FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER II

German Press Campaign—Disseminating False News—The Secret Press Society—Sir E. Goschen's Report—A Suppressed Telegram.

It has been indicated in the preceding volumes in this series that the plans of the German Government had been very well thought out before the campaign was undertaken. When hostilities had been engaged only a few weeks, evidence came to hand from many parts of the world that the determination of the Kaiser and his advisers to wage war was no sudden whim, no definite stroke of policy dependent upon unexpected circumstances. For example, the proclamations issued by the German consuls in South Africa summoning reservists to the colours had been printed in Germany, it was ascertained, and sent out about the end of April or the beginning of May—in other words, some two months before the assassination of the heir-apparent to the Austrian throne, which was the nominal cause of the dispatch of the Austrian Note and consequently of the general European War.

Again, certain German merchant vessels in Australasian waters were observed on July 30th—i.e. the day before Germany declared war on Russia—to begin conveying wireless messages to one another in code. It was commented upon at the time that this was an unusual practice, especially as these steamers, with equal suddenness, refused to answer the wireless messages of British vessels. In other words, two or three days before the campaign was actually opened, means were found of notifying German vessels on the other side of the world that peace was about to be broken.

Nor were these the only preparations. Those who are interested in modern German history will well remember that practically every book relating to Bismarck's career emphasises time and again the use he made of all sections of the Press, independently of party and even of country. His agents, even before the war with Austria in 1866, and, of course, for long afterwards, were at all times endeavouring to bribe, cajole, or persuade newspaper editors in Germany, Russia, Italy, France, England, America and even Turkey and the Balkan States, to insert this or that article or paragraph, tending to assist in some way the achievement of the aims for the time being of the Monarch's most trusted adviser. Bismarck carried this employment of the Press to a very high degree of perfection; and readers of Busch's anecdotes in particular will recollect how often the unfortunate amanuensis was scolded for not writing what he had been told to write in the manner of the particular paper for which his article was intended.

This was one of the most useful diplomatic and political legacies bequeathed by the great Chancellor to the Germany of our own generation, and it is hardly necessary to add that both before and during the present war full advantage has been taken of it. It is no exaggeration whatever to say that in every country of importance throughout the world the most strenuous endeavours were made by the German Press agents to disseminate Germany's point of view—to show at the beginning that both Germany and Austria, particularly Germany, were two innocent but ill-used countries which were reluctantly compelled to go to war with their powerful neighbours, as, if they had remained inactive a day longer, they would have risked their very existence as independent States; and to show later on that, with the help of Providence, the German armies were winning remarkable victories all along the line.

Indeed, if we were to believe the German Press Bureau, the mere fact that the Fatherland had entered the lists was sufficient to cause panic among her enemies. Before the campaign had been in progress three days, the world was solemnly informed from German sources that a revolution had broken out in Paris, and that the President had fled from the city; that a similar revolution was breaking out in Russia, and that the Tsar's throne was in danger; and that the British Expeditionary Force could not be landed in France as the Channel was held by German warships and submarines. Subsequently we were told that Lord Kitchener's appeal for half a million men had utterly failed; that the British Fleet dare not venture to leave the coast on account of German warships and German mines, and that innumerable British merchantmen had been captured or sunk by German cruisers in the Atlantic, in the Pacific, and in the Mediterranean.

If these idle stories seem to us to be merely ridiculous, let it be remembered that they were retailed as solemn facts to newspapers in Italy, the Balkans, Turkey, Egypt and South America. Fully aware of the power of the newspaper, and determined that Germany's prestige should not be lost, the Berlin Government made the most complete preparations for fighting with the pen as well as with the sword; and it is rather unfortunate that this very common-sense example was not followed or had not been thought of by England, France, or Russia. One example may be given. As we now know, and as even the Germans themselves have admitted, the fighting which took place on the Mons-Charleroi line resulted in stalemate. The Germans were practically fought to a standstill, and the allied forces, in accordance with their own pre-arranged plan of campaign, effected gradually and in good order their retreat to their original base. German prisoners admitted that the small British force which had the noble but exceedingly arduous task of defending the left wing of the French army inflicted damage on the enemy out of all proportion to their numbers. The coolness of the British soldiers under a heavy fire, their intrepidity in hand-to-hand fighting, and the almost incredible accuracy of their markmanship were commented upon no less by their allies than by their foes.

Contrast this with the German version, which was circulated wherever a newspaper could be induced to print it. It was said that a great battle, lasting several days, had taken place in the neighbourhood of Mons, that the French had been driven back several miles with heavy loss, and that the "contemptible" British Expeditionary Force had been all but annihilated. This version was communicated to the Italian Press, and a suitable correction did not make an appearance until five days had elapsed. When the correction did appear, one Italian newspaper headed the news with the significant announcement: "Telegrams from London reach us in four days; telegrams from Berlin in two hours."

The result of this feature of this Press campaign was that many countries with which the Allies wished to stand well, such as Italy, Turkey, Spain, and Servia, continually received the impression that the German cause, German might, and German organisation were about to triumph in 1914 as they had in 1870. To some extent the scheme did not succeed. When, for instance, unrest was noticed among the natives in the French sphere of interest in Morocco, the Spaniards in the neighbouring sphere offered voluntarily to put it down, as France had withdrawn many of her troops. In Italy, again, the feeling in favour of the Allies had been so pronounced from the very beginning that not even telegrams from Berlin could shake it. In Turkey, on the other hand, it was difficult, if not, indeed, impossible, to have the German "news" corrected; and the utmost endeavours were openly made by German agents to induce the Turks to strike at the Allies either by an invasion of Egypt, an attack on Suez Canal shipping, or a raid into Southern Russia. It is significant enough that when the German battleship Goeben eluded the British squadron in the Mediterranean, she sought shelter, not in any of the ports of Germany's ally, Austria—which at the time were not beyond her reach—but under the shelter of Turkish forts in the Dardanelles. This incident is referred to in a subsequent chapter.

Although small and not very important items of news appeared from time to time in the British and French Press respecting the operations of the German Press Bureau (a department of the Foreign Office), it was not until early in September that anything like a complete account of the ramifications of this Bureau was made known. On September 3rd a White Paper was issued containing dispatches from Sir E. Goschen, British Ambassador in Berlin, to Sir Edward Grey. These communications began in February, 1914, and continued until June. They showed conclusively that a secret undertaking had been entered into which had for its object the influencing of the Press of foreign countries, partly in the interest of German exporters and partly in order that German influence generally might be spread. It is, of course, impossible to quote at all fully from these very interesting dispatches of Sir E. Goschen, but one or two of them may be mentioned. In his first dispatch, sent on February 27th, our Ambassador at Berlin enclosed the following report:

For some time past a variety of schemes had been ventilated in the Press with the object of improving German prestige abroad. It was said that in certain foreign parts Germany was being persistently and wrongfully abused, that she could obtain no fair hearing because the Press of those distant countries was in hands hostile to any German enterprise, and because the telegraphic agencies serving those countries were equally biassed. An "Association for World-Commerce" was to have remedied this evil by a persistent pro-German propaganda in the countries most bitterly complained of. It was hoped that the necessary funds could have been raised by contributions from all the trading and industrial societies interested in the German export trade, and, in view of the supreme importance to Germany of her export trade, it was intended that agents of the Association should be sent and stationed abroad to assist the exporting industries by timely advice and an active policy generally, such as private individuals could pursue more effectively than officials. The opportunity for realising this scheme seemed to offer itself under the following circumstances. A plan was being prepared to start a German-American Economic Society. Similar societies with an application to other countries already exist—e.g., a German-Argentine Society, a German-Canadian Society, a German-Russian Society, etc. The foundation of a German-American Society had been advocated in connection with the revision of the American tariff which gave German industries new chances of an intensified export to the United States. As was natural in any matters dealing with German-American affairs, M. Ballin, of the Hamburg-America Line, was approached to take the matter in hand. He consented. Under his inspiration the idea of a German-American Society was abandoned and the idea of a World Society was substituted. A preliminary meeting was held at which the various German-foreign societies were represented; there were present also representatives of the "Central Association of German Industrials," and of its great rival, the "Federation of Industrials," as well as of most of the leading industrial firms. Internal dissensions, however, soon appeared, and several important members sent in their resignations. The details of the foundation were to have been settled at a meeting convened for February 26th; to-day the whole scheme stands prorogued sine die. If it is ever realised its plan will have to be considerably altered. In the meantime the original plan of a German-American Society has been revived. This society is, in fact, to be constituted in Berlin early in March in the form originally intended.

It would seem strange had M. Ballin so readily accepted defeat. The explanation lies in the fact that, at the request of a very highly-placed person, his interest has been transferred to another more delicate and more or less secret organisation, devised to undertake those duties of M. Ballin's would-be "Weltverein," which concerned the German reputation abroad. A short time ago, a meeting, of which the secret has been well kept, was convened in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, of which Dr. Hamann, the notorious head of the Press Bureau of the German Foreign Office, was the originator and at which the Foreign Secretary himself was present. The meeting was attended by members of the leading industrial concerns of this country: the North German Lloyd, the Hamburg-America Company, the Deutsche Bank, the Disconto Gesellschaft, the Allgemeine Electrizitätsgesellschaft, Siemens and Halske, the Schuckert Works, Krupp, the Cruson Works, etc. They formed a private company with the purpose of "furthering the German industrial prestige abroad"—a conveniently vague purpose. The company will be financed by private subscriptions and by a Government grant. The sum at first suggested as a necessary revenue from private subscription was £12,500, but the company present at the first meeting was so enthusiastic that it definitely promised annual subscriptions amounting to £25,000. The Government will add £12,500 per annum—the whole Secret Service Fund, in fact, at the disposal of the Imperial Foreign Office for similar purposes (e.g., for the payment of subsidies to certain papers abroad). The company has entered into an agreement with the Agence Havas that the latter will in future only publish news concerning Germany if supplied through Wolff's Telegraphen-Bureau. The latter will receive its German news exclusively from the new company.

