my arrival on Sunday night I found an answer to this, stating, without one word of excuse or apology, that he was going down to Combe Wood, but would return on Tuesday and receive me at twelve o'clock on that day. This certainly is anything but civil, but I suppose it is the nature of the animal. I have been with him this morning, and he told me that there would be a Council on Thursday at Carlton House for the purpose of swearing me a Privy Councillor, and that he thought it would be as well that you should take the same opportunity of kissing hands for your Dukedom. Most heartily do I congratulate you upon its completion.

I find that both Sturges Bourne[78] and Lord Binning[79] have desired to retire from the India Board; both, however, expressing their strong wish to support the Government, and that their retreat may be considered as unconnected with Canning's.

Their successors are not yet fixed upon. It is proposed to Charles Grant to be one, which I am told he has not yet positively declined, but I can hardly believe that he will accept anything so much lower in the scale of office than what he has previously held. This is unlucky, as it will so much delay my own appointment and the commencement of my salary, which begins to be an object. I also find the finances of this Board in such a state of embarrassment that there is a debt of 2000l., and the charges next year likely to exceed the income 1600l. a-year, to meet which, a deduction of five per cent. on all our salaries is talked of as the only resource.

Lord Liverpool professes readiness to appoint Phillimore to a seat at one of the Boards, but not to be held with his profession, which is a mere contrivance to negative it.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Jan. 17, 1822.

My dear Duke,

I have not yet seen Sir Scrope, but I understood yesterday from Hobhouse that your patents were all in progress, and that it was determined that you should have a new Earldom of Temple, remainder to your own male issue, remainder to the male issue of Hester, Countess Temple, the original grantee, remainder to your granddaughter and her heirs male. I am going to-day to be sworn in and to kiss hands, and shall previously see Lord Liverpool, whom I find very impracticable about Phillimore.

The difficulty about my office is, that the payment by the India Company being limited to 26,000l. a-year by Act of Parliament, Canning introduced a new scale of salary for the clerks, increasing according to the number of years' service, so much faster than seniors have dropped off, that there would in the coming year be an excess of 1600l., besides the past debt of 2000l. already contracted to the tradesmen. This Courtenay proposes to meet by a general deduction of five per cent. from every salary in the office, of which I cannot approve, unless some such system should pervade the public service. It appears to me that the fitter course is to pay the debt out of Bathurst's lapsed salary of last year and to oblige the clerks to revert to a fixed scale of salaries.

I dined yesterday at the General's and met Lord Bathurst, who as I see most plainly, is very hostile and bitter against Lord Wellesley, quizzing his speeches, &c. &c. All seems to be going on well, but I am sorry to find that Joy is likely to be Solicitor-General.

Goulburn has written to Grant that their only difference is upon a legislative measure, and that he has no inclination at all to depart from his official and executive system. The regular and constant manner of doing business is very much pronée by the Orange party, contrasted with the indecision and idleness of Grant, though they allow that abstinence from wine is a new and dangerous feature in an Irish Secretary.

I fear that the country gentlemen will make a desperate effort to diminish the taxation, and that the friends of the Government are disposed to take the front of the battle.

There are considerable apprehensions in Ireland of distress from the utter failure of the potatoes, which are all rotten, and of the turves which they were prevented by the wet from cutting.

As I was stepping into the carriage to go to Court, Sir Scrope put into my hand the copy of your letter, and I could only desire him to call to-morrow at eleven. Fremantle and I were duly sworn in, and I kissed hands as President of the Board. The K—— looked glum and out of humour, but as there was no opportunity for him to speak to us, we could not ascertain whether it belonged to us individually, or from a previous long Recorder's report, which I believe always makes him nervous and uncomfortable. Lord Liverpool seemed much more coming about Fremantle, but I fear there is little hope of my Board being completed so that the Commission shall issue before Wednesday next.

Ever yours affectionately,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, Jan. 23, 1822.

My dear Duke,

I have this morning seen Lord Liverpool, and received from him the offer of a seat at the India Board for Phillimore, which will be thankfully accepted. It is rather odd that they do not place him at the Admiralty, since they have an opportunity for it. Berkeley Paget accepts a place at the Audit Board, Fremantle will go to the Treasury, and Sir George Clerk come to the India Board from the Admiralty, where he is to be succeeded by Douglas (brother to Lord Queensberry). If B. Paget declines the Audit Office, Fremantle will come to the India Board, and Sir G. Clerk remain at the Admiralty.

As yet we have had little talk of business. The general plan of business for the session will be opened to us the day after to-morrow, at Lord Liverpool's, where we all dine for that purpose.

He concurred with me generally upon the principles you suggest, of, in the first instance, bringing forward as our own measure all that we think we could with any degree of propriety concede, instead of waiting till it is wrung from us. Upon corn I really think that the eyes of the public are beginning to open, and that a large proportion of the House of Commons will be ready to resist any proposition for again tampering with its price, notwithstanding the nonsense of Mr. Webb Hall and his petitioners.

I find by the accounts from Paris there is rather more hope of co-operation between the Right and Centre parties than had at first appeared, but there are many symptoms of restlessness and cabal among the military, particularly the non-commissioned officers.

My uncles are extremely alarmed at the threat of a question being brought forward on Henry's appointment to Switzerland, which, it is contended, ought to be left only to the care of a chargé d'affaires. At any other period than the present I should think nothing of it, and even now I do not think it can produce much effect, since Stratford Canning held the same appointment in 1820, or till the end of 1819, and as the difference between the expense of an envoy and chargé d'affaires to the public is only 2400l., one-half of which is covered by the cessation of Henry's pension.