The company intends to make a similar arrangement with Reuter's Telegraphic Bureau for those foreign countries in which Reuter controls telegraphic communications. If Reuter declines, the Deutsche Kabelgesellschaft, a smaller German news agency supplying telegrams from certain countries (e.g., Mexico) and working in agreement with Wolff's Telegraphic Bureau, is to be financed by the new company to run a service in competition to Reuter's. All the concerns represented at the meeting have furthermore agreed to pay into the company's hotchpot the very vast sums which they are accustomed to spend abroad for their advertisements in foreign papers. The total of this item alone is believed to be not less than £25,000 per annum—so the annual sum available for the purpose of the new company will reach a total of £50,000 to £75,000. The company will in future issue the advertisements of its members only to those foreign papers which publish German information originating exclusively from the new company, which is to be regarded as the only authentic source of information concerning Germany and all things German. This information they are to receive free of cost or at a nominal sum—so that the willing foreign papers will derive very material benefits from their collaboration with the company, viz., lucrative advertisements and free matter written in the language of the country in which the papers are published. The foreign Press is to be watched by the company's agents appointed in the various foreign centres. Any incorrect reports are to be telegraphed home and corrected by telegrams issued by the company. The countries in which the system is to be immediately inaugurated are chiefly the South American States and those of the Far East, but the system is to embrace all countries outside Europe. The German cable rates for Press telegrams are to be reduced in the interests of the new company. It is difficult to say whether the evil which the new company is to remedy really exists, or exists to any perceptible extent, but it is certain that a very influential private company has been called into existence with every official encouragement commanding an enormous revenue for the purposes of a pro-German newspaper propaganda. Whether the evil exists or not—the money will be spent on secret service to popularise Germany abroad. It does not seem to have occurred to the promoters of the scheme that they are preparing the ground for a vast system of international blackmail—hardly a proper way to reach the desired end.

That a reduction in cable rates was actually in contemplation is seen from the Ambassador's next dispatch on the subject, as follows:

Berlin, April 3rd, 1914.

Sir,—In my despatch of the 27th February last concerning the secret foundation of a German society to supply the foreign Press of certain countries with news favourable to Germany and German interests, it was foreshadowed that German cable rates for Press telegrams would probably be reduced in the interests of the new society.

I have the honour now to report that, in fact, reduced rates for telegrams to the United States, Canada, Argentine, Chile, Peru, and the German colonies are to come into operation as from April 1st, 1914. These telegrams, which are to be officially known as week-end telegrams, will be admitted at a reduced rate between Saturday midnight and Sunday midnight, to be delivered on Monday or Tuesday respectively. These week-end telegrams must have reached the cable station at Emden before midnight on Saturday, but can be handed in at any telegraph office in the course of the week.

The rates, which in some cases represent a reduction to one-fourth of the usual rates fixed, are:

Pfennigs per word.

To New York, Canada, Argentina, Chile, Peru (minimum charge for each telegram 20 M.) 80

To Togo and Cameroons (minimum charge 18 M.) 90

To German South-West Africa (minimum charge 15 M.) 75

Negotiations are pending for extending the week-end telegram service to other distant countries.

Telegrams sent to the United States or Canada are sent at the reduced rate only to New York or Montreal respectively; thence they are forwarded either free of charge, by letter, or at the local telegram rates per word by telegram.—I have, etc.,

W.E. Goschen.

Within a month this system—for the intrinsic merits of which there is everything to be said—was extended; and Sir E. Goschen wrote to the Foreign Minister:

Berlin, May 2nd, 1914.

Sir,—With reference to my despatch of the 3rd ultimo, I have the honour to report that, according to an announcement in the North German Gazette, the system of reduced rates for what are called "week-end telegrams" is to be extended as from the 1st instant to Cape Colony, Natal, the Orange Free State, Transvaal, South and North Rhodesia, Nyassaland, British India, Burma, Ceylon, Malacca, Penang, Singapore, and Labuan, under the conditions described in my above-mentioned despatch.

The rates are as follows:

Pfennigs per word.

To Cape Colony, Natal, Orange Free State, Transvaal 70

To South Rhodesia, Malacca, Penang, Singapore, and Labuan 80

To North Rhodesia and Nyassaland 95

To British India, Burma, and Ceylon 50

—I have, etc.,

W.E. Goschen.

Early in June a remarkable article on the subject appeared in a well-known German trade organ, the Deutsche Export Revue, which not only admitted the existence of the scheme, but confirmed the previous statement of the Ambassador, that it was being largely subsidised by the Imperial German Foreign Office. On this point Sir E. Goschen's dispatch and the article he encloses are illuminating:

Berlin, June 9th, 1914.

Sir,—I had the honour, in my despatch of the 27th February last, to explain a scheme under which a society had been founded with the object of supplying the foreign Press, by telegraph, with information favourable to Germany generally and to German industrial enterprise in particular. I have since transmitted lists of the countries to which, under the name of "week-end telegrams," the cable rates have been very considerably reduced to assist the propaganda of the said society.

I to-day have the honour to forward a translation of a cutting from the Deutsche Export Revue, of the 5th June, 1914, in which the existence of the scheme is, for the first time, as far as I know, admitted in public print.

The Deutsche Export Revue, which is published in Berlin, is a weekly periodical devoted to the interests of the German export trade. It is regarded as well informed, and enjoys a good reputation generally.

The article confirms the various particulars set out in my despatch; it confirms more especially the fact that the Imperial Foreign Office is supporting the scheme with an annual subscription of £12,500 paid out of its secret service fund. It supplies a list of the members of the society, the names of the directors, etc. The last paragraph of the article merits special attention on account of a certain refreshing ingenuousness.

I am informed that the order has gone forth from high official quarters not to reproduce or in any way to refer to this article, as its inadvertent publication is not unnaturally considered extremely inopportune and embarrassing.—I have, etc.,

W.E. Goschen.

The article is as follows:

Our readers will remember that one of the items in the programme of the German Association for World Commerce was the establishment of a news service abroad on generous lines. Whilst the other parts of the Association's programme met with hostile criticism as soon as they became known, the proposed service for the supply of news abroad was greeted with general sympathy, as such activity promised to have a useful effect on our foreign relations. The failure to organise the Association for World Commerce seemed unhappily to render it doubtful whether the organisation of the news service could be realised. It is all the more gratifying that, according to information which has reached us from well-informed quarters, the scheme for a German news service in foreign countries has by no means been abandoned, but that, on the contrary, an extensive organisation is actually doing work in the desired direction.

A German syndicate was very quietly formed a few weeks ago for the purposes of this foreign news service. It uses the organisation of a news agency already in existence; its activity is gradually to be extended over the whole globe. Its main object will be to reply in an appropriate form to the prejudiced news concerning Germany and to the attacks made upon her, and by the judicious publication of newspapers inspiring the necessary articles to spread abroad the knowledge of the true state of German industry and of Germany's cultural achievements.

We are in a position to give the following information concerning the organisation of the enterprise. It is presided over by a directorate, consisting of three men, viz.: Privy Councillor von Borsig, "Landrath" Roetger (retired), and Herr Schacht, a director of the Deutsche Bank.

A special administrative board, the main duty of which it is to make suggestions as to the organisation and the methods of reporting comprises among others: Professor Duisburg, of the dye works, "Bayer"; Herr Hagen, of the Disconto Gesellschaft; Commercial Councillor Hasenclever, of Remscheid; Herr Hermann Hecht, of Berlin; Director Heineken, of the North German Lloyd; Director Helfferich, of the Deutsche Bank; Director Huldermann, of the Hamburg-America Line; Director Kosegarten, of the "Deutsche Waffen-und-Munitions-Fabrik"; Herr von Langen, of the Disconto Gesellschaft; Privy Councillor Rathenau; Director Reuter, of the Maschinen Fabrik, Duisburg; Director Salomonsohn, of the Disconto Gesellschaft; Privy Councillor von Siemens; Herr Edmond Bohler, Hamburg, etc.

The management will be entrusted to two managers, Herr Asch and Dr. Hansen. The former has for years edited several foreign news agencies; the latter is known to the readers of the Deutsche Export Revue through a series of articles dealing with the question of a supply of news covering the whole world.

For the present the enterprise has taken the form of a loose syndicate constituted for three years, which is, later on, to be replaced by a more systematic form of organisation. The annual subscription payable by the firms which are members amounts to a minimum of £50. It is a significant fact that the Imperial Foreign Office has voted a grant of £12,500 towards the expenses of the syndicate, provided the same amount is contributed by German industrial houses. As the subscriptions and the contributions by the latter already exceed the sum of £12,500, the contribution from the Foreign Office funds seems secured. As every firm subscribing a sum of £50 has a vote, or, rather, as for every £50 subscribed the subscriber receives a vote, it may be expected that the Imperial Foreign Office will have a powerful and decisive influence upon the management of the syndicate generally and upon the development of the news service in particular.