Lord Liverpool told me that your Dukedom had produced many very urgent applications—Lord Hertford, &c., and Lord Waterford for an Irish Dukedom.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Jan. 20, 1822.

I most heartily congratulate you on the attainment of an object which you had so much at heart. The additional provision respecting the Earldom is certainly a very considerable fresh mark of favour, but I hope a very unnecessary one. My newspapers have missed me for these two last days, but I conclude I am not premature in directing this to you by your new title.

Plunket's appointment has actually been recommended from Ireland. Wellesley had indeed told me, when he was here, that he had full powers to carry that arrangement into effect, and in all contingencies; and he certainly has not taken much time to do so. Saurin refuses both the Chief Justiceship and the Irish Peerage, both which were offered to sweeten the pill. It is said—but I know not how to credit it—that although this thing had been directed from England ever since last spring, the first intimation which Saurin ever had of it was subsequent to Wellesley's arrival.

Tho only uneasiness I now feel is lest the Irish Chancellor should feel his consequence so much superseded by this event, as to induce him to look to his retreat, which would of necessity remove Plunket from the station where his services are most wanted, to one of higher dignity but less ability.

I feel the greatest anxiety about poor Hodson. It was not till this morning that I heard of his danger. Few things ever gratified me more than his appointment, and I had looked forward with infinite delight to the hope that you might be, as I am sure you wished to be, of much further use to him.

Ever most affectionately yours,

G.

The principal political friends of the Duke of Buckingham that had for some time past been acting as a distinct party, now either formed a portion of, or were content to vote with, the Government; but this coalition was something more than an addition of strength—it implied, to a very important extent, a change of policy. That it was so understood by the community at large will sufficiently appear in the course of the correspondence.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

India Office, Jan. 28, 1822, Five p.m.

My dear Duke,

I have this instant returned from the Cabinet, to which the first sketch of the King's Speech has been submitted. The principal parts of it are the expression of hope that peace may still be preserved between Russia and the Porte; pleasure at the manifestation of loyalty and attachment during his visit in Ireland; hope that it has produced beneficial effects, but regret at the spirit of outrage which has evinced itself by systematic violence, &c.; determination to exert every means in his power to protect the peaceable and loyal, and referring it to the consideration of Parliament whether further powers may be necessary—i.e., Insurrection Act; assurances of the determination to administer the law equally and impartially to every description of subjects; great satisfaction at the increasing produce of the revenue, and the flourishing state of manufactures. The Speech concludes with the depression of the agricultural interest, and so commending the subject to the most serious attention of Parliament.

I have no time to enter into a discussion of these points before the post goes out, as I only returned from Dropmore to the Cabinet, and have some other letters which cannot be delayed. I am anxious to hear how soon you come up, as subjects of this kind can be considered infinitely better by conversation than correspondence.

Our accounts from Ireland are very bad. There has been a desperate engagement between the insurgents and a party of the King's troops near Bantry, in which the former fought with great resolution. One of the soldiers was killed, and twelve of the others. There has also been a search for arms in Kildare, which has produced 667 fire-locks and a great number of other weapons. This, so near Dublin, is a more alarming circumstance than the former.

The Commission for the new Board, consisting of Fremantle, Phillimore, and myself, is at length ordered, and will appear in to-morrow night's Gazette.

If you have no particular objection, I wish that you would yourself propose to Lord Liverpool the arrangement for the change of Phillimore for Sir E. Carington at St. Mawe's, and the return of the former for a Government seat.

I think that Lord Liverpool seems indisposed to Phillimore, and perhaps has not yet forgot his resentment on account of Phillimore voting for Lord Grenville immediately after he (Lord L.) had made him Regius Professor of Civil Law at Oxford. I have been obliged to urge him a good deal to obtain what I have, and I therefore should not like immediately to make a new request to him, apparently in favour of the same person, though really for Sir E. C——.

There is a strong disposition in the Cabinet to relieve the agricultural interest, but whether this can be done most effectually by a sacrifice of taxation to the amount of 1,500,000l., or by an issue of Exchequer Bills, as has been done in former instances for the commercial interest, is not yet determined.

The absurdity of supposing that the importation of corn three years ago, since which the ports have been shut, can govern the present markets, seems really too absurd for even a country gentleman to swallow.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

The reason of Fremantle not being appointed to the Treasury is that Lord Anglesea is, I believe, apprehensive of contest at Milborne Port, and therefore does not choose that Berkeley Paget should vacate his seat.

Would it not be as well to recommend Sir E. C. to Lord Liverpool for a Treasury seat as [well as] Phillimore? I own I think it might embarrass the pressing the latter for the King's Advocateship, in the event of its becoming vacant. I am, however, most perfectly ready, if you prefer it, to mention the matter to Lord L.; but certainly had rather not, under the circumstances, so soon ask anything more for Phillimore.

DR. PHILLIMORE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Doctors' Commons, Jan. 29, 1822.

My dear Lord,

I have a letter from a friend in Dublin, which mentions that Lord Wellesley has said something in conversation which has been construed into meaning that he expects soon to be in Lord Liverpool's place; and as a confirmation of this, it is added, that he will not appoint to the situations in his household till after Parliament has met. Have the kindness not to cite me in the most remote manner for this communication. The accounts from the South of Ireland are bad. The White Boys have treated some of Lord Bantry's people who have unhappily fallen into their hands as Owen Glendower's Welshmen treated the English in Henry IV.'s time—stuck their heads on poles, &c. &c.

On my way here to-day I met Abercromby, who told me we should have warm work in Parliament, and that the Board of Control would be attacked, as Wynn's appointment had given so much umbrage to several who thought he ought not to have been preferred to them. Of course Huskisson is one alluded to. Who the others are, I cannot guess. The Opposition certainly calculate on the bad humour of the Canningites, and the storm which is expected to blow from the country. They would wish to have it understood that on certain points connected with economy there is an understanding between the Boodle's set and themselves; but this I disbelieve.