We further learn that efforts are now being made to induce the joint German and Foreign Economic Societies to join the syndicate, as these societies embrace pre-eminently merchants and manufacturers interested in the German foreign trade. These societies, it is true, appear to be still divided in their opinion concerning the new enterprise—at least, so far no definite decision has been arrived at.

It is believed that an increasing membership will make it possible to establish a reserve fund out of subscriptions and voluntary contributions received, so that, later on, the interest of the reserve fund may suffice to defray the expenses of the news service. It is also hoped that the foreign Press may eventually be induced to pay for the news supplied. Finally, it is intended to send journalists to the various countries who are there to busy themselves in favour of German interests in the manner indicated above.

The task which the syndicate has set itself is in itself worthy of acknowledgment. But only the future can show whether the task can be accomplished in the manner indicated. We are of opinion that good results could be achieved, and perhaps with greater success, by utilising the German Legations and Consulates abroad, if ample funds for this purpose were placed at the disposal of the official Departments. At the same time, the joint German and Foreign Economic Societies might well, as indeed some of them already do, work quietly for a better appreciation abroad of the state of German industry and of German cultured progress. The intended despatch of journalists we believe, however, in any case to be a mistake, as it would certainly soon become common talk in the editorial offices in the several places abroad that they represent a syndicate officially supported by the German Empire. If such things are intended, it would be better to fall back upon gentlemen who are already in touch with the respective editorial offices, and who could serve German interests without attracting so much attention as would journalists sent out for the purpose.

The reference to Press agencies in Sir E. Goschen's original report brought forth prompt contradictions from those chiefly affected. On September 6th the Press Bureau in London officially issued the following important declaration on behalf of the Foreign Office:

Conclusive evidence produced by the "Agence Havas" has satisfied the Foreign Office that the statement occurring in the recently-published report forwarded by His Majesty's Ambassador at Berlin, that the "Agence Havas" had agreed in future to publish news concerning Germany only if supplied through "Wolff's Telegraphen Bureau," is not correct.

Such an arrangement appears to have been intended by the German organisation; but it is not one which the "Agence Havas" ever even contemplated.

It is with great satisfaction that the Foreign Office has been enabled to give publicity to this correction.

Messrs. Reuter also disclaimed all connection with the proceedings of the German Government, as will be seen from the following letter which appeared in the Daily Telegraph of September 7th:

To the Editor of "The Daily Telegraph."

Sir,—In consequence of the long connection which the Press Association has had with Reuter's Telegraph Company (Limited), I considered it my duty to at once communicate with Baron de Reuter respecting the White Paper which was published yesterday morning. I asked three questions:

(1) Whether Reuter's Company were aware that proceedings of the kind referred to by Sir Edward Goschen were contemplated by Dr. Hamann, the head of the Press Bureau of the German Foreign Office;

(2) Whether Reuter's Company had been approached either through Wolff's Bureau or in any other way; and

(3) Whether, before the publication of the White Paper, any communication had been made to Reuter's Company by the Foreign Office.

In view of the public interest attaching to this question, it seems desirable that the public at large, as well as the Press, should be placed in possession of the facts of the case. Accordingly, in agreement with Baron de Reuter, I append his reply:

Dear Mr. Robbins,—In reply to your letter of to-day calling my attention to the Parliamentary Paper issued in this morning's papers, concerning the manœuvres of the Berlin Press Bureau and the Kabelgesellschaft, I beg to say that the version put about by the said Press Bureau, and reported by the British Ambassador, does not tally with the facts within my knowledge.

In the first place, the Wolff Bureau looked on the Kabelgesellschaft as a competitor likely to supplant the older agency, because the latter had incurred disfavour with the authorities owing to its inability to induce the "Agence Havas" to publish, more particularly in South America, the news issued by the Press Bureau. So far from Havas agreeing to circulate the news, it was precisely because of the opposition to such a course by the French agency that the Kabelgesellschaft was taken under the special protection of the Berlin Press Bureau and the higher authorities in the background. In proof of this statement I have a letter from the director of the Wolff Bureau stating that the activity of the Kabelgesellschaft was aimed in the first instance at the "Agence Havas."

As for our agency, we have never had any communication, direct or indirect, with the Kabelgesellschaft, still less has any proposal in their name, or on their behalf, ever been submitted for our consideration. The fact, however, that for many months—I may even say years—past the German Press, at the bidding and under the inspiration of the political wirepullers, circulated unblushing falsehoods and calumnies about our agency, presumably to weaken its prestige in the contemplated competition, points to their intelligent anticipation of the refusal which any overtures from their side would have met with from us.

Finally, permit me to add that we had no knowledge of the intended publication of this Parliamentary paper.—Yours faithfully,

(Signed) Herbert de Reuter.

Yours faithfully,

E. Robbins, Manager. Press Association (Ltd.), 14, New Bridge Street, London, E.C., Sept. 5th.

What the German Press is really capable of when adequately inspired may be seen from a comparison of the semi-official organs the German Government published on Monday, August 31st, in places so far apart as Hamburg, Frankfurt-on-Main, and Wiesbaden. In these papers, and in identical phraseology, appeared the "report" of a speech alleged to have been delivered by Mr. John Burns in the Albert Hall, London, on August 14th. It will be remembered that Mr. Burns, with Lord Morley and Mr. Trevelyan, withdrew from the Government early in the month, and the fabricated speech was officially given out in Germany as Mr. Burns's own explanation of his reasons for resigning. Even in its translated form the speech is remarkable in its way as showing that it must have in the first place been written by someone who was very familiar with the oratorical style of the right honourable gentleman; and attempts were made here and there to imitate Mr. Burns's occasional tendency to lapse into epigram and vigorous short sentences. For example, the phrase: "I will give it as my firm opinion that England's greatness shows itself in time of peace; her weakness in time of war," is certainly delivered in Mr. Burns's best vein, however greatly the sentiment may differ from his ideas. There would, of course, be no point in quoting from this speech, which, as was quite obvious when the English translation made its appearance, had never been delivered; but one passage should be given as an example of German thoroughness: "We destroyed Napoleon's fleet at Trafalgar; a few days later Napoleon gained his most glorious (sic) victory at Austerlitz and brought Europe to her knees. Of what use was our overthrow of Napoleon at sea compared with his unexampled successes on land? We merely pricked him with a pin—he overthrew Europe untroubled by our victories."

The argument here, it will be noticed, is exceedingly plausible; and the attributing of such an idea to Mr. Burns might almost appear to be convincing to Germans and Austrians who knew little of his eight years' record as an administrator and a great deal about his record as a Labour leader. Once again, too, there is an attempt at Mr. Burns's vigorous style. The full "speech" was reported in the English Press on September 7th, and was, of course, immediately repudiated on being shown to Mr. Burns.

If the German Press, however, can be used occasionally for reporting things that people did not say, it can be used with equal facility for suppressing important statements actually made. For example, a Reuter telegram from Copenhagen on September 7th quoted a statement taken from the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, and published at Copenhagen by the German semi-official news agency. This statement dealt with Sir Edward Grey's declaration regarding his conversations with Prince Lichnowsky, the former German Ambassador to Great Britain, made in the House of Commons on August 28th:

The Norddeutsche says: "According to reports received here Sir E. Grey recently declared in the House of Commons that the correspondence exchanged between Great Britain and Germany before the war, as published by the German Government, was incomplete, that Prince Lichnowsky had withdrawn his report on the well-known telephone conversation by a telegram sent immediately he was informed that a misunderstanding existed, and that this telegram was not published. The Times, probably on this basis of official information, made the same assertion, and added the comment that the telegram was suppressed by the German Government in order to enable it to accuse England of perfidy and prove Germany's love of peace. We declare in answer to this that no such telegram is in existence beyond the telegram already made public.

"Prince Lichnowsky sent only the following telegrams:

(Sent at 1.15 p.m. on August 1st.)

"'Sir E. Grey's private secretary has just been here to inform me that the Minister desires to make me proposals concerning England's neutrality, even in case we have to go to war with France and Russia. I shall see Sir E. Grey this afternoon.'

II.

(Sent at 5.30 on the same afternoon.)

"'Sir E. Grey has just submitted the following declaration, which has been unanimously adopted by the Cabinet: "The German Government's answer respecting Belgium's neutrality is unusually regrettable, since the neutrality of Belgium is a matter affecting the feelings of this country. If Germany could see her way to give a similar positive answer to that which has been given by France it would contribute greatly to relieve the anxiety and tension here, while, on the other hand, it would be extremely difficult to restrain public temper if Belgium's neutrality should be disregarded by one of the belligerents while the other respected it."

"'To my question whether on condition that we respected Belgian neutrality he could give a definite declaration concerning Great Britain's neutrality, the Minister replied that this was not possible, but this question would play a big rôle in the present temper of the people. If we disregarded Belgium's neutrality in a war with France a revulsion of sentiment would certainly set in, which would render it difficult to maintain friendly neutrality. For the present there was no intention of proceeding to hostilities against us. It was desired to avoid this if it were in any way possible. It was, however, difficult to draw the line marking how far we might go, before there would be intervention from here. He (Sir E. Grey) kept adverting to Belgian neutrality, and said this question would play a great rôle. He had considered whether, in case of a Russian war, we and France might not simply remain armed against each other without either one attacking.

"'I asked him whether he was in a position to declare that France would enter into a pact to that effect. Since we neither desired to destroy France nor acquire portions of her territory, I believed we could enter into such an agreement which would assure us Great Britain's neutrality.

"'The Minister said he would go into the matter. He did not overlook the difficulties of restraining the military element on both sides to inactivity.'

III.

(Sent at 8.30 p.m.)

"'My opinion of early to-day is altered. Since no positive English proposal whatever is at hand, further steps along the lines of my instructions are useless.'"

The Norddeutsche comments: "As will be observed, these telegrams contain no intimation that there had been any misunderstanding, and nothing touching on the English allegations concerning a clearing-up of any alleged misunderstandings."

The above statement, added the Agency, does not meet the specific statement of Sir Edward Grey in the Commons, which was as follows:

It was reported to me one day that the German Ambassador had suggested that Germany might remain neutral in a war between Russia and Austria, and also engage not to attack France if we would remain neutral and secure the neutrality of France. I said at once that if the German Government thought such an arrangement possible I was sure we could not secure it. It appeared, however, that what the Ambassador meant was that we should secure the neutrality of France if Germany went to war with Russia. This was quite a different proposal, and as I supposed it in all probability to be incompatible with the terms of the Franco-Russian Alliance, it was not in my power to promise to secure it. Subsequently the Ambassador sent for my private secretary, and told him that, as soon as the misunderstanding was cleared up, he sent a second telegram to Berlin to cancel the impression produced by the first telegram he had sent on the subject. The first telegram has been published; this second telegram does not seem to have been published.

This system of spreading false news was extended to the United States, and its effect there will be duly dealt with in this volume. It should be added here that a German Press Bureau was also set up at The Hague, partly in order to influence the people of Holland, and partly that German-Americans passing through Holland on their way back to America might be suitably informed. One of the special correspondents at The Hague wrote:

The bureau apparently is to be run on a most elaborate scale by very clever men. To counter this the British Consul-General has been issuing bulletins, but for such services the amount of money available in a British department is small, whereas German ventures for supplying "truths" have always limitless resources. To show how dangerous the German Press campaign in Holland already is I may mention that the German Consulate in Rotterdam has posted up throughout the town the audacious statement that "notwithstanding all reports to the contrary, it is hereby officially and openly declared that thousands of dum-dum bullets have been found on the British and French prisoners. The denials of the British Government are in contradiction to the statements of their officers, who have declared upon their word of honour that such ammunition was also issued for their revolvers." It is suggested that the names of the officers should have been demanded, but it is felt that if the British authorities here did so the Germans would not have hesitated to name several distinguished prisoners, and they would have had no chance of refuting the charge until the end of the war.

This alone shows how cleverly Germany seeks to poison the minds especially of Holland and America. The danger will increase when the Press Bureau opens. The Dutch Government, I am assured, has striven and is striving to be absolutely correct in its attitude towards England and Germany.

There may have been cases in which Belgians, driven mad by their sufferings, have been guilty of outrages, but the German charge as a whole is absolutely untrue. On the other hand, the Belgian Government at Antwerp has, I am assured, convincing proof that the German troops have been guilty of every crime and brutality.

Belgians of the highest rank who recently visited The Hague describe the spirit of Antwerp as splendid. The Belgian Prime Minister is proving himself a second Kitchener. He holds undisputed sway, and is absolutely trusted by everyone.

The same correspondent added that it would be impracticable to try to starve Germany out by blockading the Dutch Coast, as hardly any foodstuffs were being sent to Germany through Holland.

The campaign of mendacity organised by Germans in the United States was also carried into Canada. The Montreal Star stated that on August 20th a well-known Montreal lawyer received a letter from a prominent German resident of New York in which was given as an authenticated fact, which the British censors had suppressed, the story of the sinking of seven British Dreadnoughts by German torpedo-boats. A banker was assured by a German acquaintance in New York that Germany had officially announced the destruction of an English seaport—name not given—by bombs from a Zeppelin. Another lawyer was asked confidentially to suggest the best means of getting this "news" from German sources to the Montreal public.

A Montreal citizen sent to the Canadian Gazette the following paragraph from the New Yorker Staats Zeitung, as circulated in Canada:

New York, August 18th.—We have very favourable news from private letters concerning the Zeppelin airships. The question has often been asked: "Where are the Zeppelins, and what are they doing?" The following information received in a private letter speaks for itself:

"Every night the Zeppelin airships go out to the North Sea, and when they return there is an English battleship destroyed. Nineteen English battleships have been destroyed so far."

CHAPTER III

Position of Italy—German Intrigues—the Triple Alliance—Turkey's Activity—Plans for Attacking Egypt—A British Warning.

The war had hardly begun before Italy officially announced her intention of remaining neutral. From German sources rumours were circulated to the effect that dissension had arisen in the Italian Cabinet between Signor Salandra (the Prime Minister) and the Marchese di San Giuliano (the Foreign Minister). These rumours, however, proved to be unfounded, and certainly the Italian Government presented not only a correct attitude but a united front both to the Triple Entente and to her partners in the Triple Alliance. It may be briefly mentioned why Italy, although nominally one of the members of the Triplice—Germany, Austria and Italy—should nevertheless have chosen to remain inactive while her nominal allies were engaged in fighting Servia, Russia, France, England, Belgium, and Montenegro.

After her defeat by Germany in 1870, France found herself for a long time unable to exercise any great influence over European politics. Indeed, the first administrators of the Third Republic were encouraged, or rather compelled, by Bismarck to seek an outlet for their superfluous energies in other parts of the world; and it is from the conclusion of the Franco-German War that we may date the real beginning of the French colonial empire. The remarkable success of the French efforts in Algiers, Tunis, and other parts of Northern and Central Africa aroused the jealousy of the Germans very early in the present century; but two decades previously Italy had become exasperated by the French invasion and absorption of Tunis, which gave to France not merely a very strong position in the Mediterranean but the use of many safe harbours.

Eager to seize the advantage of having a powerful ally in the Mediterranean, Germany and Austria, who had just previously entered into a dual alliance, made overtures to Italy, and the dual became a Triple Alliance in 1883. The measure was merely a political one. It benefited none of the parties to it economically; and Italy, by invading Tripoli in 1911, withdrew from it by that very act. It was, of course, obvious that such a step on the part of Italy rendered her in some measure dependent upon the French goodwill. Apart from this fact, the alliance had never been popular among the Italian people, who had no very great affection for Germans and intensely disliked Austrians. Memories of the Austrian onslaught of 1866 were still very strong when the alliance was formed; and they are almost as strong to-day. There is still a powerful political group in Italy known as the Irredentists; and it may be said that at a time of political crisis, especially when Austria and Germany are involved, the whole nation becomes irredentist. The party takes its name from those fairly considerable sections of what was once Italian territory and where Italian is still spoken, but which are now in the possession of other Powers. These territories, known as Italia Irredenta ("Unredeemed Italy") include the Southern Tyrol (the "Trentino") Görz, Trieste, Istria, and Dalmatia; and also the Swiss Canton of Tessin (Ticino), Nice, Corsica and Malta.

The Italian expedition to Tripoli in 1911 caused intense dissatisfaction, which was but ill-concealed, in Germany and Austria. Both the Teutonic countries in the partnership objected to their nominal ally increasing her power in the Mediterranean—Germany because such an action would "lock up" many thousands of Italian troops in Tripoli who might be wanted elsewhere, and Austria because she feared that such a movement might indicate a desire on the part of the Italian people to expand in yet other directions. Although some of the so-called Italia Irredenta is held by England and some by France, the animosity of the Irredentists, as of the Italian nation as a whole, is directed exclusively against Austria, and in recent years cordial relations have sprung up between Italy and France. Between Italy and England, of course, relations have always been friendly, and not least so since the days of Garibaldi. The enthusiastic demonstrations held by the Italians in London and Paris after the declaration of war to show their sympathy with the Allies was a striking manifestation of the trend of Italian feeling generally.

Further, there were at least two other reasons why Italy showed no willingness to help her partners in the war. When the Italian army was taking possession of Tripoli coast line under the protection of the Italian fleet, the Austrian Government, under various pretexts, concentrated large masses of troops in the direction of the Italian frontier. Nothing came of this move, but it caused great resentment in Italy at the time. Again, when the first Balkan War came to an end, an acute European crisis arose over the possession of Albania. In this westernmost possession of Turkey, Austrian and Italian interests predominated, and Russia's attempt to secure a pathway to the sea for Servia were ineffectual. After much argument it was finally resolved that Albania should be proclaimed an independent state, and after a long search a Teutonic nobleman, the Prince of Wied, was found willing to assume the crown.

As is well known, Albania from the very first was in a turbulent condition, and various causes rendered the tenure of the Prince of Wied's kingship highly uncertain. In the first place, the century-old jealousy among the ruling chiefs made it difficult to form a cabinet on the western model; and in the second place the Greeks felt that they had a right to the Epirus—that province of uncertain boundaries lying to the north of Greece and to the south of Albania and inhabited by people of an unmistakable Greek stamp known as the Epirotes. As soon as the independence of Albania was announced, the Epirotes, under one of their best known public men, M. Zographos, rose in revolt, and for several months carried on an intermittent warfare against the newly constituted Albanian Government.