Believe me,

Your Grace's obliged and very faithful,

Joseph Phillimore.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, Jan. 30, 1822.

My dear Duke,

I came to town last night, and find from a civil letter I received last night from Lord Liverpool, that I am to go to the Board of Control, at which I am exceedingly sorry, and rather more so as I find I am to go to bed there with Phillimore. I own I thought I was entitled to a little better berth than he was—however, I am sure you did your possible. I think also it is not the most creditable thing for your party that we should all be huddled up in a nest together. In short, altogether I am sorry for it, and should have been much better pleased at the Treasury. I have been riding with Tierney, who professes to know nothing of the intention of Opposition, but evidently builds entirely on the diversions in Ireland, and the necessity of the Catholic question being now to be decided, if the Grenvilles, and Plunket, and Lord Wellesley have any regard for their character, or if they have any weight in the councils. An attack is to be made immediately on the appointment of Henry Wynn to Switzerland, as being unnecessarily called for at a moment of professed economy.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Most truly yours,

W. H. Fremantle.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Jan. 30, 1822.

My dear Duke,

I omitted in my account of the King's speech a paragraph stating that the estimates have been framed with every possible attention to economy, and expressing satisfaction at the reduction which it had been found possible to make upon the general expenditure, particularly on the navy and military services. This amounts to 1,500,000l.; but there is 450,000l. of temporary charge to be added for the veteran battalions to Ireland. I am myself much inclined to agree with your view, and to think that with the present superabundance of capital in the market, the advance of five millions to the agricultural interest in Exchequer Bills at four per cent. interest can do little. It may have the effect of producing a general lowering of the interest on mortgages, and if this should succeed, it would indeed be a material advantage, and would also collaterally tend to raise the stocks and to enable us to save a million and a half by paying off the Five per cents.

Still I am myself very anxious for a reduction of taxation, but it is true that it is very difficult to determine to what articles this should be preferably applied for the relief of the land. Windows would probably be the most direct, and yet that would apply more efficaciously to the towns than to the country. It has been already seen how very little relief was produced by the reduction of the malt duty.

Every day's account from Ireland is worse and worse. There is more appearance of organization and connexion; nor have we as yet a clue to any of the directors of it.

I know nothing about Bloomfield, or of what is going on at Brighton.

You will be amused to hear that from secret and private sources we have reason to believe that Lord C—— has by this time made himself master of the military chest of the army, containing 500,000 dollars, and has sailed to establish himself independently on the isthmus. Will not this make a good novel for some future Walter Scott?

To-day the plan for issuing Exchequer Bills to the landed interest seems to be nearly dropped, and to be changed into a general proposition for increasing circulation by borrowing four millions from the Bank. Still I am convinced that we must come to the reduction of taxation as the only measure of relief which will be comprehensible.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

Parliament was opened on the 5th of February by the King in person; but before the Parliamentary campaign was commenced, some anxiety was felt by the friends of the newly-appointed envoy to Switzerland, in consequence of a threatened opposition to his appointment from the Whigs and Radicals. This portion of the House of Commons affected to treat the recent coalition as a matter of very little importance,—nevertheless, it was believed that they would gladly seize upon any opening for an attack upon the Government and their new friends; and it was imagined that the disappointment which had followed from the expectations excited by the overtures of the Court last year, would give an additional stimulus to their hostility.

MR. HENRY WILLIAMS WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

St. James's Square, Feb. 1822.

My dear Duke,

I am sorry to hear that you have such authentic accounts of the attack on me. I have still reason to believe that none will be made till the general one on the Civil List. Charles has had a conversation with Lord Londonderry, who says that he is perfectly ready to meet any attack, both as to the time the mission had been vacant, and as to the expediency of having a person there with my rank. With respect to the first, he says that as soon as Canning left Switzerland, he took the King's pleasure as to Lord Clanwilliam's appointment, which was approved, but that in consequence of Hamilton's illness, he was appointed, ad interim, Under Secretary of State, and that he liked the business so much, that he now wishes to hold the situation permanently. With respect to the expediency of appointing a Minister, he defends it on the plea of all the great powers having a representative there with that rank, and that in case of disturbances in Italy, it might be a very important post. In point of expense, I find that it will be more considerable than Munich, Stuttgard, or Frankfort. Lord Londonderry thanked Charles for my offer, but said that he did not see any necessity for accepting it, and that it would be of bad consequences, as showing weakness at the first start. Duncannon told Phillimore that they were not making any whip for the first days.

Many thanks for your box, respecting which I have sent to inquire. I kiss hands on Monday, after which I will call in Pall Mall, in hopes of finding you arrived.

Ever yours affectionately,

H. Williams Wynn.

The references to the late Dean of Westminster, to be found in the two following letters, are not without interest. The Duke of Buckingham was anxious to engage him as a travelling companion in a tour he was about to undertake, in which he proposed to avail himself of every opportunity for adding to his knowledge of geology.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Feb. 17, 1822.

My friend Buckland is so far from being a quiz in a buzz wig, that he is, I think, one of the men I should most choose for an agreeable companion in a post-chaise. Whether he is prepared to undertake so formidable an expedition as you speak of, I should have some doubt, and the rather because he has usually some project of his own for spending the long vacation abroad in the prosecution of his inquiries. I can, however, have no difficulty in asking him the question, and at all events I should be glad of the opportunity of making him known to you, because I am sure you cannot but like him.

I have been reading Lord Londonderry's speech, which, as far as I understand his figures, seems to me more satisfactory than I had hoped. The great question is—will it satisfy the country gentlemen, without whom he cannot go on, and will they, on this ground, make a real and firm stand in his behalf? Of that of course I cannot pretend to judge, nor perhaps is it easy to say who can.

Government have certainly, under all the circumstances, acted wisely in taking the present moment for reducing the Five per cents. quite down to Four, though it is obvious they might have made rather a better bargain by a little further delay. So far is well, and I think the Malt Tax is, on the whole, the best they could have chosen, though I am not sure whether the Window Tax would not have given more general relief. His million for next year (assuming Ireland to be tranquillized), I also fully understand and approve.

But pray explain to me if you can (for from the newspaper I can make nothing of it), from what quarter his 500,000l. in each year, for the four preceding years, is to come? Observe he states it (if said Courier be correct), as something independent of, and in addition to, the future reduction of Four per cents. down to Three.

If by the conjuration of what is called borrowing of the community, in order to keep up the nominal Sinking Fund, he means to apply the five millions annual surplus at simple interest, and not at compound, he ought in the first place to say so distinctly, for whether right or wrong (about which much might be said), it is, at least, a more complete departure than any yet made from the original principle of the Sinking Fund. I do not say it would be necessarily wrong because new, but it would be so new that it ought to be brought distinctly under view.

But I suspect this cannot be his meaning, both from his relying so much on the necessity of keeping up Pitt's measure, and also from his expressly stating the larger amount of this sinking fund of five millions in proportion to debt when compared with Pitt's original million in proportion to the debt of 1786. The fallacy of such a comparison would be monstrous, if the one was a fund working at compound interest, and the other be meant to work only at simple interest. Besides, even if this were to be done, the annual interest set free by the 5,000,000l. annually applied would, at four per cent. be 200,000l., not 500,000l. So I am at a loss to make it out, and perhaps after all it is only the blunder of the newspaper reporter. If you can explain it to me pray do.

Lord L—— takes no notice of the successive falling in of the army and navy half-pay and pensions, which, if the present amount be as he states it, 5,000,000l., cannot be put at less than from 100,000l. to 150,000l. to put in in each year. I suppose he was afraid of the old joke against Sir George Yonge, who was said to have expressed a hope that the half-pay officers would die off fast, and be thus provided for.

Ever most affectionately yours,

G.

LORD GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Dropmore, Feb. 20, 1822.

I enclose you Mr. Buckland's answer, which I think you may pretty nearly consider as an acceptance of your offer, and I really congratulate you upon it. He is full of information of all sorts, with lively spirits, and a most active mind and body, and will, I think, be as cheerful and amusing a companion as a man could have in such a tour. I trust you take a draughtsman with you, for without that your cortége will be very incomplete.

I do not think Monday's discussion argues at all favourably for the Government, and Huskisson's loss will be most severely felt on the corn cause, if he is really so weak as to be driven from it by a little pelting in pamphlets and speeches. To my taste his speech read as much the best that was made on the former day. But I cannot for the life of me see what good the four millions are to do; nor can I understand, on the other side, Ricardo's fears of the harm they are to do.

The Bank have acted with the same ignorance as has characterized them throughout. If they do not lend their gold to Government, they must lend it to individuals by lowering their discounts, and if they incur loss by either operation, I do not see who but they will suffer by it.

Ever most affectionately yours,

G.

I see by the subsequent accounts in the Courier, that Government does plainly mean to apply the 5,000,000l. at simple, and not at compound interest, and I do not see why one should be sorry for it. But even so, I cannot work 200,000l. up to 500,000l. I suppose the rest is to come, and much more I am confident will come, from casual saving and increased revenue in each successive year.

If I cared a farthing about my predictions, otherwise than as the facts are of public benefit, I should have great cause to be proud of all I have said from the first day of peace, as to the necessary rise of our revenue to follow from it, and that while all the world was croaking all round me on that subject.

The threatened attack did not come off for some time; nevertheless a fair amount of political skirmishing took place in both Houses, and every great question was a wager of battle in which the contending parties exerted themselves to the utmost to overpower their adversaries. Catholic Emancipation was expected to be a severe contest, but the increasing disturbances in the sister kingdom caused the friends of Ireland much anxiety, and rendered a coercive policy inevitable. At this period the country gentlemen began to exhibit a diminution of ministerial support, which created considerable embarrassment.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

My dear B——,

I yesterday met the Chancellor in Cabinet, who immediately came to me, and expressed in the strongest manner the pain which he had felt at seeing sentiments attributed to him by Fyshe Palmer, in his speech at the Bedford meeting, which he never entertained, and which if he had, he trusts he never should have been fool enough to have so expressed.

The joke is a very bad one, and was repeated to me when I came to town in January as Mackintosh's, probably with just as little foundation as it is now attributed to the Chancellor.

Lord John's coarse and ungentlemanlike attack appeared to me very much to miss fire, and my reply was well received and listened to; but it is curious to see what common cause the newspaper reports make in hostility against me—wilfully altering, and even inserting things for which there was not the least foundation in my speech.

The Times contained the only tolerable report, which was copied in the Courier, and even from that it would appear that, instead of being extremely clamorous and inattentive to Folkestone[80] (so much that he was obliged repeatedly to stop, in order to procure silence), and then listening to what I said very favourably, the House had adopted a conduct exactly the reverse.

Lord Londonderry is to-day to open a plan of providing for the annual charge of five millions now paid in half-pay, pensions, &c., by granting long annuities for forty-five years, by which means a saving of two millions annually is to be made, which is to repeal the salt tax and diminish the window-tax.