It was openly asserted in the Austrian Press that the Epirotes were being aided by Greece, who wished to recover the province; but there was another group who held that the insurgents were deriving their assistance from Italy, who wished by this means to destroy the authority of the Austrians in the northern part of Albania. Italian interests in Albania, as had always been emphasised, converged on the important harbour known as Vallona Bay, which lies almost directly opposite Brindisi. After the outbreak of the present war, this group strongly urged that Italy was merely holding back for the time being in order that she might at a subsequent date make a raid on this part of Albania and annex the territory she desired. The importance of Vallona Bay will be shown by a glance at the map. Austria's only exit to the open sea lies through the Straits of Otranto, which are about forty-five miles wide at the narrowest points, viz: Otranto on the Italian side and Cape Glossa at the mouth of Vallona Bay on the opposite side. It is obvious that if Italy had both these points strongly fortified, it would be practically impossible for an Austrian fleet to pass through.

Whatever Italy's ultimate designs may be—and they are not clear at the time of writing—the fact remains that down to the middle of September, she had taken no steps in the direction of swerving from the neutrality which she had proclaimed at the beginning of the war.

Throughout August various hints were given as to what Italy might lose by not joining her Allies and what she might gain if she did join them. It soon became evident, however, even to the German Press, that Italy, whatever she did, would certainly not come into the firing line with Germany and Austria; and from about the middle of August onwards the inspired German Press confined itself to expressing the hope that their partner's Government would not at least join the other side. On August 14th, for example, the Vossische Zeitung said: "After several years of alliance the very minimum that Germany can demand from Italy is a neutrality, not half-hearted, but having Germany's real welfare in view." This was the tone adopted by the other semi-official organs of the Government about this time.

This change of tone in the German Press, which at first seemed to take it for granted that Italy would join her Allies enthusiastically, must have been due either to forgetfulness or to an entire misconception of the Italian nation. If, to take an inconceivable hypothesis, the Italian Government had wished to go to war on behalf of Germany against the wishes of the Italian people, and if, further, Italy, like Germany, had been composed of a powerful ruling caste and a well-drilled population, no doubt the Italian army would have invaded France. Unlike Germany, however, Italy is composed of peoples whose nature are of a more independent character, and whose form of government is entirely different.

As soon as war broke out, it was clear that the sympathies of the Italian people were wholly on the side of England, France, and Russia, and that it was the wish of the people, if it became necessary to draw the sword, to wield it in such a way as to recover Italia Irredenta, which happened to be under Austrian rule.

It should be remarked that Italy's obligations under her treaty of alliance with Germany and Austria did not compel her to take part in any war unless the war were a purely defensive one; and the Government at Rome made it clear from the first that it regarded the action of Austria towards Servia, and the action of Germany towards France and Belgium, as aggressive.

In spite of reiterated assurances of neutrality, it was persistently rumoured, particularly in Paris, that Italy would declare war on Austria at almost any moment. Although no general mobilisation order was issued at Rome, it was understood that several classes of reservists had been called up. It was indeed felt that any action which Italy might take ought to be taken soon. Well-known military and naval experts, such as Admiral Mahan, expressed the view that Italy "would do well to make her strength felt early."

On August 29th an incident was reported which seemed to show that the decisive step might come at any time. On the previous day information was received at Malta to the effect that Herr von Bitzow, who had been acting as German Consul at Tripoli, had been carrying on an anti-Italian propaganda among the natives; and it was even alleged that he had issued a secret manifesto urging them to make demonstrations. The Italian Government, with more than its usual promptitude, had the offending Consul arrested and removed to Italy, at the same time lodging a protest with the German Foreign Office. No more was heard of this incident at the time; but, as may easily be imagined if it had occurred at any other juncture it would have brought about an acute crisis within the radius of the Triple Alliance.

How the situation was developed was made clear from a long statement sent to London, by a circuitous route, by the Rome correspondent of The Daily Telegraph, and published on September 5th. He said that the Italian fleet was fully mobilised, and was ready for all eventualities. The battle fleet was concentrated at Taranto, under the able and energetic command of the Duke of the Abruzzi. No decree had been issued for the complete mobilisation of the army; but six classes of reservists had been called out. The calling out of fifteen classes would be tantamount to a general mobilisation. Very careful and very thorough preparations were being made. Troops were being slowly and methodically concentrated on the Austrian frontier. Those stationed on the French frontier, except the ordinary peace garrisons and depôt troops, had already been transferred. Any idea of Italy acting against France was out of the question; but these preparations did not necessarily mean war with Austria.

The Italian Government, clearly enough, was fully alive to the situation. Italy wished to bide her time till the psychological moment arrived. That moment had not yet arrived. In any case, the Government was anxious not to precipitate events until after the Conclave electing the new Pope had finished its labours.

All sailings of the Veloce transatlantic liners were suspended at this time. This was regarded as significant, as transports would not be needed unless Italy were contemplating landing troops either in Albania or on Austrian soil.

The correspondent added:

If Italy goes to war with Austria it will be a popular war. The Government knows well that if Germany and Austria win they will bear as great a grudge against Italy for remaining neutral as they would if she threw in her lot against them. It is most important, therefore, that Italy should see to it that Germany and Austria do not win. If, on the other hand, the Triple Entente and their allies win, all Italy can hope for on the conclusion of hostilities is the cession of Trent and the protectorate of Central Albania, with Valona as a reward for her neutrality. Whereas if Italy threw in her lot against Germany and Austria she could hope to recover Trieste and to establish a sound military reputation into the bargain. Moreover, if Italy remains neutral she is likely to experience before long grave economic and social unrest. Italy is very hardly hit by the war. There is a great deal of unemployment. All this would be forgotten if she went to war; and although the problems would recur after the peace, there is much to be said for putting off the evil hour till after the new settlement.

All these facts point to the conclusion that Italy will eventually go to war with Austria. But the moment has not arrived yet. She will have no difficulty in finding a pretext. She may find one in Albania, or in the treatment of Italians in Trieste. The Government may plead the irresistible pressure of public opinion. There is no need for Italy to feel any shame at turning against her old allies, as there is no disguising the fact that she had remained a member of the Triple Alliance for purely time-serving purposes. When she does act, she will act with vigour.

The Marchese di San Giuliano has been for some time in very poor health. He is better again now, and is back in Rome. Among a certain section of the public and of the Press he has been called upon to resign. A more decisive and clearer policy is demanded. But, as a matter of fact, he is likely to remain at his post, as it is felt that there is no man able to fill it of his experience and capacity. The country as a whole has confidence in him. The same may be said of the Prime Minister, Signor Salandra. Since he has been at the head of affairs he has made something of a reputation, and he is known to be a sound economist. The financial position of Italy is not rosy, but there is every reason to hope that the critical period through which she is now passing will be successfully negotiated. Her entry into the war would not materially augment her difficulties on this score.

Hardly less important than the German negotiations with Italy—first, with regard to participation, and, secondly, with regard to neutrality—were the German negotiations with Turkey. It will be recalled that Germany has for nearly two generations had considerable interests in the Turkish Army, both in Europe and in Asia; and it was to a German officer, General von der Goltz Pasha, that the Ottoman Army owed such organisation as it had when Turkey was invaded by the troops of the Balkan League in 1912. On the retirement of General von der Goltz, the Turks asked for further military "advice" and assistance from Berlin, and in reply to their request the German Government "lent" them another experienced officer, General Liman von Sanders (whom several North and South American papers confused with General Leman, the defender of Liège). It was commented upon at the time as curious that when General Liman von Sanders took up his appointment a year or so ago, he brought with him 200 German colonels as assistants, whom he placed at the head of Turkish regiments, together with several officers of lesser rank. The Turkish Army thus became, for all practical purposes, a German war machine, led by Germans, officered by Germans, supplied with German rifles, ammunition and artillery, and liable to march when the word of command was given to the Turkish Government by a German diplomatist.

Europe was astonished to learn early in August that Turkey had decided to mobilise. As the result of an energetic protest by the British and French Ambassadors at Constantinople, it was explained that the measure was purely precautionary, and that the Porte did not intend to take any active steps. There the matter was left for a day or two, when the incident of the Goeben and Breslau occurred. The former was one of Germany's largest cruisers, and the latter a smaller one of less importance. Both these vessels, in company with a third, had spent a few days after the opening of the war in bombarding undefended towns in Algiers and Tunis. A combined French and English squadron gave chase, and the result was that a German cruiser was sunk. In spite of the efforts of the pursuers, the Goeben and the Breslau escaped, first of all to Italian waters, and then after a short pause to the Dardanelles.

As Turkey was a neutral country, international law required that the two cruisers should be either dismantled or sent away. Neither of these courses was adopted. Instead it was announced that the Turkish Government had decided to buy the Goeben—the Breslau was not mentioned, but was presumed to be included in the purchase—in view of the fact that two battleships which had been in process of completion for Turkey in British dockyards, had been seized by our Admiralty for possible use against Germany. Turkey complained that this would alter the balance of naval power as between herself and Greece, to the advantage of the latter.

Even legal experts were at variance as to whether Turkey was justified as a neutral country in purchasing the warships of a belligerent. Politically speaking, this was a matter of small consequence. Diplomatists, knowing the close relations existing between Turkey and Germany, were inclined rather to ask whether this alleged purchase was not merely an excuse for assuring the safety of an expensive warship, which would certainly have been sunk either by a French or by a British squadron on emerging from the Dardanelles. Up to the time of going to press that question has not been satisfactorily answered.