Being myself no friend to the Sinking Fund, and anxious that the Government should have the credit of affording every practicable remission of taxation, I have no objection whatever to this; but I must say for those who support that system, it is somewhat ridiculous with one hand to expend five millions in relief of the burthens of posterity, and with the other to transpose a burthen from our own shoulders upon theirs.

I am still myself sanguine in my hope of the continuance of peace, as I think it clear that both powers wish to avoid war, and that the Emperor Alexander is aware of the certainty that the flame once lighted must spread further.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

House of Commons, Six p.m.

My dear B——,

Lord Liverpool had not, at eleven this morning, returned from Brighton, and Londonderry was not out of bed, or at least not come down. I sent your two notes to the latter, but have not yet seen him, though the post is just going out.

The visit to Brighton relates, I believe, wholly to the Civil List, on which the country gentlemen are to make their next serious attack. I do not agree with you in your wish that the Government should break up upon so very unpopular a question as that of the Admiralty. I myself look at the minority on the salt tax with more apprehension and concern than the majority on the Admiralty.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. THOS. GRENVILLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

March 4, 1822.

My dear Duke,

The country gentlemen have so much deserted the Ministers in the Admiralty questions, that it is not a propitious moment to ask favours, while so much ill-humour mutually prevails. A great many of these country gentlemen being sulky and discontented because the price of corn will not sustain the rise they had made in their rents, vent their spleen by opposing and thwarting the Government; and some who were steady anti-reformers have suffered themselves to be gulled by Cobbett into attributing the pressure of their rents to an inadequate representation in Parliament, though it has no more to do with their rents than with those of the Cham of Tartary. Yet these blockheads all profess that they do not wish to change the Government, though they are doing all that they can to annihilate them. The danger is a pretty serious one, for, with the connexion that Opposition holds with the Radicals, and the daily pledges they give to the tenets of these people, it is probable that the extensive changes that would immediately take place, would have very much the effect of an entire revolution in the government of the country. At sixty-seven this is less interesting to me than it is to you and to your son, for whose sake I heartily wish I may see this with exaggerated alarm.

Most affectionately yours,

T. G.

THE DUKE OF WELLINGTON TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

London, March 6, 1822.

My dear Duke,

Your letter of the 3rd followed me into Hampshire, from whence I returned this day; and I assure you that I am much flattered by your confidence.

You are quite right; the country gentlemen treat the Government exceedingly ill. What I complain of is not the votes of individuals upon the salt tax or the Lords of the Admiralty, or upon any other question of reduction, as in the existing temper of the country, men may find themselves obliged to follow the torrent rather than stem it; but what I complain of is their acting in concert, and as a party independent of, and without consultation with, the Government, which they profess to support, but really oppose. In ordinary times, and under ordinary circumstances, this conduct could not be borne for a moment. The Government would necessarily be obliged to take the line which you suggest; and I think that under ordinary circumstances the result would be what you suppose. I think it also not impossible that we may find ourselves obliged to take this step before this session closes. But I confess that I shall take it myself, and see it taken by my colleagues with the greatest reluctance and pain, for reasons which in fact constitute the great difference between these times and others.

It would not be difficult to form a Government to succeed to us out of our own party. But if we are unable to conduct the Government, they would be still more unequal to it; and they would want particularly our experience in tiding over the difficulties of the day. The Opposition are still more unable than ourselves or others to form and conduct a real Government. But they would be able, and not unwilling, to do a great deal of mischief—enough probably to prevent us or any others who should succeed to them from being able to conduct the Government again. They would soon find that they could not govern upon their new system; and they would not be supported by the country on that or any other; but they would just have the power to render the government of the country impossible to their successors.

I have stated to you very shortly my view of this question, which I believe is the true one. I believe, then, that however painful it may be to us, and I declare most sincerely that it is so to me, it is our duty to remain where we are as long as we can; and at all events endeavour to overcome the difficulties of this most critical of all moments.

Believe me, ever yours most sincerely,

Wellington.

The Government was for the hundredth time menaced with immediate dissolution; but the familiar proverb that pronounces the longevity of ordinary men when threatened, appeared to be equally applicable to Cabinet Ministers. It will be seen from the following communications that they were likely to lose the support of one of their most influential friends at Court. Sir Benjamin Bloomfield, however, was not so completely disgraced as the writer tries to make it appear, for, on the 1st of April he was gazetted as a Knight Grand Cross of the Bath, and lived to enjoy several other honours and advantages.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, March 10, 1822.

My dear Duke,

You can have no idea how much advantage we derive from the division of the other night, being of much greater importance to the Government than to us, and it is so felt by the Opposition. Nothing could be more absurd than Tierney's conduct, speaking entirely against Creevey, and by his vote identifying himself with the Opposition upon it. Lord N—— was really the height of folly, to call it by no other name, for the division was so miserable a one, and so completely confined to the Opposition, that there was no one reason why he should have come up for it.

I am rather surprised at your saying that you think Ireland is looking worse; it is not thought so here. I asked both Peel and Plunket on Saturday, and their accounts from Ireland and their private opinion on the subject were much more favourable. Plunket told me he was satisfied that as yet nothing had emanated from Dublin, that whatever were the steps of insurrection either at Limerick or Cork, they proceeded without communication or combination with Dublin. I am quite persuaded the only thing for the Government to establish and confirm their strength would be to force Canning into the Cabinet. It is the height of madness to let him go abroad in the present state of the House of Commons.

As to the conduct of the K——, it is inexplicable. He is praising Lord Liverpool on all occasions, but sending invitations to nothing but the Opposition. The communications on the subject of Bloomfield are now carried on by the Duke of Wellington. How this is to end no one guesses, as to the provision that is to be made for him. With regard to Ireland I am quite satisfied the great man is holding the most conciliating language to both parties; holding out success to the Catholics, and a determination to resist them to the Protestants.