The Constantinople Correspondent of The Daily Telegraph reported that just before he left Constantinople on August 4th, the Germans there spread all kinds of wild rumours which were given the imprint of their Embassy—such, for example, as that M. Poincaré had been assassinated, that civil war had broken out in France, that the Germans had entered Belgium triumphantly, and that their arrival in Paris was imminent. Moreover, the German and Austrian diplomatists told Turkey confidently that the German and Austrian armies would very soon be both in Paris and Warsaw. They held out to the Turks various alluring propositions, such as the suppression of the capitulations, the crushing of the Russian "Colossus," and so on, in order to induce the Turks not to proclaim their neutrality, but rather to adopt a hostile attitude towards Russia and consequently to the Triple Entente. In face of the superhuman efforts made by the German and Austrian agents the diplomacy of the Triple Entente remained inactive.

The German military mission under General Liman von Sanders, on its side, commenced an agitation parallel with that of Austro-German diplomacy among the Turkish officers, most of whom had received their training and education in Germany. However, the Grand Vizier, Djavid Bey, Talaat Bey, and Djemal Pasha, but not Enver Pasha, struggled to secure in the Council of Ministers the triumph of the policy of strictest neutrality, persuaded that for Turkey it was preferable to maintain an attitude of prudent expectation and not to enter into any engagement. Experience had shown them that their Balkan enemies, for the moment divided among themselves, would probably end by reconstituting their alliance and falling on the Turks, and agreeing among themselves as to the partition of Turkey in Europe. These considerations prevailed, and the Ottoman Government proclaimed strict neutrality, while taking all military and naval precautions which events dictated. This was solemnly declared by Talaat Bey and Djavid Bey in Parliament on Sunday, August 2nd.

By August 31st, however, the situation had again become grave. It was stated that Turkey might declare war at any moment—it was only a matter of a few days, and it might be less. All the efforts of the Powers of the Triple Entente had failed, and the situation at the Turkish Embassy in London was admitted to be extremely grave. The arrival of the Panther at Smyrna was thought to be the concluding incident in Turkey's preparations, as it was understood that the vessel, like the Goeben and Breslau, was to be bought by Turkey.

The military party at Constantinople, headed by Enver Pasha, was now practically dominant, and it was declared that if the Grand Vizier raised objections he would be replaced. This party had come to the conclusion, in which it was carefully supported by Germany, that the time was ripe for throwing its full fighting force into the balance and securing the restoration of Macedonia—at any rate of the whole Salonika district, as well as the islands which were conquered by Greece in the war.

German officers and men in large numbers were now pouring into Constantinople to help the Turkish army and navy in the coming campaign. Germany was practically taking over the control of the fleet as well as of the army, and it was thought that Turkey would thus be able to meet the Greek navy on the open sea. Turkey, too, apparently counted on the fact that if she declared war the Balkan States would quarrel among themselves. On the contrary, it was held in Triple Entente circles that the Balkan Alliance against her, which had been so successful in the first war, would be once again called into existence.

Moreover, the intervention of Turkey into the sphere of hostilities, although nominally directed against Greece only, would have been regarded as a declaration of war by the Powers of the Triple Entente. They would have lent the Balkan Powers the support of their fleets in the Mediterranean, in which case they would soon have disposed of all the Turkish and German ships.

The British Government was fully aware, as were all the other Allies, of the gravity of the situation, and of the fact that attempts would be made to create trouble in Egypt, in India, and elsewhere. They warned Turkey that in starting on any such campaign she would be signing her own death-warrant.

The suggestion that an attempt would be made to stir up an insurrection in Egypt was certainly plausible, though it may be pointed out that the German diplomatists at the same time made another suggestion which, if carried out, would have been equally effective or ineffective. Although England is practically mistress of Egypt, Egypt is nevertheless in all strictness not British territory, but Turkish territory, administered by British officials. It might, therefore, have been argued with some show of reasonableness that any movement of troops against Egypt on the part of Turkey could not be construed by us in an unfriendly sense, as Turkey would, after all, merely be moving troops from one part of her own territories to another.

The second German suggestion was that the Turkish Army Corps at Bagdad might be moved towards the Persian Gulf with the object of quelling the risings in the neighbourhood of Koweit, which is in an almost perpetual state of unrest. It happens that the Persian Gulf has always admittedly been an English sphere of influence, and that the small Province of Koweit, governed by a Sheik, was not unconnected with the proposed termination of the Bagdad Railway. The status of the Sheik of Koweit has always been obscure and was supposed to have been "regulated" by the Anglo-Turkish agreement, the details of which were under discussion when war broke out. It might conceivably be urged that here again Turkey could move masses of troops to another part of her own territory and thus strike indirectly on Great Britain.

In reply to these statements and the dishonourable implications which they conveyed, both the Turkish Ambassadors in London and Paris and the Turkish Department for Foreign Affairs at Constantinople gave explicit assurances that Turkey would not take any step inconsistent with her neutrality. It must be remembered that ever since the revolution in 1908, Turkey had received very little practical assistance from Germany, apart from the tinkering with her army. The best advisory officials and all the money were supplied to the Ottoman Government by France and Great Britain. Further, it was believed that, even in the face of German bribes and threats, Turkey would hold back if only out of regard for the stability of her rather precarious empire of Thrace in Asia Minor. In view of a possible Turkish participation in the war, Russia had taken the precautionary measure of massing, it was said, more than half a million troops on the Turkish frontier; and if the Turks had intervened on behalf of Germany, it was believed that Roumania and Greece would take the field on behalf of England, France, and Russia. The position of Bulgaria was fully realised to be more doubtful, as out of all the countries constituting the Balkan League, Bulgaria had profited least as the result of the campaign in 1912-13; and she had vainly appealed for some kind of "compensation" to both groups of the Great Powers.

On September 4th, Roumania, it was announced for the first time, had joined the Great Powers in warning Turkey that a breach of her neutrality would be fraught with disastrous consequences to the Ottoman Empire. In view of the questions at issue between Turkey and Greece, delegates met at the Roumanian capital, Bucharest, to discuss matters. On September 6th, however, the Ambassadors representing France, England, and Russia at Constantinople deemed it advisable once more to warn the Austrian Government, and it was stated that many European families in Constantinople were beginning to leave the city, as it seemed probable that war was about to be declared. It was clear from the diplomatic intelligence which came through that the Turkish Government had itself decided for neutrality, but was being swayed in its decision by the German Ambassador at Constantinople, Baron von Wanggenheim.

It need hardly be added that during this period of grave tension, German Press agents were busy in the Balkans generally. Extraordinary reports were sent to the newspapers in Athens, Sofia, and Bucharest, with the customary object of showing that Germany was winning in every direction and would eventually be the strongest Power in Europe. The German Minister in Athens declared at the end of August that no German port had been blockaded by the British Fleet, and that the North Sea was still open for German commerce.

CHAPTER IV

Polish Independence—The Tsar's Rescript—Japanese Action—Germany in the Far East—Samoa and Togoland.

If German diplomacy had been at work, assuredly diplomatists on the other side had not been idle. One of the most dramatic announcements in connection with the war was that contained in the Tsar's rescript undertaking that, in the event of a Russian victory, the remains of the Kingdom of Poland, which had been divided among Germany, Austria, and Russia, would be united under the kingship of the Tsar.

"Poles!" said the rescript. "The hour has struck in which the fervent dream of your fathers and forefathers can be realised.

"A century and a half ago the living body of Poland was torn in pieces, but her soul has not perished. It lives on in the hope that the hour of the renaissance of the Polish nation, of its fraternal reconciliation with Great Russia, will come.

"Russian troops bring you the glad tidings of this reconciliation.

"May the frontiers be obliterated which split up the Polish nation. May it unite itself under the sceptre of the Russian Tsars.

"Under this sceptre Poland will be born anew, free in her faith, her speech, and her self-government.

"One thing only Russia expects from you—like regard for the rights of the nationalities with which history has connected you.

"With open heart, with outstretched, brotherly hand, Great Russia approaches you. She believes that the sword which overthrew the enemy at Gruenwald has not rusted.

"From the shores of the Pacific to the northern seas the Russian war forces are moving forward.

"The dawn of a new life is opening upon you. May the Sign of the Cross shine forth from this dawning symbol of sufferings and resurrection of nations."

The Grand Duke Nicholas Nicolaievitch, Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Forces, also issued an order making it known to the active army and the whole population of the Empire that Russia was waging war in consequence of the challenge thrown down by the common enemy of all Slavs.

The order proceeds:

"The Poles in Russia and those of Germany and Austria who show their loyalty to the Slav cause will have the special protection of the Russian Army and Government in so far as their personal and material security is concerned.

"Any attempt to interfere with the personal rights of Poles who have not been guilty of acts hostile to Russia will be punished with all the severity of martial law."

The moment was ripe for the issue of such a proclamation, for it naturally tended to unite the Poles on the side of Russia. It was not, however, a proclamation drawn up on the spur of the moment and published in August for the sake of its immediate effect. As soon as the news was known in Paris, M. Gabriel Hanotaux, writing in the Figaro, made a remarkable announcement in connection with the Tsar's rescript granting self-government to all three Polands. M. Hanotaux revealed the fact that the Tsar himself, as long ago as eighteen years, then a young Sovereign, confided to him his dream of reviving Poland.

"In this memorable interview, of which I took down every detail, he himself broached the painful subject, and said, 'I know what my duties are towards our Slav brethren of Poland.' For eighteen years I did not breathe a word of this interview, but I can speak now. Since then I followed the gradual and wise demonstrations of the Imperial will. At various intervals pacifying measures, too often hampered by the bureaucracy and by certain parties at Court, proved that the Emperor had not lost sight of his purpose. When lately, against the wish of the Council of the Empire, he promulgated proprio motu an ukase announcing that his Imperial Majesty wished Poland to preserve the official use of her tongue and the right to direct recourse to the supreme authority, I felt that the moment of realization was at hand."