Ever yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, March 11, 1822.

My dear Duke,

You may depend upon it nothing can be more precarious than the situation of the Government at the present moment. My own opinion is that it will stand, but the difficulties are great, and we shall only be extricated from them by the fear of the country gentlemen bringing in the Opposition. The defence for the Post-office will be most arduous; it can only be taken on the ground of influence, which must be maintained. If it is lost, which seems to be apprehended, it cannot alone form a sufficient ground for the breaking-up the Government. It is undoubtedly (coupled with other measures which have taken place) a good ground for Government to hold a language of retirement, but they must rest such a step on some more important proof of want of confidence—I mean the loss of any taxes—as, indeed, a small division against the repeal of a tax, which would be almost as discreditable to them as the repeal itself. You will observe by the papers that notice has been given for the repeal of almost all—indeed, I may say all—the taxes which bear on agriculture. This therefore must be the touchstone, and upon this they must rest their determination. If I were to speculate on the question of the Postmaster-General, I should think it would not be carried; but such is not the general opinion, and if we are to believe the common report, Lord Normanby will carry his motion.

I don't know whether you have heard the particulars of Bloomfield's dismissal. He received on Thursday last in town a notification from Brighton of what was intended, and he got at the same time a note from Lord Liverpool, desiring him to call upon him at ten o'clock the next morning. This he accordingly did, when the Minister formally announced the King's order of dismissal from all his employments and offices, together with the order to quit his residence at Carlton Palace and the Stud House (Lady Bloomfield retaining the Rangership of Hampton Court Park, which she holds for life); an offer was at the same time made to him to retain his salaries, which he rejected. No ground was given for the dismissal. Sir Benjamin claimed a Peerage which had been promised by the King under his hand within the last month. This was rejected on the part of Lord Liverpool, but the person who communicated this to me, and who had it from Bloomfield himself immediately on his leaving Lord Liverpool, told me that on this point Bloomfield said he should make his stand. No private secretary is to be appointed with the rank of Privy Councillor; Mr. Watson is to remain to arrange the King's papers, and to lay them before his Majesty. The Privy Purse not named. Thus far I tell you as knowing distinctly, and from the very best authority, the facts. On what ground the dismissal has taken place I cannot tell you more than common report, which varies and invents ten thousand different reasons—one that there was a large sum to be accounted for in the expenses of the Coronation, incurred for diamonds. The whole of these expenses were referred to an auditor, and Bloomfield was summoned to give an account of these diamonds; his answer was that they had been furnished by order of the King, and his directions were to place them on the Coronation account. Whether they were so applied he could not say, but took it for granted they were. It was not, however, so proved; and the King, considering such a disclosure, or rather explanation, on the part of Bloomfield as a breach of confidence, made it the ground of his dismissal. There may or may not be some truth in this report; but depend upon it, the measure has arisen from an intrigue in the party now governing at the Pavilion. For my own part, I think nothing can augur worse for the Government than this very bout. I am quite confident Bloomfield was devoted to this Government, and I am also sure that no new nomination of private secretary takes place, because in such an event the Ministers must have a voice, and no one could be appointed but under the sanction of Government. There is a large party of Opposition gone down to Brighton this week—Duke of Devonshire, Lord Lansdowne, &c. &c.

I will endeavour to communicate with Parnell, but he evidently avoids me, and depend upon it he will not commit himself until he finds which party prevails. Plunket is arrived, and is actually at this moment in the next room with Wynn. We have not much fear in our quarter of the Board of Control on Thursday, which I suppose will end in an abusive speech from Creevey. Vansittart's Superannuation Bill will create a great deal of discussion, and which he will not mend by his explanations. I have nothing to add; you shall hear from me as things occur. The next ten days will decide upon the question. I had a note yesterday from Lord Grenville on other matters, but he adds a few sentences expressive of his apprehensions for the Government, which can only be maintained by a sudden alarm and consequent support from the independent part of the House of Commons.

Ever, my dear Duke, sincerely yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

East India Board, March 22, 1822.

My dear B——,

Canning has at length swallowed his scruples and difficulties, and will next week be appointed Governor-General. I regret this extremely, for the reasons mentioned in my last, but it cannot I fear be prevented. I was mistaken in telling you that Newport went away, as he voted with us.

Ever yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Stanhope Street, March 30, 1822.

My dear Duke,

The King has been in town and went this morning back to Brighton. I hear from the best accounts that he is ill, thinks ill of himself, and is low, but Wynn told me he thought he looked very well and was particularly civil to him, and inquired most kindly after you. Bloomfield is to have a pension of 1200l. per annum, Lady Bloomfield the Park at Hampton Court (not the Stud House); he is also to retain the Privy Purse, but to do no duty for it (how this is to be I know not). This is calculated altogether to afford an income of 2800l. per annum. He is to go to Brighton on Monday to be invested with the blue ribbon, and the second Irish Peerage is held out to him. All this you may rely upon, as it comes from the King's own lips. The only ground of complaint urged, is Bloomfield's temper, which was all of a sudden found to be so bad that he could not longer go on with him. He also said, "He had engaged not to renew the appointment of Private Secretary, but that he did not know how he could possibly go on without one." This looks as if he meant to fight the battle again, and the Ministers will be mad if they give way.

You will see what occurred yesterday respecting the Catholic question; they will bully Plunket into moving it, which for one I shall be sorry for.

I am just interrupted, therefore am compelled to finish this.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

India Board, March 30, 1822.

My dear B——,

I had an audience on Thursday after the Council, and was very graciously received, with very particular and really kind inquiries about your health.

You know that my bile is not easily stirred, nor am I, for a Welshman, particularly irritable on anything connected with politics; but really in the course of twenty-five years' parliamentary life, I do not believe I have ever felt so much as on Lord King's coarse and personal attack on Henry. If he chose to question the propriety of the Swiss mission, it was perhaps bad taste in him, but after all fair political game; but to speak of one so nearly connected with him, and whom he had affected always to maintain intimacy with, as a person wholly unknown, to rake into his diplomatic life, and by implication accuse him of overstating his losses in his claim for compensation fifteen years ago, shows such a total absence of all feeling that I cannot trust myself ever again to exchange a word with him.

On public affairs I have little new to say. We tide on and shall do neither good nor evil without being compelled to it.

Ever most affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

CHAPTER VIII. [1822.]

SIR WILLIAM KNIGHTON. MR. CANNING BRINGS FORWARD THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. OPINIONS RESPECTING CATHOLIC RELIEF. STATE OF THE KING'S HEALTH. POLITICAL MEETING TO CONSIDER A NEW CATHOLIC MEASURE. MARQUIS WELLESLEY AT THE PHŒNIX PARK. COMPLAINTS OF HIS INATTENTION TO HIS DUTIES AS LORD-LIEUTENANT. SPEECH OF DR. PHILLIMORE ON THE CATHOLIC QUESTION. MOTION ON THE APPOINTMENT OF MR. HENRY W. WYNN. CONDUCT OF MR. ROBERT PEEL. LIBELS. ANTI-CATHOLICISM IN WALES. BALL FOR THE RELIEF OF THE IRISH. PROJECTED VISIT OF THE KING TO SCOTLAND.

CHAPTER VIII.

The statement hazarded in the next letter, of Sir W. Knighton's literary incapacity, is, we believe, unfounded. The memoir of this gentleman, edited by his widow, affords ample evidence to the contrary, and he enjoyed a large share of the King's confidence at this date, and subsequently. Lord King's motion for a further reduction of the Civil List, animadverted on in the same communication, was made on the 26th of March, and Mr. Canning's notice of motion for the admission of the Catholic Peers into the Imperial Legislature was given on the 29th; the motion was brought forward on the following day, and carried by a majority of five; on May the 10th, the second reading was carried by an increased majority of fourteen. The interest taken by the Duke of Buckingham in the question may be seen in some of the following letters:—

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, April 1, 1822.

My dear Duke,

Depend upon it there must be some mistake or fumble about your application for the entrée. The fact is, there is no distinct person at present to whom the reference is had at Brighton, and I have heard that the King complains bitterly of the inability of Knighton, who is quite incapable of writing a letter; whether this is true or not I cannot absolutely say, but I believe it from the quarter it came; it seems impossible that the King should have received the letter, or it must have escaped his memory on Thursday when Wynn was with him, otherwise he would have made some observation to him upon it. But pray don't hurry any further step: I will desire Mrs. F. to mention the thing to the Duchess and see what is said upon it; I doubt if she is in correspondence with the King.

I did not mention all the jobs for Bloomfield; he is to have a Governorship of Fort Charles, which Lord Stewart gives up to him, and the promise of a foreign mission, in addition to what I before enumerated to you. Lord King's conduct is worse than your brother's, who was not at the moment aware of "his honourable friend's" intention, and really does not know the details of your father's conduct as teller. I find from Charles W—— that Lord Grenville is equally outrageous with Lord King. It is evident that the Mountain are moving heaven and earth to lower you and your friends, but it will not do. I dread all the discussions arising from the Catholic question; Canning consulted no one, and I really believe not a soul was aware of his intention previous to his giving the notice. It will place Plunket in a very awkward predicament, for it must bring on the argument on the general question; you have no reason, however, as far as I can understand it, to complain of a want of communication, for it was Canning's move, and his alone. James Stanhope told me this morning he was coming into Parliament immediately; I think he said it was Houldsworth's seat, but am not quite sure. The Agricultural Report is to be made to-day, and Lord Londonderry gives notice for a motion upon it, I suppose to bring in a Bill after the holidays. We shall get through the Miscellaneous Estimates to-day, and shall have advanced altogether most extremely in Parliamentary business, much beyond the usual proceedings, so as to secure the House being up in time, provided no unforeseen events occur.

Ever most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

April 3, 1822.

My dear B——,

If I felt that any one vote was likely to be lost to the general Catholic question in the event of the success of Canning's motion, I should be very much disposed to agree in your view of the impolicy of agitating it. But if there be a reasonable probability (as we have been told) that there are those who, adverse to a measure of general concession, would accede to this, I should anticipate a directly opposite result to what you expect. Supposing the Bill to be carried, or even to meet with an increased support in the House of Lords, upon neither of which points am I myself very sanguine, it could not fail to be a stepping-stone to further success. Independent of the immediate gain of six votes when they are most wanted, there are many who, having once voted for a motion of concession, though not intending to proceed further, would feel themselves drawn in, and perceive that they cannot maintain that if it be safe for a Roman Catholic to exercise the functions of the Peerage, he must necessarily overturn the Constitution if elected to the House of Commons or appointed a justice of the peace. Our adversaries are perfectly right when they say that no breach can be made in the present system without necessarily entailing the fall of the whole of it.

I have, however, already told you that in my own opinion, this is so generally felt that there will be scarcely any difference in the division upon the particular and the general question. That it will be thought, as it is in fact, merely a new road to attain the same object. At the same time it is perfectly true, that by this means we get rid, or rather postpone, many of the difficult details which we have to encounter; and that the case of the Peers, who are deprived of a vested interest which they possessed without the slightest inconvenience to the public, long after the other Catholics were disabled from exercising their civil functions, is infinitely the strongest which exists.

Altogether, though the motion is brought forward not only without consultation, but even without the previous knowledge of most of the friends of the Catholics, still, my impression of its justice is such that even if I had a much stronger opinion of its impolicy than I had, I would earnestly support it; and I cannot but feel the utmost anxiety that under the particular circumstances in which you stand, the line which Lord C—— has taken upon the subject, and the disposition which exists to represent your conduct in the most unfavourable light, that you would reconsider the matter before you resolve to separate yourself from the rest of those who have so long advocated this measure. Upon questions of right and wrong every man must judge for himself, but on those of policy and expediency it seems to me that the opinion of the great body and the most eminent of those who contend for the same object ought to prevail.

I have just heard that Plunket has returned, and is desirous to see me. If I can have any conversation with him before the post goes out I will write again, if not, to-morrow. I hear that he has no apprehension of any jealousy on the part of the Irish of the claims of the Peers being brought forward separately. He is extremely distressed between the strong wish of Lord Londonderry to keep back, and of the Opposition to force forward the question.

My own opinion is, as I have already told you, that the conversation which passed on Friday in the House when reported in Ireland will produce so strong a feeling in favour of the latter course that he cannot resist it.

Ever affectionately yours,

C. W. W.

THE RIGHT HON. W. H. FREMANTLE TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Board of Control, April 4, 1822.

My dear Duke,

I dined yesterday at the Duke of Gloucester's, and, sitting by the Duchess, I had an opportunity of talking to her, and find she has no correspondence at all with the King, and is evidently not in communication with him but when he comes to town; and as I knew she tells every thing on earth to the Duke, and that he gossips again to his friends in Opposition, I thought it better not to say another word on the subject of your application to the King.

I am quite satisfied of the proper way of recurring to the subject, which is that Wynn should mention it to Lord Liverpool as a private hint, and it would be immediately settled; for be assured the King does not object, but that it is owing to some mistake, or loss of letter, and requiring an explanation—through Wynn would be much the easiest mode, and not make it of too much importance; for I think you should consider the thing as a matter almost of course, and not place more importance upon it than that which of course belongs to the incivility of not answering your letter, and this really I cannot but think is unintentional.

Lady J—— is come back from Paris, abusing the K—— most violently, and regretting she ever was such an idiot as to suffer her boys to go to the Coronation. In short, there is nothing she does not say against him—and what do you think for? Because he has conferred the Dukedom of Buckingham on you, when Lord J—— was the proper representative of the title. This is very good, but I am not sorry the King should find these Opposition ladies not quite so disposed towards him.

Plunket still undecided as to his motion, which, for my own part, I hope he will not bring on, for be assured neither his nor Canning's has the chance of succeeding in the House of Lords, and the Lansdownes are only urging it because they see, or flatter themselves they see, the prospect of discussion thereby in the Cabinet.

The Report, as was expected, from the Agricultural Committee, is a miserable performance, concocted by Bankes, and affording no one benefit of any sort or kind, saving this, which in my opinion is valuable—an acknowledgment that Parliament can do nothing for the relief of the farmer.

I think Lord King looks foolish and awkward, as well he ought. His conduct is universally blamed.

Ever, my dear Duke,

Most faithfully yours,

W. H. F.

P.S.—The King comes to town on the 18th to remain for some little time. Does not return to Brighton, but, on his leaving town, goes to the Cottage at Windsor.

The Catholic question as introduced this session by Mr. Canning, created more than its customary amount of political excitement, because, though one in which the Duke of Buckingham, his family and friends, had long taken a consistent interest, it was pressed forward by the Opposition to embarrass the recent coalition and the Government. The reader will shortly see the result.

THE RIGHT HON. CHARLES W. WYNN TO THE DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.

Whitehall, April 4, 1822.

My dear B——,

I called to-day upon Plunket, and found him still in great doubt as to the course which it might be expedient for him to pursue on the Catholic question during the present session.

The bias of his own mind is evidently to defer the agitation of it till the next session, and he dwelt much on the disadvantage which might arise if Lord Londonderry, though supporting the measure, should cool in the active personal exertion to influence votes and to fix the wavering which he exhibited last session. Altogether, he considered the question as too important for him to decide upon singly, and therefore was disposed to request a meeting of its principal Parliamentary friends on Tuesday, the 16th, the day before the Houses re-assemble. In the interim he hoped to hear again from Ireland, and to see Lord Grenville. He would also be very anxious to communicate with you on the subject. It is obvious that if it is to be brought forward, it must be before Canning's, as it would be absurd to carry up the general measure after the Lords have rejected the more limited one.

My uncle Tom is very favourably inclined to Canning's proposition, as he thinks that the admission of the general proposition is too great a change to expect at once from the House of Lords, while the proposition of the strongest of the detailed points, one by one, might be more likely to succeed. With this view, he told me that he had himself more than once suggested trying a personal Bill to enable the present Duke of Norfolk to sit and vote, and afterwards for the other peers, leaving the laws as they stand. This, I confess, I should not be so well inclined to. It will be an advantage, if we are to fight it in the proposed shape, that we are at once rid of all the details of oaths, securities, &c., for I conclude the consciences of the Roman Catholic Peers will, if the declaration be omitted, be disposed to swallow the Oath of Supremacy without a single wry face, which will be a most useful example to the other Catholics, and will of itself go far to bring the priests into order. Plunket does not apprehend any jealousy of the limited measure from Ireland, as he thinks that they will consider it as a stepping-stone, and will be much alive to the gain of six votes.