On the same subject, Mr. Sidney Whitman, another well-known authority, writing to the Pall Mall Gazette (August 21st), said:

Sir.—It may not be known to the generality of your readers that the Tsar's intention to resuscitate the kingdom of Poland—at least as far as regards Russian Poland—is by no means a new project. It was already entertained by the Emperor Alexander I., but came to nothing. It is matter of common knowledge that Polish autonomy was one of the items in the programme of the Zemstow Congress in Moscow in 1905 and was unanimously supported by the Polish delegates. Of less common knowledge, however, is the fact that some of the most distinguished of the Russian delegates were also in favour of it. When I was in that city in November, 1905, as special correspondent of the New York Herald, I had occasion to discuss this question with Prince Eugene Troubetzkoi, Alexander Gutschkoff, and Prince Paul Dolgoroukow, the Marshal of the Moscow nobility.

Prince Troubetzkoi's words to me were as follows:

"In my opinion, Poland must receive a form of self-government, the exact nature of which, however, in view of the peculiar conditions which exist through the close proximity of Austrian and Prussian Poland, can only be the subject of careful consideration. The question has been discussed from two different points of view by the members of the Zemstow Congress; they are unanimous, however, with regard to one point, which is that no rupture or break in the unity of the Russian Empire shall take place."

During a stay in Warsaw a few days previously I found, much to my surprise, that the antagonism of the educated Poles towards the Russian régime was much less marked than towards Prussia and even towards Austria, where, as everybody knows, the Galician Poles are more liberally treated than either in Russia or Prussia. I also found unanimity among the same class of people with regard to the view that for economical reasons alone Poland could not afford to be cut off from the Russian Empire, in which the Poles find the best market for their industry, which has made great strides in the course of the present generation. Another consideration in favour of Poland retaining its connection with Russia is that the Russian Empire opens up a wide field for good careers to the more intelligent of the Poles in nearly every sphere of life.

These features seem to speak in favour of the ultimate realization of the Tsar's project in face of victory in the present war.

This rescript regarding Poland, of course, was different from the Tsar's Imperial manifesto to the Russian people, which met with such an enthusiastic response. This manifesto was issued on Sunday, August 2nd, to justify Russia's armed opposition to Germany, and it said:

By the grace of God, we, Nicholas II., Emperor and Autocrat of all the Russias, King of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland, etc., etc., to all our faithful subjects make known that Russia, related by faith and blood to the Slav peoples and faithful to her historical traditions, has never regarded their fates with indifference. The fraternal sentiments of the Russian people for the Slavs has been awakened with perfect unanimity and extraordinary force these last few days, when Austria-Hungary knowingly addressed to Servia claims inacceptable for an independent State.

Having paid no attention to the pacific and conciliatory reply of the Servian Government, and having rejected the benevolent intervention of Russia, Austria made haste to proceed to an armed attack and began to bombard Belgrade, an open place. Forced by the situation thus created to take the necessary measures of precaution, we ordered the Army and Navy to be put on a war footing, while using every endeavour to obtain a peaceful solution of the pourparlers begun, for the blood and property of our subjects are dear to us.

Amid friendly relations with Germany and her ally Austria, contrary to our hopes in our good neighbourly relations of long date and disregarding our assurances that the measures taken were in pursuance of no object hostile to her, Germany began to demand their immediate cessation. Having been rebuffed in this demand, she suddenly declared war on Russia. To-day it is not only the protection of the country related to us and unjustly attacked that must be carried out, but we must also safeguard the honour, dignity, and integrity of Russia and her position among the Great Powers.

While these diplomatic steps were being taken in the West, our Allies in the Far East were not idle. Before, however, reference is made to the action taken by Japan at an early stage in the war, a brief account may be given of Germany's varied interests and scattered possessions in the Far East.

Early in November, 1897, two missionaries from the Fatherland were waylaid and killed by professional robbers in a remote part of the Province of Shantung. It was a regrettable incident, for which China, in the ordinary way, would have made any amends in her power, but it offered Germany an opportunity she had long desired of acquiring a naval base on easy terms on the Yellow Sea.

A few days after the murder of the missionaries, the Kaiser's Pacific Squadron anchored in Kiao-Chau, an ultimatum being sent to the Chinese general to leave with his troops within three hours. He did so under protest; the German flag was hoisted, and after negotiations with Pekin the matter was settled in March, 1898, by the leasing of the bay and adjacent territory to the Emperor for ninety-nine years, a period which everyone at the time concluded would be indefinitely extended. It was this lease, obtained in so flagrant a way, which Japan was so soon to tear up.

Facing the Yellow Sea, about 350 miles in a direct line south-east of Pekin, and almost opposite the southern extremity of Korea, the bay of Kiao-Chau is less than two miles wide at its entrance. Within it extends over an area of something like 150 square miles of deep water, affording at all times a safe anchorage for ships of any size. The German naval base of Tsing-Tau stands on the north-east shore, at the outlet of the bay, which is entirely surrounded by hills from 400ft. to 600ft. high, most of them offering admirable sites for fortifications.

If the defensive works, planned when the place was seized, have been carried out and fully armed, the harbour must present formidable obstacles to a sea attack, while the land approaches are guarded by a series of fortifications across the head of the peninsula. The garrison consists of 5,000 German marines and a small force of Chinese soldiers, the remainder of the white population being very inconsiderable.

Described as the key to Northern China, Kiao-Chau, besides its value as a harbour of refuge for warships, is of considerable commercial importance. The district inland under German authority abounds in mineral and metalliferous wealth, an abundant supply of good coal being not the least of its riches. The local native industries are chiefly connected with fruits and vegetables, silk culture, brewing, and soap-making. Two years ago the imports amounted in value to £5,746,900 and the exports to £4,014,750. In the winter months the harbour is the natural outlet for the trade of Northern China, a railway 272 miles long, from Tsing-Tau to Poshan, having much increased its value in this direction.

Besides Tsing-Tau, Germany owns many scattered possessions in the Pacific, all of which it may be thought desirable to take charge of, if not by reason of their actual worth, yet to prevent their use as wireless stations or hiding-places for commerce-destroying cruisers.

One of the most important Teutonic properties in the Southern Pacific stretches along the northern coast of eastern New Guinea. When it was taken over by the Berlin Government in 1884, it received the name of Kaiser Wilhelm Land, its new owners entertaining high expectations as to its future, though the Australians greatly disliked the establishment of a German colony so close to their shores. The territory shares the fertility of all other Pacific regions. The cultivated area is probably about 50,000 acres, and susceptible of almost indefinite extension.

Coco, sago, and other palms are largely grown; ebony wood and bamboo is exported in large quantities, as well as copra and mother-of-pearl shells, which the natives collect for exchange against European goods. The hills are densely wooded with tropical vegetation, but in the clearings a good many cattle and goats are kept. With Long and Dampier Islands, German New Guinea is 70,000 square miles in extent, and has a population of 530,000 natives, besides 700 whites, of whom 90 per cent. come from the Fatherland.

In the same year that Germany absorbed the above-mentioned colony at the back-door of the Australian continent, she also took over the closely adjoining Bismarck Archipelago, containing 20,000 square miles. Here again the soil is fertile from the seashore up to the mountain ranges, where gold in paying quantities has been found. The islands, which are of very varied sizes, export cotton, coffee, copra, and rubber, the latter chiefly grown by a white population numbering under 500. The natives, with a considerable intermixture of Chinese, number 188,000. The seat of the Government, both for the Archipelago and Kaiser Wilhelm Land, is Herbertshöhe, in the main island.

Still further to the south-east a part of the Solomon group is under the Teutonic flag, including the considerable islands of Bougainville and Buka, both doing a large trade in sandal wood, tortoiseshell, and other tropical products. The Caroline, Ladrone, and Pelew Islands, in all 160 square miles, and the Marshall Islands, 160 square miles in extent, all form part of the German New Guinea Protectorate. Amongst the largest of these is Babelthuap, the remainder ranging downwards in size to uninhabited coral or volcanic rocks scattered about the waste of Pacific waters. Their total white population is not more than 1,500.

In the Samoan group Germany was, until early in September, a neighbour of the United States, her possessions here including Savaii and Upolu. She obtained them in November, 1899. The former has an area of 660 and the latter of 340 square miles, the native inhabitants being respectively 12,800 and 20,600, the Europeans numbering about 500. All the islands are extremely productive, copra and cocoa beans being chief articles of export, while a considerable trade in rubber has lately arisen. Wireless stations exist at Apia, the capital, as at Nauru, in the Marshall Islands.

Some time after the outbreak of war an expedition was sent against Samoa from New Zealand, and on Thursday, September 3rd, a message reached the Governor at Wellington to the effect that the German Governor of Samoa had surrendered, and had been sent with other prisoners to Fiji. The landing of troops was carried out with great expedition, and the Union Jack was hoisted at half-past twelve on the afternoon of August 29th.

In the middle of August it was thought desirable that Japan should move, and the decision to this effect was announced on the evening of August 17th in the following statement by the Press Bureau:

The Governments of Great Britain and Japan, having been in communication with each other, are of opinion that it is necessary for each to take action to protect the general interests in the Far East contemplated by the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, keeping especially in view the independence and integrity of China, as provided for in that agreement.

It is understood that the action of Japan will not extend to the Pacific Ocean beyond the China Seas, except in so far as it may be necessary to protect Japanese shipping lines in the Pacific, nor beyond Asiatic waters westward of the China Seas, or to any foreign territory except territory in German occupation on the continent of Eastern Asia.

Two days before this the following ultimatum was delivered by Japan to Germany, through the medium of the Japanese Ambassador at Berlin:

We consider it highly important and necessary in the present situation to take measures to remove the causes of all disturbance of peace in the Far East, and to safeguard general interests as contemplated in the Agreement of Alliance between Japan and Great Britain.

In order to secure firm and enduring peace in Eastern Asia, the establishment of which is the aim of the said Agreement, the Imperial Japanese Government sincerely believes it to be its duty to give advice to the Imperial German Government to carry out the following two propositions:

(1) Withdraw immediately from Japanese and Chinese waters the German men-o'-war and armed vessels of all kinds, and to disarm at once those which cannot be withdrawn.

(2) To deliver on a date not later than September 15th, to the Imperial Japanese authorities, without condition or compensation, the entire leased territory of Kiao-Chau, with a view to the eventual restoration of the same to China.

The Imperial Japanese Government announces at the same time that in the event of its not receiving, by noon on August 23rd, an answer from the Imperial German Government signifying unconditional acceptance of the above advice offered by the Imperial Japanese Government, Japan will be compelled to take such action as it may deem necessary to meet the situation.

Some anxiety was felt lest this step should not meet with approval in the United States, in view of the anti-Japanese feeling there; but following a conference between President Wilson and Mr. Bryan, President Wilson said to newspaper men that the Government had assurances from Japan that the latter would preserve the territorial integrity of China in the event of Germany forcing war on Japan by rejecting the Japanese ultimatum. The President said no reason was apparent for the belief that Japan would try to draw the United States into the conflict, and that America would preserve its neutrality; but, at the same time, would insist that Japan should do everything to preserve the integrity of China. The action of Japan created no surprise in Washington, as it had been expected.

No reply was given by the German Government, and in consequence the Japanese proceeded to invest Kaio-Chau. Within a couple of weeks they had occupied seven small islands in the neighbourhood of the German concession, and had removed over 1,000 mines from the adjacent waters. The case for Japan was stated explicitly at a special session of the Japanese Diet which began on Saturday, September 5th. A full account of the proceedings is contained in the following Reuter's telegram from Tokyo:

Count Okuma, the Premier, said he believed that the reasons leading to the convoking of a special session would be thoroughly understood. He asked for the support of Parliament, and said the army and navy were doing their full duty. He asked the Diet to pass the extraordinary Budget framed in connection with the war.

Baron Kato, in his speech, reviewed the events leading up to the war between Japan and Germany, and the breaking off of diplomatic relations with Austria. He first outlined the situation in Europe, showing that force of circumstances had decided Great Britain to participate in the war. Continuing, he said, "Early in August the British Government asked the Imperial Government for assistance under the terms of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. German men-of-war and armed vessels were prowling around the seas of Eastern Asia, menacing our commerce and that of our ally, while Kiao-Chau was carrying out operations apparently for the purpose of constituting a base for warlike operations in Eastern Asia. Grave anxiety was thus felt for the maintenance of peace in the Far East.

"As all are aware," he added, "the agreement and alliance between Japan and Great Britain has for its object the consolidation and maintenance of general peace in Eastern Asia and the maintenance of the independence and integrity of China as well as the principle of equal opportunities for commerce and industry for all nations in that country, and the maintenance and defence respectively of territorial rights and special interests of contracting parties in Eastern Asia. Therefore, inasmuch as we were asked by our ally for assistance at a time when commerce in Eastern Asia, which Japan and Great Britain regard alike as one of their special interests, is subjected to a constant menace, Japan, who regards that alliance as a guiding principle of her foreign policy, could not but comply to the request to do her part."

"Germany's possession of a base for powerful activities in one corner of the Far East," the Minister added, "was not only a serious obstacle to the maintenance of permanent peace but also threatened the immediate interests of the Japanese Empire." "The Japanese Government," Baron Kato continued, "therefore resolved to comply with the British request and if necessary to open hostilities against Germany. After the Imperial sanction had been obtained I communicated this resolution to the British Government and a full and frank exchange of views between the two Governments followed and it was finally agreed between them to take such measures as were necessary to protect the general interests contemplated in the agreement and the alliance. Japan had no desire or inclination to become involved in the present conflict, only she believed she owed it to herself to be faithful to the alliance and to strengthen its foundation by insuring permanent peace in the East and protecting the special interests of the two allied Powers."

"Desiring, however, to solve the situation by pacific means the Imperial Government on August 15th gave the following advice to the German Government. (Here the Minister quoted the text of the Japanese ultimatum.) Until the last moment of the time allowed, namely, until August 23rd, the Imperial Government received no answer and in consequence the Imperial rescript declaring war was issued the next day."

Baron Kato briefly referred to Austria-Hungary, with whom, as she had only the most limited interests in the Far East, Japan desired to maintain peaceful relations as long as possible. At the same time it appeared that Austria-Hungary also desired to avoid complications. "In fact, as soon as Japan and Germany entered into a state of war," the Foreign Minister went on to say, "Austria-Hungary asked for the consent and good offices of the Imperial Government to permit the Kaiserin Elizabeth, the only Austrian man-of-war in the Far East likely to force a state of war, to go to Shanghai and there to disarm. I was about to communicate to the Austrian Ambassador the fact that Great Britain and Japan did not entertain any objections to the disarming of the Kaiserin Elizabeth, when suddenly on August 27th the Austrian Ambassador informed me that in consideration of Japan's action against Germany his Government instructed him to leave his post, and diplomatic relations were broken off."

In conclusion Baron Kato said, "When the relations of Japan and Germany reached the point of rupture the Imperial Government asked the American Government if in case of need it would be good enough to undertake the protection of Japanese subjects and interests in Germany. This request the American Government promptly complied with and subsequently upon the rupture of diplomatic relations between Japan and Austria-Hungary the Imperial Government again appealed for American protection for Japanese subjects and interests in Austria-Hungary, when the American Government gave the same willing consent. I desire to avail myself of this opportunity to give expression to the sincere appreciation of the Imperial Government of the courtesy so kindly extended by the American Government."

Finally Baron Kato concluded by saying, "While regretting that Japan has been compelled to take up arms against Germany, I am happy to believe that the army and navy of our illustrious sovereign will not fail to show the same loyalty and valour which distinguished them in the past, so that all may be blessed by early restoration of peace."

That the war was being carried a stage further was seen from the following announcement, made by the Press Bureau on August 26th:

The Secretary of State for the Colonies learns from Temporary Lieutenant-Colonel Bryant, our officer commanding in German Togoland, that the German wireless telegraph installation at Kamina has been destroyed by enemy, and that they sent this (Wednesday) afternoon a flag of truce, offering, if given all the honours of war, to capitulate, and stipulating for specific terms. He replied that they were not in a position to ask for terms, and that they must surrender unconditionally. He told them that we always respected private property, and that there would be as little interference as possible with the trade of the country and the private interests of firms.

He has advanced, and has occupied the crossing at River Amu. The German answer is expected to-night or early to-morrow morning.

[Later]

In continuation of the statement issued to-day from the Colonial Office, the Secretary of State for the Colonies announces that he has received information from the officer commanding the troops in Togoland that Togoland has surrendered unconditionally, and that the Allied Forces will enter Kamina at eight a.m. to-morrow (Thursday) morning.

It was officially stated that the British Force engaged consisted of a detachment of the Gold Coast Regiment of the West African Frontier Force, under the command of Temporary Lieutenant-Colonel F.C. Bryant, R.A.

The destruction of the German wireless station in Togoland practically isolated German South-West Africa from Germany. This station in Togoland was built at Kamina, 1913-14, and was designed to act as a halfway station for the big station at Windhoek, the capital of German South-West Africa. The latter station—the station at Daressalam also having been destroyed—could now only "speak" to Nauen to take orders from Berlin when the conditions are extremely favourable, as, notwithstanding the great altitude on which the Windhoek station is built, direct communication with Germany was not possible, the stations being equipped on the telephone system, more than one day in ten, and then only for a few "spasmodic" minutes per day.

CHAPTER V

French Government leaves Paris—Triple Entente Declaration—An Important French Protest to the Powers—Aid from Dominions and India—South Africa's Expedition—The King's Proclamations.

Towards the end of August, although the long line of the Allied Forces remained unbroken, the commanders had thought it advisable to fall back in the direction of Paris, so that the left wing of the allied troops could rest on Paris, and their right wing on the great fortress of Verdun. Paris, being itself a strongly fortified town, formed an admirable western base for the operations of the defending armies.

It was not, of course, expected that the invaders would succeed in entering Paris, as the capital could be defended not merely by its own strong ring of fortresses, but by the left wing of the army. If, however, as was certainly expected, battles were to wage round the capital, the work of the Government would have become impossible and difficulties might be experienced by the Cabinet in keeping itself in communication with the commander-in-chief. It was therefore decided that the capital should be removed to some other city, just as the Belgian capital had been transferred from Brussels to Antwerp. Tours was at first spoken of as the new seat of government, but the final choice rested on Bordeaux, a well-situated seaport and a city of really excellent communications to all parts of the country. Early in September, therefore, it was decided that the transfer should take place, and on September 3rd the President of the Republic and all his Ministers addressed the following Proclamation to the country: