Book 9 — APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

No. I.

SECTION I.—GENERAL STATE OF THE FRENCH ARMY IN SPAIN, EXTRACTED FROM THE IMPERIAL MUSTER-ROLLS, SIGNED BY THE PRINCE OF NEUFCHATEL.

Commanded by the Emperor Napoleon, in person, 15th Jan. 1809.

Present under arms. Detached. Hospital. Prisoners. Total.

Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Men. Horses.

241,010 48,821 24,549 3,521 58,026 826 324,411 52,342

King Joseph, commanding—15th Feb. 1809.

Present under arms. Detached. Hospital. Prisoners. Total Effective.

Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Men. Horses.

193,416 3,339 36,326 9,523 56,404 1,843 288,219 43,704

Note.—The imperial guards, the reserve of infantry, and several thousand non-commissioned officers and old soldiers, wanted for the war in Austria, in all above 40,000 men, were struck off the rolls since the last returns.

1st July, 1809.

Present under arms. Detached. Hospital. Prisoners and Stragglers. Total Effective.

Men. Horses. Men. Horses. Men. Men. Men. Horses.

24,082 31,537 19,596 4,513 60,785 7,301 288,766 36,050

Deduct detached men comprised in governments 19,596 4,513

———— ———

Real total 269,170 31,537

———— ———

15th July, 1809.

196,144 31,131 19,122 4,608 58,230 8,089 281,585 35,739

Deduct detached in governments 19,122 4,608

———— ———

Real total 262,463 31,131

———— ———

15th August, 1809.

187,560 30,319 12,697 3,930 58,588 7,403 266,248 34,880

Deduct for governments 12,697 3,930

———— ———

Real total 253,551 30,950

———— ———

SECTION II.—RETURN OF THE FRENCH ARMY BY CORPS.

Troops immediately under the king—1st June, 1809.

The king’s guards, about 5000 men, of all arms, are never borne on the rolls.

First corps, marshal Victor commanding.

Head-quarters, Torremocha.

Present under arms. Total.

Men. Men.

4 divisions of infantry 41 battalions 21,268 32,819

2 ditto cavalry 27 squadrons 5,232 7,344

Artillery and equipage 40 companies 2,984 3,610

Number of guns, 48 ——— ———

Total present under arms 29,484 Grand total 43,773

——— ———

First Corps—21st June, 1809.

Head-quarters, Almaraz.

Present under arms. Total.

Men. Men.

3 divisions of infantry 33 battalions 18,367 25,633

2 ditto cavalry 20 squadrons 4,259 5,762

Artillery and equipage ” 2,535 2,860

——— ———

Total present under arms 25,161 Grand total 34,255

——— ———

First Corps—15th July, 1809.

Head-quarters, Cazalegas.

3 divisions of infantry 33 battalions 18,890 26,373

2 ditto cavalry 18 squadrons 3,781 5,080

Artillery and equipage ” 2,586 3,005

——— ———

Total present under arms 25,257 Grand total 34,458

——— ———

First Corps—1st August, 1809.

Head-quarters, Maqueda.

3 divisions of infantry 33 battalions 15,066 25,068

2 ditto cavalry 18 squadrons 4,987 4,983

Artillery and equipage ” 2,362 2,873

——— ———

Total present under arms 22,415 Grand total 32,924

——— ———

Fourth Corps, General Sebastiani—10th July, 1809.

Head-quarters, Alcala.

Present under arms. Total.

Men. Men.

3 divisions of infantry 27 battalions 17,100 25,960

2 ditto cavalry 25 squadrons 3,670 5,859

Number of artillerymen omitted in the returns ” ”

30 guns ——— ———

Total present under arms 20,770 Grand total 31,819

——— ———

15th August, 1809.

3 divisions of infantry 27 battalions 14,259 25,801

2 ditto cavalry 25 squadrons 3,420 5,801

——— ———

Total present under arms 17,679 Grand total 31,602

——— ———

Division of Reserve, General Dessolles—15th July, 1809.

Head-quarters, Madrid.

Present under arms. Total.

Men. Men.

1 division of infantry 10 battalions 7,681 10,254

Number of guns unknown.

Kellerman’s division—21st April, 1809.

Head-quarters, Astorga.

Men. Horses. Guns.

Total, composed of detachments 8,753 805 8

10th June, 1809.

Head-quarters, Oviedo.

Under arms. Total.

Men. Horses. Men. Horses.

Total, composed of detachments 7,423 2,549 7,681 2,690

15th July, 1809.

Head-quarters, Valladolid.

8 squadrons 2,291 2,360 2,469 2,393

6 guns

SECTION III.

1st February, 1809.

Under arms.

Men.

Division Lapisse infantry 12 battalions 7,692

Brigade Maupetit cavalry 6 squadrons 910

——

Total under general Lapisse at Salamanca 8,602 sabres and bayonets.

Number of guns and artillerymen unknown.

SECTION IV.—RETURN OF TROOPS UNDER THE IMMEDIATE COMMAND OF MARSHAL SOULT.

Second Corps, Soult—15th July, 1809.

Head-quarters, Toro.

Present under arms. Total.

Men. Men.

4 divisions of infantry 47 battalions 16,626 35,188

3 ditto cavalry 19 squadrons 2,883 4,540

Artillery ” 1,081 1,620

40 guns –—— –——

Total present under arms 20,590 Grand total 41,348

–—— –——

Fifth Corps, Mortier.

Head-quarters, Valladolid.

2 divisions of infantry 24 battalions 15,036 19,541

1 brigade of cavalry 6 squadrons 896 1,491

Artillery ” 648 803

30 guns –—— –——

Total present under arms 16,580 Grand total 21,835

–—— –——

Sixth Corps, Ney.

Head-quarters, Benevente.

Present under arms. Total.

Men. Men.

2 divisions of infantry 24 battalions 13,700 17,587

1 ditto cavalry 10 squadrons 1,446 2,092

Artillery ” 1,113 1,293

37 guns –—— –——

Total present under arms 16,259 Grand total 20,972

–—— –——

General total under Soult, 15th July, 1809.

Under arms. Total.

Men. Men.

95 battalions—35 squadrons 53,529 84,155

107 guns

SECTION V.—TROOPS EMPLOYED IN THE SIEGE OF ZARAGOZA, UNDER MARSHAL LASNES.

15th January, 1809.

Present under arms. Detached. Hospital. Total effective.

Men. Men. Men. Men.

Third corps 17,406 5,789 13,668 36,863

Fifth corps 18,284 ” 4,189 22,473

——— –—— ——— ———

Total 35,690 5,789 17,857 59,336

——— –—— ——— ———

15th February, 1809.

Third corps 16,035 5,891 13,259 35,269

Fifth corps 17,933 1,735 3,859 23,626

——— –—— ——— ———

Total 33,968 7,526 17,118 58,895

——— –—— ——— ———

SECTION VI.—RETURN OF THE SEVENTH CORPS, GENERAL ST. CYR.

15th January, 1809.

Present under arms. Detached. Hospital. Prisoners. Total.

Men. Men. Men. Men. Men. Horses.

41,386 ” 6,589 543 48,518 5,403

15th May, 1809.

42,246 2,341 10,243 435 55,265 5,537

15th June, 1809.

42,146 1,699 10,222 406 54,473 5,365

No. II.

SECTION I.—STATE OF SPAIN.

Colonel Kemmis to sir J. Cradock, December 17, 1808.

“In consequence of the unfavourable news from Spain, yesterday, the populace, in Badajos, murdered a Spanish colonel, and one or two more of note.”

Lieutenant Ellis (an officer employed to gain intelligence) to colonel Kemmis, Loboa, December 27.

“The French entered Truxillo, yesterday, at eleven o’clock; and, from the circumstance of their having reconnoitred the intermediate villages, might be expected to arrive at Merida in two hours after we left it.”

Colonel Kemmis to sir John Cradock, Elvas, December 28.

“Badajos cannot make resistance in any degree, either to check or to stop the progress of the enemy. From the statement made to me, last night, by the governor, they want arms, ammunition, and provisions.”—“The enemy marched into Truxillo, on the 26th, at half-past twelve o’clock in the day; but, at two, on the following morning, a French officer arrived there, and they fell back four leagues.”

Lieutenant Ellis to colonel Kemmis, December 28.

“I proceeded cautiously to Truxillo. The main body of the enemy, six thousand in number, had retired across the bridge of Almaraz, and had not taken the road to Madrid, but had proceeded to Plasencia, leaving behind more than half the requisition for money which had been imposed on the town of Truxillo.”

Mr. Stuart to sir John Moore, Seville, January 2, 1809.

“The corps of four thousand infantry and two thousand cavalry, which had marched from Talavera, and had actually passed the bridge of Almaraz, has fallen back, and is already near Plasencia, on its way northward.”—“The extreme attention of Buonaparte being at this moment directed to the English army, everything which can be collected is opposed to you alone.”

SECTION II.

Mr. Stuart to sir J. Moore, December 27, 1808.

“You will receive, together with this, several letters from Doyle, which describe events in Catalonia no way differing from what we have witnessed in other parts of Spain!”—“The junta have established themselves here, and, whatever may have been the expectation which their alarm on the road may have induced Mr. Frere to form of their future proceedings, a culpable relapse into their former apathy seems susceptible of no other remedies but such as will be much stronger than any Spaniard is likely to adopt.”—“Although Caro promised to write every particular of his conversation with you to the junta, I have hitherto been unable to see his letter. I therefore thought it expedient to put the whole to writing, and, at the same time, to express my conviction both of the justice and propriety of your whole conduct during the late events, when it was impossible, under any circumstances, to have adopted other determination consistently with the safety of the army committed to your charge. Though I doubt if this will stop the clamour which has been raised on the subject; and, though events have probably since taken place, which may materially change the state of affairs, it may be satisfactory to tell you that Mr. Frere appears to enter into the reasons alleged by you, and to feel, in their full force, the motives which induced you to act so cautiously, and to ground no operation on the hope of any effectual support from the Spaniards.”

Mr. Stuart to sir J. Moore, Seville, January 2.

“The president, Florida Blanca, died two days since, and I was in hopes that the junta would have availed themselves of this event to make some change in their government.”—“I see, however, little but good disposition, and am still to look for that energy in rewarding service and punishing treachery which can alone mend matters.”

Mr. Stuart to sir J. Moore, Seville, January 10.

“Reding is at Tarragona, expecting to be attacked, and possessing a force composed chiefly of peasantry, but of which he certainly cannot command above ten thousand men in a situation to face his opponents at any given point.”—“Whittingham arrived here yesterday, last from the duke of Infantados’ head-quarters. He assures me the duke had already twenty thousand men when he left Cuença.”—“On the side of Estremadura, matters are not going on well: Galluzzo, who allowed the enemy to pass the bridges, is here prisoner, and his corps is placed under the command of Cuesta. I cannot say, however, that I see much activity since the change; parties of the enemy cover the country between Madrid and Almaraz, while the corps of six thousand men, which had been pushed forward from Madrid, have, I understand, already passed Plasencia, and probably are on the other side of the Puerto, for the purpose of falling on the Salamanca country, and, if possible, cutting off your communication with Ciudad Rodrigo.”

SECTION III.

Mr. Frere to Mr. Canning, Seville, May 8.

“Besides the advantages which may be looked for from placing so extensive a command under a person of such tried abilities as general Blake, it is to be hoped that it will put an end to the distractions arising from the contracted views of those who directed the provincial junta, particularly that of Valencia, which have been so embarrassing to his predecessors.”

Mr. Frere to Mr. Canning, Seville, July 10, 1809.

“As the devastations which have been committed have, in many instances, deprived the peasants of the means of paying what is due to the proprietors and to the church, a general spirit of resistance to all claims of this kind has begun to show itself.”

Sir John Cradock to lord Castlereagh, December 24, 1808.

“I much fear that alarm and despondency has gained ground about Badajos and that part of Spain, and that there is so little co-operation in the acts of their several juntas, and such a want of subordination and common consent among the armed bodies, to which the defence of the country is entrusted, against such an united force as that of the French, that extreme confusion prevails everywhere.”

Colonel Kemmis to sir John Cradock, Elvas, December 30.

“He (lieutenant Ellis) has been living with general Cuesta for the last two days,”—“who has assured him that the Spanish troops, in Madrid, forced their way through the French army; and he expressed great sorrow in adding that, though a Spanish force is often collected, the smallest check disperses them; that in few instances depôts were provided, and those ill supplied,” &c.—“that, such was the dispersion and flight of the Spanish armies, between Badajos and Madrid, there did not remain a single man.”

Colonel Kemmis to lieut.-colonel Reynel, military secretary to sir John Cradock, Seville, February 7, 1809.

“In passing through the Sierra Morena mountains, where Nature has done much for the defence of this province, it was painful to observe the pitiful works they were about to throw up. In this whole direction there is but one body that has anything like the appearance of a soldier, viz. dismounted cavalry.”

General Mackenzie to sir John Cradock, Cadiz, February 9, 1809.

“The Spaniards here seem lulled in the most fatal security. They are ignorant of the events in the north of Spain, or will not give credit when they do hear them. Vague reports of the emperor of Austria’s having declared war, and Buonaparte’s return to France gains unlimited credit.”—“The equipment of the fleet goes on very slowly, though there is no want of exertion now on the part of admiral Purvis or Mr. Stuart; offers of every assistance are daily made, but they will neither work themselves nor permit our people to work for them. The preparations of the ships for carrying off the French prisoners goes on equally ill.”

Duc de Albuquerque to Mr. Frere, Talavera, July 31, 1809.

“During our marches we stop to repose, like flocks of sheep, without taking up any position, so that, if the enemy knew the condition we were in, they would defeat us wherever they attacked us. If, in the evening of the 26th, I had not gone out directly with my division, and succeeded in checking the enemy, the whole army would have dispersed, and all the artillery and baggage, which were in the streets of St. Ollalla, would have been lost; and as a proof of what would have happened, had not the enemy, who was within musket-shot, been checked, for many had already thrown away their arms, &c. the commissaries abandoning more than fifteen hundred rations of bread, the carts occupying and blocking up the streets of the town; and to this, I repeat, we are daily exposed, as we march, as if it were on a pilgrimage, without any regard to distance, order, or method, and with the whole parc of artillery, which ought always to remain at the distance of two, three, or more leagues.”

Sir Arthur Wellesley to lord Wellesley, Merida, September 1, 1809.

“I am much afraid, from what I have seen of the proceedings of the central junta, that, in the distribution of their forces, they do not consider military defence and military operations so much as they do political intrigue and the attainment of trifling political objects.”

Lord Wellesley to Mr. Canning, Seville, September 2, 1809.

“While the intelligence received from sir Arthur Wellesley, to the date of the 24th instant, continued to furnish irresistible proofs of the failure of every promise or effort made by this government for the immediate relief of our troops, no satisfaction was afforded to me respecting any permanent plan for their future supply.”—“The troops of Portugal, which entered Spain, under general Beresford, suffered similar distress, and experienced similar ill-treatment; although the efforts of Portugal, in the cause of Spain, have been as gratuitous as those of Great Britain; and although Spain possesses no claim, of any description, to the aid of a Portuguese army.”—“In this calamity, the people of Spain cannot fail to acknowledge the natural consequences of their own weakness, nor to discover the urgent necessity of enforcing a more steady, pure, and vigorous system, both of council and action. A relaxed state of domestic government and an indolent reliance on the activity of foreign assistance have endangered all the high and virtuous objects for which Spain has armed and bled. It must now be evident that no alliance can protect her from the inevitable result of internal disorder and national infirmity. She must amend and strengthen her government; she must improve the administration of her resources, and the structure and discipline of her armies, before she can become capable of deriving benefit from foreign aid. Spain has proved untrue to our alliance, because she is not true to herself.”—“Until some great change shall be effected in the conduct of the military resources of Spain, and in the state of her armies, no British army can safely attempt to co-operate with the Spanish troops in the territory of Spain.”

No. III.

JUSTIFICATORY EXTRACTS FROM SIR J. CRADOCK’s CORRESPONDENCE, MSS.

SECTION I.—STATE OF PORTUGAL.

Sir J. Cradock to sir R. Wilson, Oporto, December 8, 1808.

“I press this measure” (to move the legion from Oporto to Villa Real) “upon your adoption, for many reasons, &c. &c.; but the more especially that it will give an impulse to military preparation in general, and tend to eradicate the notion that, since the evacuation of Portugal by the French, the prospect of a future war is at an end.”

Sir J. Cradock to sir John Moore, December 9, 1808.

“I have pressed the adoption of such measures as appeared most likely to revive some notion of danger, and the necessity of activity and energy.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, December 14, 1808, Lisbon.

“The inaction of the regency was apparent at Oporto to a lamentable degree; and, though I saw general Bernadim Friere, I could not gain from him any information as to the state or numbers of the Portuguese troops, where they were stationed, or who commanded them. I apprehend, from his conversation, that the general officers are all of equal authority; and that even seniority had not its usual effect. He concluded his observations to me with the strong expression, ‘That, from the evacuation of Portugal by the French, the nation had thought all war at an end.’”

Sir J. Cradock to sir J. Moore, December 28, 1808.

“Mr. Villiers and myself have both concurred upon the absolute necessity to arouse and animate the Portuguese to some sense of their situation.”

Colonel Kemmis to sir J. Cradock, Elvas, December 30, 1808.

“The apathy of the Portuguese is not to be expressed. Their general, Leite, is a most excellent character: a theorist, and, like his countrymen, supine.”

Extract from the Report of lieutenant Brotherton, (an officer employed to obtain intelligence in the north of Portugal,) February 11, 1809. Head-quarters of Romana’s army.

“From the totally defenceless state in which the two northern provinces are left, it will require at least eight days (I speak from authority) to prepare any thing like adequate means of defence.”

SECTION II.—LUSITANIAN LEGION.

Lord Castlereagh to sir J. Cradock, November 27, 1808.

“Its formation was proposed by the chevalier de Souza.”—“The pay, allowances, and clothing were settled by the chevalier de Souza. The former regulated, as I understood, upon the scale of increased pay, which the provisional government of Oporto had adopted for all the troops they were in progress of levying.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, December 24, 1808.

“I have considerable doubt if ever they” (the legion) “can be incorporated, with effect and conciliation, with the body of the Portuguese army.”—“They are viewed with extreme jealousy by the regency; and the commanding officers of the Portuguese battalion resisted, universally, the allowing of volunteers from their regiments to enter into the legion.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, January 19, 1809.

“The Lusitanian legion continues to give considerable uneasiness, from its peculiar state, under present circumstances.”

Captain Morgan (Lusitanian legion) to sir J. Cradock, January 19, 1809.

“Should a retreat be adopted, sir Robert would not retire to Oporto. It is the government of a mob, of which he has had too much experience.”

SECTION III.—PORTUGUESE ARMY.

Sir J. Cradock to sir J. Moore, December 9, 1808.

“I am sorry to state that I find, as far as my limited observation reaches, the Portuguese army, and every other military concern, in the worst possible state.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, December 18, 1809.

“I am sure that the state of the Portuguese army is quite misunderstood in England; and that a reliance is placed upon it for the defence of the country that is entirely without foundation. Their” (Portuguese) “ministers will avow this to you after ten minutes’ conversation.”—“Even of the reduced numbers of their men enrolled, (not amounting to twenty thousand, at the very highest computation,) to make any thing out of them, it is necessary to recur to first principles, and give them officers, arms, clothing, accoutrements, horses, &c.; and I need not say that money is wanting to effect this: and the ministers positively declare that they have none; and that no collection of their forces can take place, much less a movement to the frontier, without a supply.”—“M. Forjas, secretary to the government, in answer to a strong question from me, stated that their army have not in possession ten thousand firelocks fit for use.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, December 24, 1808.

“I am exerting myself to bring to account ‘the supposed Portuguese army.’”—“Your lordship will perceive that I talk of the regulars as if it were a regular force; but I should be guilty of a deceit, that might lead to bad consequences, if I did not fairly state that I conceive them to be of no moment at this time.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, January 8, 1809.

“I am ready to go to the utmost verge of prudence; but Mr. Frere, when he talks of Portuguese troops and arrangements, really (as I believe you will allow) fait bâtir les châteaux.”

Major-general Cotton to sir J. Cradock, April 7, 1809.

“I yesterday inspected the Portuguese cavalry.”—“This cavalry is unformed, and totally unfit for any sort of service.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, February 12.

“It appears that a report has reached your lordship that a conscription for horses in this country had been attended with great effect, and that above three thousand had been collected. It is, indeed, a matter of serious concern that such serious misrepresentations should be transmitted; for it is a well-known fact that many of the Portuguese regiments of cavalry are without horses; and, if I am to pursue the subject, their battalions of infantry are one-half without arms or clothing! But the total want of all means of regulations for subsistence from so deplorable a view, in the event of co-operation, that the result, in my opinion, cannot be attended with success. It is, however, but justice to say, that the disposition of the Portuguese seems well-inclined and faithful to the common cause; and that a very efficient soldiery may be formed under more favourable circumstances.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Frere, February 27, 1809.

“I fear that your excellency is led to entertain a more favourable notion of the efficacy of the Portuguese army than, in any shape, it is entitled. In short, my opinion is that they want every thing that constitutes a respectable force, except about ten thousand English arms. I believe they have no others. Many of their cavalry regiments are without horses, without swords, pistols, &c. Their battalions are not clothed; and, as to subsistence, they live at free quarters upon the villages where they are stationed. To take the field with effect, or an assurance of food, seems to me out of the question. Since the first moment of my arrival, I wished to procure the advance of a small Portuguese force to Alcantara; but it has been impossible. It is a matter of serious lamentation that such mis-representations of the Portuguese force should go home, or reach your excellency.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, April 3.

“No reliance whatever can be placed upon the Portuguese troops in their present state. If I said that the whole were ready to mutiny or revolt, I believe I speak general Beresford’s sentiments. They will not be commanded by their own officers and they do just as they please.”

SECTION IV.—CONDUCT OF THE REGENCY—TREATMENT OF FRENCH PRISONERS.

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, January 26, 1809.

“I have hitherto directed that these prisoners should be subsisted at our charge, but I have no authority in this measure; they are in a most deplorable state, and really are a disgrace to all concerned.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, February 5, 1809.

“It is absolutely necessary that the regency should give in an answer about the French prisoners. The whole is an unauthorised heavy charge, for which I give my warrant; and I see no end to the case: and, added to this, their situation is a reflection upon humanity.”

SECTION V.—NEGLECT, DUPLICITY, AND TIMIDITY.

Colonel Kemmis to sir J. Cradock, Elvas, December 17.

“Lalippe, on which the very existence of Elvas depends, has not been supplied with provisions as I have been taught to expect.”

Colonel Kemmis to sir J. Cradock, Elvas, December 25.

“The great importance of this fort” (Lalippe) “is well known to the Portuguese; and, therefore, they are jealous, notwithstanding the miserable condition of their troops, and total incapacity to defend the fort, if attacked.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, December 26, 1808.

“The promises and apparently satisfactory language of the Portuguese government are, in my opinion, by no means sufficient to meet the case. I want to see some steps actually taken before my mind is decided that the nation will defend itself.”—“Indeed, I am told, on good authority, that the government are afraid to allow the people to arm.”—“The moment I see any materials to work upon, it will be my most anxious duty to give every effect, &c.”—“But, under the present inactivity and indifference, it is, &c.”

Reports of colonel Donkin (quarter-master-general) to Sir J. Cradock, March 21.

“I cannot, however, order officers of my department to check this irregularity” (forcing quarters) “when it originates solely in the neglect of the Portuguese civil magistrates; for troops will not obey orders, which expose them wantonly to great privations.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, March 25.

“I have repeately urged this subject” (quarters of troops) “to the regency, in the strongest manner, but, as you perceive, without effect.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, March 17.

“Whatever suits the momentary purpose, upon the most superficial view, seems to be the guide in the Portuguese councils. Ultimate objects, which, in the course of things, must arrive, are never brought into the calculation.”

Cradock to Berkely, January 17.

“The regency seem to decline giving any specific directions relative to the guns in fort St. Julian and the river batteries, and, above all, not to write any thing; but they are very willing to acquiesce in any thing we shall do, only anxious that, on a future day, it shall appear to be our act, not theirs.”

Admiral Berkely to sir J. Cradock, February 19, 1809.

“I imagine Mr. Villiers has transmitted a copy of the extraordinary note sent him by the regency; in which they complain of the conduct of the artillery-officer who dismantled the Bugio fort, and intimate their intention of sending for all the guns and powder from fort St. Julian; and add many particulars, as novel as they are suspicious.”—“Whether the language of this note arises from duplicity, or any other cause, it is equally to be resisted; and, therefore, stated some facts which may be retorted upon them, and which will not place their conduct in the most favourable point of view towards either their own sovereign or Great Britain.”

Extract from an official note, drawn up by sir John Cradock, Lisbon, February 20, 1809.

“It was told me, two or three times, by Mr. Villiers, that M. Forjas, or some other member of the regency, had expressed extreme solicitude about the forts on the Tagus, &c.”—“ I always urged Mr. Villiers to get from M. Forjas, or any other member, a declaration of what they wished, that we might exactly conform to it; for they seemed to be anxious to go beyond what we should venture to propose. Mr. Villiers, after some time, told me that the Portuguese government were unwilling to put down any thing upon paper, or give any specific instruction; but they would willingly leave all the arrangement to us.”—“After the above statement, which I declare, upon my honour, to be the accurate description of what has passed, I must express my surprise, and even indignation, at the protest now made by the regency; and when it is considered that the Bugio fort is often inaccessible for a week together, this part of their complaint is shameful to the highest degree. Their general object is, however, to be distinguished.”

SECTION VI.—ANARCHY IN PORTUGAL.

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, February 20, 1809.

“Northern parts.—It may be difficult to manage any money-transactions in Oporto, for the populace in that town have been suffered to become the masters; and it was by an exchange of public and private property that the commissariat money has been lately secured.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, February, 1809.

“To gratify a mob, the other day, at Oporto, a guard of the sixtieth regiment was given up, and disarmed by baron Eben.”

Captain Brotherton to sir J. Cradock, March 17, 1809, Lamego.

“Considering the tumults, and the state of effervescence of the public mind, and the blind fury of the populace—it will neither be useful nor safe to remain amongst them.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, March 26, 1809.

“The disposition is good, but the proceedings are those of an ungovernable mob, exposed to the evil effects of designing persons.”—“I confine myself to the north of Portugal and Oporto, for the same excesses have not taken place at this side the Douro; but the principles of insubordination, I should fear, would prevail.”—“If the confusion and anarchy that prevail at Oporto will permit a defence some exertion may be expected.”—“Ammunition has been abundantly supplied, but no quantity would meet the consumption expended in the manner it has been in the Tras os Montes; an attempt to save which was, I believe, the occasion of Bernadim Friere’s death.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, March 30, 1809.

“The anarchy that prevails at Oporto must, I fear, render every exertion unavailable for defence; and such is the ungovernable spirit of the populace, that it is very difficult to say what part they might take if the proceedings of the British did not suit their views.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Frere, March 29.

“Oporto and all its concerns, with the bishop, nominally, at its head, is in the hands of a wild ungovernable populace, that has already committed the most cruel excesses. I fear the same spirit exists in what is called the Portuguese army.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Frere, January 29, Lisbon.

“Without a British force in Lisbon, the authority of the regency would pass away, and the scenes of Oporto would take place here.”

Report of captain Lawson, January 30, Lisbon.

“Last night, my servant returning from the post-office was attacked by a party of Portuguese pike-men, headed by one of their own officers, who severely wounded the horse in two places, and slightly in several places, and obliged him, the servant, to put himself under the protection of the guard at the town-major’s office, to save his own life: the outrage was committed without the slightest provocation.”

General Langwerth to sir J. Cradock, February 1, Lisbon.

“The orderly, with the general orders, on his way to St. Julian’s, was stopped by a Portuguese sergeant and twenty men with pikes; the sergeant forced the orderly to deliver the letter containing the orders, broke it open, read the contents, and returned the enclosed receipt; the same guard stopped captain Clives, Royal Grenadier army, and lieutenants Beurman and Liners; these officers were in full uniform.”

General Sontag’s Official Report, February 3.

“Mr. Usher, deputy purveyor, and Mr. M’Carty, interpreter, both British subjects, arrived this day from Oporto, went to Moore’s Hotel, where they were arrested and brought to the minister of police. Mr. Usher was in his British uniform.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, January 30.

“Some unpleasant incidents have lately occurred on the part of the Portuguese armed inhabitants of Lisbon towards British individuals, but I cannot persuade myself that they have proceeded from any fixed evil disposition.”—“The British army has not, in any instance, departed from the most regular discipline, and continues to manifest the greatest temper and moderation.”—“The excesses on the part of the Portuguese commence by an uncontrolled pursuit, without any authority from the police, after all persons whom they please to call Frenchmen, and, in their indiscriminate career, they often attack every foreigner, and will not even abstain from those in our service. Those persons seek refuge in our guard-room, and though the guards and patroles have positive orders not to interfere under any pretext with the police, yet it is very difficult to smother the feelings of humanity when the wretched persons are flying from a furious and unauthorised rabble. Mr. Villiers has exerted himself much with the Regency to check this disorder, and prevent the assembly of armed persons in the streets at night, who beat drums and discharge their pieces at all hours; but as yet his remonstrances have not had the desired effect.”

Mr. Villiers to sir J. Cradock, January 30.

“Finding the people beat to arms, and paraded about the streets after dark, on the very evening after the regency had settled that these irregularities should be restrained, I addressed the ministers of the home department upon the subject; and as other excesses came to my knowledge, I followed up my complaint.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, January 30.

“I have, this morning, been taking such steps as appear necessary to secure our general situation from insult; and, at the same time, if practicable, not to manifest a distrust in the Portuguese nation, which, if sanctioned from head-quarters, would destroy any reason for our being here. I can assure you, every officer and soldier has received impressions that it is most difficult to act against, but I am determined to persevere in keeping the army from aggression to the last moment.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, February.

“When I reflect upon the frequent declarations of individual members of the regency, that they cannot control the populace; that there are at least seventy thousand armed inhabitants in Lisbon; that the regency dare not let them parade (their exercise has been at an end for some time, and the regency, at this moment, say they cannot look upon themselves as responsible,) it appears impossible that I should depart from the reasoning of my own mind, to meet a sensation of I do not know whom, and lessen the proper military appearance of our only guard. We are now beyond the power of surprise or insult, and I cannot, as my own individual act, alter the state of things. However, I never am devoted to my own way of thinking, and if you recommend the measure (the political reasoning, when the enemy is at a distance, may always be weighed against military regulation), or see any good consequences, I will immediately order back the guns to their former station in the artillery barracks.”

Marshal Beresford to sir J. Cradock, April 7, Santarem.

“I, this morning, met no less than three expresses, communicating to me the horrible state of mutiny, for I can call it no less, in which the troops every where are, and the inhabitants are in equal insubordination, and they encourage each other. I find two or three regiments have marched away (to what they call to oppose the enemy) where they pleased, in despite of their officers and generals, who are entirely commanded by them. This you will say is a pleasing state to be in; however, we must face it, and I hope for the best result, and I am sanguine enough to look for such. Colonel Trant will shortly have a pretty strong corps, if the regiments continue thus to volunteer for him.”

Mr. Villiers to sir J. Cradock, February 15.

“I should almost doubt whether the British subjects could be left in safety in Lisbon.”

SECTION VII.—FALSE INTELLIGENCE.

Sir J. Cradock to colonel Donkin.

“I believe it is certain that we cannot depend upon the activity of the Portuguese government upon this head,” (intelligence,) “either as to promptitude or security.”

Colonel Donkin to sir J. Cradock, January 1, Lisbon.

“Experience has shewn how utterly impossible it is to get correct intelligence here; an enemy may be within four or five days march of this city before it is known, unless he attacks on the very line our troops occupy.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Frere, March 29.

“It is singular how imperfectly all intelligence, though of such important events, reaches this, and we have not had, for two days, any account from Oporto.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, March 26.

“Yesterday the chevalier de Castro stated, from authority, a movement on the part of the French, quite different from a direct report from the junta of Badajos.”

No. IV.

SECTION I.—EXTRACTS FROM SIR JOHN CRADOCK’S INSTRUCTIONS.

Lord Castlereagh to sir J. Cradock, December 24, 1808.

“Upon the actual approach of the enemy towards Lisbon, in such strength as may render further resistance ineffectual, you will take care that measures be taken, in due time, for withdrawing both the British army and such Portuguese as may be desirous of accompanying it.”—“The British admiral will be directed to take effectual measures, with your assistance, for depriving the enemy of all the resources, more especially those of a naval description, which the Tagus contains. Every thing of a naval and military description, that cannot be brought away, must, in the last extremity, be destroyed.”

Lord Castlereagh to sir J. Cradock, November 25, 1808.

“I am to signify his majesty’s pleasure that, in the event of any application being made to you from the regency of Portugal, on the subject of the occupation of the fortresses with his majesty’s troops, you do refer the subject to Mr. Villiers, who has received instruction, &c. and you will not make any alteration as to the mode prescribed for garrisoning the fortresses without directions from Mr. Villiers.”

Lord Castlereagh to general Sherbrooke, January 12, 1809.

“Sir J. Cradock will be directed to comply with any requisition you may make for horses for your guns, or any other species of supply the service may require.”

Extracts from certain queries put to lord Castlereagh by sir J. Cradock, with the answers thereto.

QUERY. ANSWER.

“What may be the situation of my command?” “The relations with the government of Portugal will be arranged when Mr. Villiers arrives.”

“In what light is the force under my command to be considered?” &c. &c. “Ditto.”

“May any Portuguese battalions be levied for English pay?” “ The taking of Portuguese battalions into English pay will, if adopted, be managed through Mr. Villiers.”

“If any want of provisions should appear in Portugal, may I be allowed to adopt measures, in conjunction with the regency, for obtaining a supply?” “The general measures of supplying Portugal with provisions will be referred to Mr. Villiers.”

“If any Portuguese corps can be got into such forwardness as to be fit to enter Spain, and they should be willing to join sir J. Moore, are they to be put on British pay?” “Mr. Villiers will be authorised to enter upon the discussion of this subject with the regency, availing himself of your assistance,” &c.

No. V.

JUSTIFICATORY EXTRACTS FROM SIR J. CRADOCK’S PAPERS.

WANT OF SUPPLIES.

Commissary Rawlings, deputy-commissary-general, to Cradock, December 22.

“Your excellency is aware of the exhausted state of this country. The difficulties encountered by sir J. Moore were of the most serious nature, even before the sources of supply were so much drained as they now are.”

WANT OF TRANSPORT AND SUPPLIES.

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, 17th March.

“I have been obliged to send officers of the artillery and commissariat department to Gibraltar to attempt the supply of horses from the Barbary coast; and, such is our actual want, that the proper movement of even the force we have is nearly impracticable.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, March 26.

“The means of transport are so confined that I must not expose any thing to loss; and the artillery must be preserved with the greatest care, for I cannot equip more than two brigades of six-pounders, and one light brigade of three-pounders, the latter being of a very inferior description.”

Commissary Rawlings to sir John Cradock, March.

“The precarious tenure of this country by British troops has hitherto precluded the possibility of establishing such an advantageous contract for the public as, in more permanent cases, might necessarily be expected: we have literally been supplied from hand to mouth.”

Colonel Robe to sir J. Cradock, March 20.

“It is necessary for me to add that every exertion has been made to supply the artillery with horses and mules by the deputy-commissary-general, but, from the exhausted state of the country, and the demands upon it for the Portuguese army, no more than two brigades have been furnished with those animals, and these are much too slight for the general service of the artillery.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, March 20.

“From the first moment of my arrival in this country, unceasing exertion has been employed to purchase and procure them” (horses and mules) “at any price or by any means, but the adequate supply for even the former small number of the British army could not be obtained. I have also made repeated representations to England.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Frere, March 29.

“I want eight hundred horses and mules for the common conveyance of provision and the equipment of the artillery.”

Commissary Rawlings to sir J. Cradock, April 9.

“Some of the persons employed to provide cattle for the troops have returned without effecting their mission. This disappointment must be attributed to the movements of the enemy in the north, from whence our supply has hitherto been obtained.”

Sir J. Cradock to marshal Beresford, Caldas, April 18.

“You can form no adequate idea of the difficulty to procure supplies. The subject of forage for the cavalry keeps me in alarm without intermission, and there is no certainty for a single day. The country appears to be without the ability to furnish straw.”—“In short, the supply is just for the day, and barely sufficient.”—“I have begged of Mr. Villiers to desire the regency would send a person, in special authority, to this district to furnish supplies, if they are to be found. I shall act like the French, and make requisition, with this difference, that we are ready to pay for every thing to the utmost.”

Cradock to Berkely, Caldas, April 17.

“Such is the dearth of supply in this part of the country, and even in advance as far as we could go, that, unless victuallers are sent (or some other arrangement to the same effect) to Peniché and St. Martinho Bay, we cannot maintain our position. We cannot advance, for all our means of transport are gone back to Lisbon; and even in a retreat the cavalry could not be fed.”—“If there is insurmountable risk in sending the victuallers to Peniché, I request your declaration to this effect; for I must, in that case, retire the army to a station close to Lisbon, to fed be from thence.”

Cradock to Villiers, April 17.

“This letter is plainly to state that, unless some victuallers are sent, even at risk, to Peniché and St. Martinho Bay, we cannot maintain our position, and must retreat.”—“If the articles are in the country we must have them, and all ceremony must be dispensed with. The enemy would have them without paying for them: we must equally exact and pay.”

Cradock to Beresford, April 20.

“All the recommendation you point out upon the assistance to be derived from the coast have been long since acted upon to the utmost of my exertions; but the difficulties started by the admiral and the commissary were so great, that I cannot say I have much dependence upon immediate aid.”

General Cotton to Cradock, April 21.

“I wish I could once see the cavalry together; but I much fear that before that happens they will be very much out of condition. The fourteenth have already fallen off very much, owing to the frequent want of straw and their being supplied with Indian corn, which they will not eat: added to these circumstances, the commissary obliges the cavalry to carry (on the horses) three days’ forage.”

G. Harrison to Mr. Rawlings, Treasury-chambers, February 25.

“It having been represented to the lords commissioners of his majesty’s treasury that the troops at Lisbon are experiencing the greatest hardships from the want of shoes, I have received their lordships commands,” &c. &c.

Sir J. Cradock to colonel Willoughby Gordon, military secretary, February 11.

“I trust that the importance of the subject will plead my excuse for thus repeating my representations of the wretched state of the clothing and the great coats in particular of his majesty’s troops serving in this country.”

Lord Castlereagh to general Sherbrooke, January 12.

“Sir John Cradock will be directed to comply with any requisition you make for horses for your guns, or any other species of supply the service may, from time to time, require.”

No. VI.

SECTION I.—MISCELLANEOUS.

Captain Morgan, Lusitanian Legion, to sir J. Cradock, Lisbon, January 19, 1809.

“I left sir R. Wilson very critically situated, occupying a pass on the Agueda. Sir Robert is wholly unsupported; he has been advised by colonel Guard to fall back; and, from his information, he imagines that sir John Moore is withdrawing his troops through Gallicia. On the other hand, he has received positive orders from you[9] to defend the frontiers, and pressing letters to that effect from the bishop of Oporto.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, 30th January.

“The regency and the bishop of Oporto are not pleased at his” (sir R. Wilson) “quitting the bounds of Portugal.”

Ditto to Ditto, 6th March.

“I had a letter from sir R. Wilson, from Ciudad Rodrigo (24th February), wherein he says, that many French prisoners state their expectations that the French army will retire behind the Ebro. Sir Robert’s own persuasion is that the French will retire altogether from Spain.”

SECTION II.

General Cameron to sir J. Cradock, Lamego, January 16.

“I have collected several detachments of recovered men belonging to sir J. Moore’s army, whom I found scattered in all directions, without necessaries, and some of them committing every possible excess that could render the name of a British soldier odious to the nation.”

Sir J. Cradock to admiral Berkely, March 16.

“There are about one hundred and twenty persons confined on board the Rosina, whose conduct has rendered them a disgrace to the army.”

SECTION III.

Captain Brotherton to sir J. Cradock, Oimbra, Head-Quarters of Romana, February 21.

“The marquis of Romana seems to think that the serious intention of the enemy is to retreat from Gallicia altogether; and even that he will find much difficulty in extricating himself. I must confess that I am not so sanguine; and I judge that the present retrograde movement from the Minho is more with an intent to advance from Orense on Montalegre, and in this direction.”

Captain Brotherton to sir J. Cradock, March.

“I still believe Romana had intention to fall back on Chaves, and join himself to the Portuguese army. His troops had been much vexed by the unfriendly conduct of the Portuguese, and a cordial co-operation was not to be expected; but that he should separate altogether is what I neither could expect nor conceive. He suddenly informed me of his resolution to retreat to Bragança. He had just received a letter from Sylveira, which he also answered to that effect, and which created no small surprise, as a plan of operations had already been settled between them.”

Major Victor Arentchild to sir J. Cradock, Oporto, March 16.

“General Sylveira has only one regiment with him; and his conduct has been such, that the people have lost all confidence in him, and consider him a traitor. I merely mention this to your excellency as the opinion of the public.... The marquis of Romana’s army is retreating to Orres, in Gallicia, and is, I fear, in a wretched condition. The opinion entertained of him is far from good.”

Mr. commissary Boys to Mr. commissary Rawlings, Almeida, January 13.

“Sir John Moore, with his army, was retreating, and ten thousand men had deserted from the marquis of Romana, and were pillaging the country.”

Lord Castlereagh to marshal Beresford, February 15.

“The Portuguese government having solicited that a British general officer should be appointed to command and organize their army, his majesty has been graciously pleased to select you for this important trust.”

Mr. Canning to Mr. Frere, January 23.

“No effort appears to have been made by the Spaniards, either to second the British operations, or even to defend Ferrol, or save the naval means (whatever they may be) in that harbour.”

No. VII.

EXTRACTS FROM MR FRERE’S CORRESPONDENCE.

(N. B. The Italics are not in the original.)

Mr. Frere to sir John Cradock, Seville, March 14.

“Our hope of offensive operations in Aragon is so much diminished by the defeat of general Reding, that I should much doubt whether any reinforcements, such as we could now send there, would enable us to attempt them with the prospect of a degree of success, such as might compensate for the inconvenience liable to arise from the derangement of calculations which may have been formed at home.”—“On the other hand, there seems reason to apprehend, that general Soult may at last, in consequence of the resistance he has experienced, desist from his unaccountable project, of entering Portugal and occupying Gallicia. His return would, of course, add largely to the disposable and moveable force of the enemy, while it would not increase ours by any force of that description.”—“In this view of the subject there are two points for the employment of a British force; one, by making a push to drive the enemy from Salamanca, and the neighbouring towns, while the Asturians should make an effort on their side to occupy Leon and Astorga, thus re-establishing the communications between the northern and southern provinces. The other, by moving from the bridge of Alcantara along the northern bank of the Tagus, in concert with general Cuesta, to attack and drive the enemy from Toledo, and consequently from Madrid. In the latter alternative, the British could have the advantage of acting in concert with a disciplined army. They would, likewise, have immediately the start of any reinforcement from the army of general Soult, supposing him to abandon Gallicia for the sake of moving southward; and these movements would not tend in the same degree to draw him from his present position, in which, for so many reasons, it is desirable he should continue. It would, I should imagine, at the same time, cover Andalusia, and the points of the greatest interest and importance in this province, more effectually than the same force employed in any other manner.”

Mr. Frere to sir John Cradock, March 22.

“The fortieth remains here: under the present circumstances I could not think of their removal, unless to meet a British force from Elvas.”

Mr. Frere to sir A. Wellesley, Seville, May 4.

Extracted from Parliamentary Papers, 1810.

“As it was my object to obtain a diversion in La Mancha as the price of co-operation on your part, and the impression which they (the junta) received from colonel Alava’s report was, that your intention was, after defeating or driving Soult into Gallicia, to come down upon Estremadura to attack general Victor, I was under some disadvantage, inasmuch as they imagined, that the point which I wanted to make a condition was already conceded.”

No. VIII.

EXTRACTS RELATIVE TO CADIZ.

Sir John Cradock to Mr. Villiers, January 16.

“The troops from England for Cadiz may or may not arrive, at least we may expect delay; but I think the subject of sending a force from this requires immediate deliberation and settlement. I am prepared to appropriate for this service any number that may be deemed proper under existing circumstances. It is only upon the political part of the subject I can have any hesitation, and whether the Spaniards will receive the force as they ought. The orders from England are to send it if the supreme junta shall make the requisition. The question is, whether we shall anticipate the demand or not?”

Sir John Cradock to Mr. Frere, January 29.

“This measure (sending troops to Cadiz) is certainly one of considerable responsibility to those concerned; but upon its adoption, Mr. Villiers, Admiral Berkely, and myself, could not well hesitate, after the despatches that were communicated to us, as addressed to you, as well as those directed to ourselves, which placed Cadiz in so prominent a point of view, upon the unfavourable termination of the campaign in the north of Spain.”—“The force in Portugal is weakened to a degree, especially in British regiments, that reduces it to almost nothing; but I may look to the arrival of the force of five thousand men, announced to be on their way; and if it is intended to maintain Portugal, it will be but fair to replace the present detachment from them.”

Sir John Cradock to general Mackenzie, March 9.

“I yesterday received orders from his majesty’s government to press, in the most expeditious manner, the immediate return of the forces under your command to the Tagus.”

Sir John Cradock to lord Castlereagh, March 9.

“Your lordship will find, by the present communication, that major-general Mackenzie, at the express desire and advice of Mr. Frere, has actually left Cadiz with his whole force, (the fortieth regiment, from Seville, will be united,) and proceeded to Tarragona, unless your lordship’s orders may have overtaken major-general Sherbrooke, who passed this port four days ago (without any communication). It may be presumed that he will follow the same course, upon the same motives that influenced general Mackenzie; and at present a new scene of operations is entered upon in that part of Spain.”

No. IX.

NARRATIVE OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF MAJOR-GENERAL MACKENZIE’S DETACHMENT FROM LISBON TO CADIZ.

“The detachment sailed from Lisbon on the 2d February, 1809, and arrived in Cadiz harbour on the 5th, at night. I immediately waited on rear-admiral Purvis, and from him I learnt there are some difficulties started by the marquis Villel (the commissioner from the central junta, as well as a member of it) to our landing and occupying Cadiz. I then waited on sir George Smith, on shore, where this intelligence was, in some degree, confirmed; but sir George still expressed an expectation that the objections would be got over. These objections had been, it seems, but lately started. Next morning I saw Mr. Charles Stuart, who was acting under a diplomatic authority from Mr. Frere, and had a conference with him and sir G. Smith, when I explained the nature of my orders, and it was determined to wait on the marquis Villel. Mr. Stuart explained to the marquis that the object of my coming was to offer our assistance in the occupation and defence of Cadiz, and in making the necessary preparations for such an event; that we were only the advance of a larger corps coming from England, to act from this side against the common enemy. The marquis hesitated, and, after some speeches of compliment, said his authority did not extend so far; that he must wait for instructions from the central government; and, in the mean time, said he could permit our landing at Port St. Mary’s. This I declined, as an unnecessary loss of time, and contrary to my orders; and it was then agreed to wait for the decision of the central junta from Seville. I thereupon wrote to Mr. Frere, and sent him a copy of my instructions from sir J. Cradock.

The decision of the junta was received on the 8th; and I received a letter from Mr. Frere, which put an end, for the moment, to our hope of occupying Cadiz. The reason assigned by the junta was of the most flimsy nature, viz. “That they had ordered two of their own battalions to occupy Cadiz;” a measure which was evidently the thought of the moment, and a mere pretext.

Although I cannot presume to judge of the evil political consequences which might arise from such a measure, as alluded to in Mr. Frere’s, yet I had every reason to believe, as well from the opinion of sir G. Smith, as of all others conversant in the sentiments of the people of Cadiz, that our landing and occupying the place would be a very popular measure. Mr. Frere’s letter expressed a great desire that we should not appear to have made an offer that was refused; and was desirous that we should not immediately depart, but that we should land and occupy the cantonments offered to us. On consulting with sir G. Smith and Mr. Stuart, this appeared to be contrary to the grounds on which we had set out; but as we were equally desirous not to appear at variance with the Spanish government, we agreed to submit to Mr. Frere, whether it would not be better for the troops to remain for the present in their transports, as we had already stated that we were in expectation of being immediately joined by a force from England, the scene of whose operations was uncertain; and our remaining in the harbour under this idea would answer every purpose Mr. Frere proposed by a landing.

I had, besides, some military objections to a landing; for, without reckoning the uncertainty of an embarkation from Port St. Mary’s, I knew how dilatory all proceedings are in Spain. That if we were once placed in the scattered cantonments proposed, and we had a sudden call for embarkation, above a week would have been lost in effecting it; and from former experience, the effects of a certain disorder would, probably, have thrown a large number of our men into the hospitals. It is further evident that the detachment could not have been re-embarked without some stain on the national honour. It must have very soon marched into the interior of Spain, and thus have involved our country in its support, without having obtained the object for which it was detached,—the possession of Cadiz. On all these considerations I thought it right to defer landing, until we should hear further from Mr. Frere, to whom both Mr. Stuart and myself wrote, and I presume he was satisfied with the reasons given. In all these proceedings I had the cordial approbation of sir G. Smith, who, notwithstanding unfavourable appearances, seemed sanguine to the last that the point would be carried. I therefore wrote to sir J. Cradock, by the Hope brig, on the 9th, stating what had been done, and that we should remain in Cadiz harbour (with Mr. Frere’s approbation) until we received orders from him or from England. And I wrote, by the same conveyance, to the same purport, to Lord Castlereagh.

On the 15th, we had the misfortune to lose sir G. Smith, who died that morning; and on the 18th, I received a letter from Mr. Frere, in which he seemed to have altered his opinion as to the propriety of our occupying Cadiz, and stating that the only mode which appeared to him likely to succeed in obtaining the possession was my leaving a small part of my detachment there, and proceeding with the rest to join Cuesta’s army; that, as a force was expected from England for the same purpose for which my detachment came, what I left behind might follow me on their arrival.

I confess I was much disappointed at this proposal, the whole of my detachment not appearing more than equal to the charge of the place; but as it had not been laid before the junta, I considered it my duty to state the objections to it, as they arose out of my instructions. Such a measure would have completely committed our country, in a particular point, in the interior, with a very small detachment, a thing which I was instructed his majesty’s ministers wished to avoid; whilst the admittance of a handful of men could not be considered as any possession of the place, where there were about four thousand volunteers well drilled. I therefore submitted to Mr. Frere, to defer the proposition of this measure until the arrival of troops from England, which might be looked for, according to his statement, every hour. We should be, then, in a condition to take possession of Cadiz effectually, and advance, in some point, respectably, towards the enemy. If, however, Mr. Frere should determine to bring forward the measure immediately, I further informed him, that I was ready to move on, as soon as we could obtain the necessary equipments.

Mr. Stuart embarked on the 21st, on board the Ambuscade, on a secret mission. On the 22d, and before I received any further communication from Mr. Frere, a popular commotion broke out suddenly at Cadiz, in consequence of the measure which the junta had adopted, of marching some of their own troops into the town, as the reason (or rather pretext) for declining to receive us. The regiment now on its march in, was composed of Poles, Swiss, and other foreigners, deserters from the French army, whose entrance the people were determined to resist. The utmost care was taken to prevent our officers or soldiers from taking any part whatever on this occasion; and, except in some cases where I was applied to by the governor, for the interference of some British officers as mediators, we steered perfectly clear. It was now evident that the people were favourable to our landing and occupying the town, for it was frequently called for during the tumult.

As soon as I could safely send an account of this commotion to Mr. Frere, I despatched an officer (captain Kelly, assistant quarter-master-general) with a detail. The Fisguard sailed on the 24th, for Lisbon and England, by which ship I informed sir J. Cradock, as well as lord Castlereagh, of all that had passed since my last; and just at that time colonel Roche arrived from Seville. He was sent down, by Mr. Frere, to Cadiz, in consequence of Mr. Stuart’s mission. I had till now expected Mr. Frere’s decision, on the subject of the proposition in his letter of the 18th; but as so much time had elapsed, I conjectured he might have dropped it for the present; and conceiving that something favourable to the object of my mission might be drawn from the present state of things, I had a full conversation with colonel Roche on the subject. He told me the junta were dissatisfied with our not having accepted the cantonments offered to us; but he did not seem to think our views unattainable, particularly at the present moment. I asked his opinion as to the practicability of general Stuart’s being admitted, with two of my three battalions, into Cadiz, if I advanced with the third to Seville to join the fortieth regiment, thus making an equal division of my force. Colonel Roche was of opinion that this would be acceded to; and I, therefore, despatched him, as soon as possible, with a proposal to this effect to Mr. Frere. Though two battalions could not be considered a sufficient garrison, yet, from the evident popularity of our troops, and the speedy expectation of a reinforcement from England, I thought it would be extremely proper to make the trial. It also appeared to me that by advancing to Seville I should not run much risk of involving those two battalions in any operations before the arrival of general Sherbrooke, which could embarrass him in the execution of the orders he might bring from home.

This proposition certainly exceeded any thing authorised by my instructions, but, I trust, the circumstances will be found to warrant it.

After colonel Roche’s departure for Seville, captain Kelly returned from thence, on the 26th, with a verbal confidential message from Mr. Frere, stating that marshal Soult was marching from Gallicia into Portugal, in three columns, and that Mr. Frere would write to me by express, or by next post. On the 27th, I received this promised letter, enclosing the copy of an intercepted letter from Soult to Joseph Buonaparte; and Mr. Frere expresses his opinion that my detachment may now be more useful in Portugal than at Cadiz.

Knowing, as I did before I left Lisbon, that every proper step was taking for evacuating Portugal, in case of necessity, and that nothing else than succours from home could enable sir John Cradock to hold his ground there, it became more than ever necessary to ascertain whether his army will be received into Cadiz, in case of the evacuation of Portugal. In case the present negotiation succeeded, I had arranged with admiral Purvis to send a frigate with the intelligence to Lisbon immediately. If it failed, every thing was in readiness to sail with the detachment thither; for, although the assistance I should bring might not be sufficient of itself to make any alteration in the resolutions already taken, yet, if reinforcements arrived from England, we should be a welcome addition.

On the morning of the 2d of March I received a letter from colonel Roche, dated February 28, stating that my proposition had not yet been decided on, but that it would be taken into consideration that day. He expressed much apprehension of a party in the French interest.

The morning of the 3d having passed without any letter from Mr. Frere or colonel Roche, as I had been assured by the latter I should receive, at furthest by the post of that morning, I despatched another courier, dreading some accident. In the afternoon, however, I received a long and important letter from Mr. Frere, from which I concluded the negotiation had failed (although he did not say so in terms); and a letter I received shortly afterwards from colonel Roche confirmed this failure. Mr. Frere’s letter entered very minutely into the state of the Spanish and French armies; mentioned the failure of Soult’s attempt to penetrate into Portugal by the Minho, and the improbability of his persisting in it, from the position of the Spanish army, assisted by the Portuguese. He then points out, in strong terms, the essential use my detachment could be of at Tarragona, in giving spirit and vigour to the cause in that country, where it is most in need of support.

As the return of my detachment to Portugal, except in the case of resisting the enemy, would not have a favourable appearance; and the proceeding to Tarragona would so evidently shew our determination to support the general cause, and leave the Spanish government without an excuse afterwards for refusing to admit our troops into Cadiz, it was my intention to have complied with Mr. Frere’s solicitations, as the employment of my detachment on the sea-coast would easily admit of its being afterwards withdrawn, without committing any other British force for its support; and the motives urged by Mr. Frere were so strong, that I scarcely thought myself vindicable in hesitating to comply.

I accordingly wrote on the night of the 3d March to this effect to Mr. Frere, sir J. Cradock, and lord Castlereagh. But on the 4th, in the evening, captain Cooke, of the Coldstream guards, arrived from England with despatches for general Sherbrooke, who had not yet arrived. Captain Cooke came in the Eclair brig of war, and had stopped at Lisbon, which he left again on the evening of the 2d, and brought me a message to the following purport from sir J. Cradock, viz. ‘That he was determined to defend Portugal to the utmost of his power; that in this situation he considered my detachment as the choice part of his little army; that the enemy were actually on the borders, though there was not yet any intelligence of their having entered Portugal; and that unless some extraordinary circumstance, of which he could form no idea, prevented it, he should look for my immediate return to Lisbon.’

This order, of course, put an end to all further deliberation. The idea of proceeding to Tarragona was abandoned. I wrote to this effect to Mr. Frere, and embarked at midnight on the 4th. Contrary winds detained in Cadiz harbour the whole of the 5th, but on the 6th the fleet sailed, and arrived in the Tagus on the 12th.

I trust, in the whole of these proceedings, in a very intricate and delicate situation, an honest and anxious desire has been evinced on my part, to accomplish the object of my mission; the failure of which, I am persuaded, will be found to arise from the apprehensions and disunion of the central junta, and not from the inclinations of the people of Cadiz.

(Signed) J. R. Mackenzie, Major-general.

Lisbon, March 13, 1809.”

No. X.

COMMUNICATIONS WITH MINISTERS—NEGLECT OF PORTUGAL.

SECTION I.

Mr. Canning to Mr. Villiers, January 24, 1809.

“You are aware, by my despatch, No. 4, of the 24th of December, enclosing copies, &c. &c. that, in the event of the evacuation of Portugal, by the force under sir J. Cradock’s command, an event rendered the more probable by the transactions in Gallicia.”

Lord Castlereagh to sir J. Cradock, February 6.

“Should you be compelled to evacuate Portugal,” &c.

Admiral Berkely to sir J. Cradock, February 6.

“The period of the British army’s stay in this place appearing to draw near to its conclusion.”

SECTION II.

Sir J. Cradock to colonel Guard, January 3.

“The garrisons of Elvas and Almeida have engaged my most serious thoughts.”—“But, as they were occupied by the command of his majesty’s ministers, and we remain without any fresh instructions under the present critical circumstances.”

Sir J. Cradock to general Richard Stewart, January 10.

“I feel what a risk I run in thus leaving Lisbon defenceless, but I obey the original orders of government.”

Sir J. Cradock to general Richard Stewart, January 12.

“We are still without any instructions whatever from England.”

Sir J. Cradock to captain Halket, January 13.

“Though we cannot say when it may take place, and it shall be deferred to the last moment, in hopes of hearing from England, yet I believe it to be our duty to prepare every thing for the event of an embarkation.”

Sir J. Cradock to admiral Berkely, January 17.

“I lament to say that there appears nothing before us but the resolution to remain in Portugal to the last proper moment, awaiting orders from England.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Frere, January 19.

“With our force inferior and ill-composed, as it is, we are determined to remain to the last proper moment, in the hopes of receiving orders from England.”

Sir J. Cradock to admiral Berkely, February 9.

“The orders we daily expect may be either for immediate embarkation, or to maintain Portugal.”—“I am pursuaded we have but this one wish, which is to act for the credit of our country, and endeavour, under the want of all information, to discover what may be the object of the government we serve.”

Sir J. Cradock to general Mackenzie, February 26.

“Since the 14th of January we are without instructions from England.”

SECTION III.

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, January 15.

“What appears to be my duty is to keep the fixed idea that the army in Portugal should remain to the last moment.”

Sir J. Cradock to Mr. Villiers, February 15.

“I am just favoured with your communication about the dangerous effects likely to be produced by the measure of withdrawing the troops from Lisbon to occupy the military position of Oyeras, Passo d’Arcos, &c. I fear (though the contrary was intended to be expressly stated) that you are led into the idea that the position in question was solely intended for embarkation. My avowed design was to await (in a military post suited to our force) orders from England, or to defend ourselves with reasonable prospect of success against any attempt from the enemy, or even from thence to make a forward movement, should future events lead to such a proceeding.”—“What I must object to is to take up a false position, say Alcantara, or other heights about the town, which would only defend a certain position and leave the remainder to the power of the enemy, one which we must leave upon his approach and seek another bearing the appearance of flight and yet not securing our retreat. The whole having announced the intention to defend Lisbon, but giving up that idea upon the appearance of the enemy: for positions liable to be turned on every side cannot be persevered in by an inferior force.”—“My political reasoning upon this subject was contained in the letter I wrote the admiral, and, I must repeat, it continues unweakened,” &c.—“After your strong representations of this morning, I shall certainly not persevere; and, as there is no instant necessity for the measure, will await the progress of events.”

No. XI.

STATE AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE FORCE UNDER SIR J. CRADDOCK, JANUARY 6, 1809, EXTRACTED FROM THE HEAD-QUARTER STATES.

Disposable for the Field.

Garrisons. Artillery. Cavalry. Infantry.

Men. Men. Men.

Santarem 68 190 2,492 General Richard Stewart.

Saccavem 97 169 1,450 General M’Kenzie.

Lisbon .. 519 .... General Cotton.

.. .. 236 attached to different battalions.

–— –— –——

165 879 4,178

–— –— –——

Total 5,222

Garrisons. Artillery. Cavalry. Infantry.

Men. Men. Men.

Almeida 38 .. 1,440

Elvas 33 .. 679

Oporto .. .. 379

Lisbon and Forts 315 .. 2,682

–— –— –——

Total 486 .. 5,170

———

General total 10,392

———

Note.—Every man capable of bearing arms is included in this state.

ORDER OF BATTLE, APRIL 6, 1809, CALDAS.

Sir J. Cradock, commander-in-chief.

Major-general Sherbrooke, second in command.

Artillery.— Major-general Howarth. Cavalry.— Major-general Cotton.

Under arms.

Men.

First line, five brigades 10,418

Second line, three brigades 3,810

Reserve, one brigade 1,858

Cavalry 800

———

Total 16,886

———

STATE OF THE ARMY UNDER SIR A. WELLESLEY, APRIL 22.

Head-quarters, Leyria.

Under arms. Sick. Command. Effective.

Men. Men. Men. Men.

Artillery 441 88 408 937

Cavalry 1,439 13 418 1,870

Infantry 16,539 1,937 314 18,790

——— –—— –—— ———

Total 18,419 2,038 1,140 21,597

——— –—— –—— ———

6lb. 3lb. Howitzers.

Number of guns 20 6 4

Total 30

STATE OF SIR A. WELLESLEY’S ARMY, MAY 1, 1809.

Head-quarters, Coimbra.

Artillery. Cavalry. Infantry. Waggon train. Total rank and file.

Men. Men. Men. Men. Men.

1,413 3,074 19,510 230 24,227

Deduct { Hospital 2,357

{ Absent 1,217

–——

Total present under arms 20,653

–——

STATE OF SIR A. WELLESLEY’S ARMY, JUNE 25, 1809.

Head-quarters, Abrantes.

Artillery. Cavalry. Infantry. Waggon train. Total rank and file.

Men. Men. Men. Men. Men.

1,586 3,736 21,267 406 26,995

Deduct { Hospital 3,246

{ Commands 1,396

30 Pieces of artillery. ———

Total present under arms 22,353

———

STATE OF SIR A. WELLESLEY’S ARMY, JULY 25, 1809.

Head-quarters, Talavera.

Artillery. Cavalry. Infantry. Waggon train. Total rank and file.

Men. Men. Men. Men. Men.

1,584 3,734 29,694 398 35,410

Deduct { Hospital 4,827

{ Commands 1,596

———

Total present under arms 28,987

Deduct regiments on march 9,141

30 Pieces of artillery. ———

Real present under arms 19,846

———

STATE OF SIR A. WELLESLEY’S ARMY, SEPTEMBER 25, 1809.

Head-quarters, Badajos.

Artillery. Cavalry. Infantry. Waggon train. Total rank and file.

Men. Men. Men. Men. Men.

1,947 4,273 28,409 389 35,018

In Hospital 8,827 } Total absent 11,353

Command and missing 2,526 }

———

Total present under arms 23,765

———

No. XII.

SECTION I.

MARSHAL BERESFORD TO SIR J. CRADOCK.

March 29, 1809.

SIR,

I have the honour to annex your excellency a copy of requisitions, from their excellencies the government of this kingdom, for the speedy succouring of Oporto, which your excellency is informed is so immediately in danger, from the approach of the French army, whose advance posts are now within four leagues of that town.

I annex, for the information of your excellency, the instructions which, under the existing circumstances, I had issued to the general, commanding beyond the Douro; but the object of which has been frustrated by events, at once unfortunate and melancholy.

The corps of brigadier-general Victoria, consisting of two battalions of the line, which, on the appearance of the urgent danger in the north, I had directed to cross the Douro, are now in Oporto, as is the second battalion of the Lusitanian legion, part of the regiment of Valença, and some regiments of militia; but I cannot get any return of the troops there, though, I understand, the number is considerable; and to this must be added a considerable number of ordenanza from without, and the armed population which will, I understand, amount to eight or ten thousand men, and of the arms come from England, three thousand stand that were sent to the army north of the Douro, are probably now in Oporto, with a proportion of ammunition. I have thought it right to give this statement of the actual state of things at Oporto, as far as I can get information of, that your excellency may be aware of it; and it is with regret that I farther add that there prevails, in the town, the greatest anarchy and insubordination,—and that, in short, by the latest accounts, the populace entirely govern the law, civil and military.

Upon the subject of marching a British force to Oporto under the actual circumstances, and under the consideration of the various points from which the enemy at present threaten us, we had yesterday a full discussion, and which renders it unnecessary for me now to recapitulate the several reasons which induced me to submit to your excellency’s consideration the propriety of advancing the British force to Leyria, to be then pushed on to Oporto, or otherwise, as the information from different parts may render expedient. But my principal reason was that, as there appeared an intention of co-operation (of which, however, there is no certainty) between the marshals Victor and Soult, it would be most desirable, by either driving back or overcoming one before the other could give his co-operating aid to defeat their plan, and if we should, or not, be able. To do this would be merely a matter of calculation of time, as, supposing, on our arrival at Leyria, Oporto offered a prospect of holding out till we could reach it, and that Victor continued his southern pursuit of Cuesta, he would get so distant from us, as to permit the army, pushing from Leyria to Oporto, without apprehension from the army of Victor, who, by the time he could possibly hear of our movement, would be in the Sierra Morena, which would clearly show that his principle object, and from which he did not seem willing to be diverted, was either the destruction of Cuesta’s army, to enter more securely into Portugal, or to push to Seville; but, at all events, he would be too distant to give us apprehensions of any surprise upon this capital, as we have daily information of his movements, and which would enable us, wherever we were in Portugal, even to reach it before him. If, however, the final co-operation of these two armies is intended for the conquest of this kingdom, and that Soult does not think that of his army from Gallicia and that from Salamanca sufficient, then he will satisfy himself, until Victor is ready to act with him, in the possession of the country beyond the Douro, where he will refresh and rest his troops, re-equip them, and otherwise provide them, to be ready for the projected co-operation,—whilst the army from Salamanca will, probably, satisfy itself with the capture of Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida, and act and wait in conjunction with Soult, both waiting till Victor has settled his present objects, and then all co-operating.

It is for your excellency to judge, under the actual circumstances, of the propriety of this movement towards Oporto, not only for the British troops, but, also, of those of the allies, as, by my instructions, I must consider you as commanding the allied armies; and the time is now certainly arrived, for what efforts they can make being combined: undoubtedly, their being employed in separate projects will cause each falling separately, and without advantage to the common cause.

I would, however, certainly, under present circumstances, be unwilling to send the few troops I could spare from the army, between the Tagus and the Mondego, to Oporto, as, unsupported by British, I fear it would be losing so many men, that on a future occasion, with such support, may weigh in the scale; and indeed, the very insubordinate state of the troops, of which I have just received a second report and complaint, from general Miranda, would render it highly unwise to send them to a town in the state that Oporto now is, where the best disposed troops, except a great body went there, if they were not debauched to insubordination, would be borne down by the multitude; and it is to be feared that whatever Portuguese troops enter the town will fall with it, as the temper of the people prevents the possibility of even any preparations for retreat, in case of misfortune, to the outward and very extended lines of defence. Having stated so much, I must leave the question to your excellency, &c.

I have the honour, &c. W. C. Beresford.

SIR J. CRADOCK TO MARSHAL BERESFORD.

Lisbon, March 29, 1809.

DEAR SIR,

I have the honour to acknowledge, at the earliest moment, your excellency’s letter of this evening, conveying a copy of the request from the regency, &c. that I should move the British troops to the succour of Oporto, at this moment menaced, &c.

Upon a subject of such importance, I experience considerable relief, that the general view of approaching circumstances has been, for a length of time, within my reflection, and that all my reasoning (whatever it may be) has been transmitted to the government in England, and the part I am now called upon to act is simply but the execution of those measures I have long thought it prudent to pursue, and which the present critical and involved state of affairs seem to confirm and give no reason to alter in any part.

It has always appeared, to my judgement, that the enemy has but two objects to attain in this kingdom. The possession of Lisbon and Oporto, I believe it to be universally admitted, and I need not point out to your discrimination the infinitely superior value of the former above the latter. There are such positive local disadvantages attached to Oporto, independent of its remote position, that no military disposition, in which a small English army is to bear part, can apply. It pains me, therefore, to decline obedience to an application from so high an authority as the governors of the kingdom. It may be their duty to make the request, though I much doubt if their judgement goes along with it; but it appears to be mine not to transfer the small British force, under my command, (totally inadequate to separate objects,) from the defence of this part of the kingdom to the very doubtful succour of a place two hundred miles distant, and by a movement to the north with this professed view, feel myself engaged in a war that leaves Lisbon and the Tagus defenceless and unprotected from the inroads of other bodies of the enemy that may be prepared to combine in a general invasion.

I shall hasten, therefore, from all general observation, to the exact case before us, and state, in a concise manner, our actual situation, leaving to your judgement, how far it may be necessary to communicate some particulars that relate to the British army, and lay before the governors and your excellency the best ideas I can form for the employment of the British auxiliary force, in conjunction with the Portuguese, for the ultimate protection of Portugal under the pressure of all existing circumstances.

It may be granted that the enemy, with a force from seventeen to twenty thousand, a considerable portion of which (it is said five thousand) is cavalry, is directly menacing Oporto, there is reason to believe that the division at Salamanca, estimated from nine to twelve thousand, with a powerful force of artillery, is moving to Ciudad Rodrigo, either for the investment of that place, or to act in conjunction with general Soult, by an advance into the Upper Beira. In the present view it is necessary to state, with the weight it so well deserves, that the united forces of generals Victor and Sebastiani are, apparently, pursuing general Cuesta, just retiring before them; but it appears that a part of the enemies had diverged to Merida, and had spread alarm and dismay, even to the town of Badajos, on the frontiers of Portugal, from whence, to the heights of Almeida, or the opposite of Lisbon, through the whole of the Alemtejo: except the weak garrison of Elvas, there is nothing to interrupt the immediate passage.

Against such an attempt from the enemy I derive no security from the contiguity of general Cuesta’s army; for, besides the general disinclination he has so strongly marked to the British character, he has other objects to pursue, and his principal wish is to gain time for the organization of his own force. To a person so well acquainted with Portugal, and the circumstances of the present hour, as your excellency is, it is quite superfluous to enter upon further details, &c. It is only required to lay before you, in confidence, the exact amount of the British forces, as the real point upon which the whole subject depends: I may state it at twelve thousand effective men, to take the field, if the necessary garrison to maintain Lisbon in some tranquillity, and retain possession of the maritime forts is left. It may be increased to fourteen thousand, if these points are risked; but even to gain the advantage of numbers to so limited a force, I cannot recommend the measure, for the anarchy that prevails at Oporto, and would be, perhaps, worse at Lisbon, is more to be dreaded than the presence of an enemy, and may render all exertion useless. The necessary means of transport for our army, notwithstanding every effort, from the earliest moment, are quite inadequate, and not more than two and a half brigades of artillery (fifteen guns) can be equipped. To adventure upon an advance to Oporto, two hundred miles from Lisbon, when the very object is, perhaps, at this moment lost, seems to be a point only to gratify the good feelings of every soldier, but quite opposed to the sober dictates of the understanding, and the ultimate view of things. If the British army sets out with the declared object to succour Oporto, or expel the enemy, the impression on the public mind is the same; nothing but the accomplishment will suit the English character; and I confess that the best reasoning of my judgement, upon every public and private principle, for the credit of the British army, and the hope of any effectual assistance from the Portuguese nation is, that the British troops should never make one retrograde step: from that moment I will date the extinction of all Portuguese aid, military as well as civil. The British army, from its description, may disregard this common occurrence in war, but I am persuaded, in the present state of the Portuguese army, and with the sentiments of suspicion now alive, all explanation would be vain, and that it would be left to the small body of English, alone, to sustain the whole future conflict.

I have now only to state what my inferior judgement points out; and as the arduous situation of command is allotted to me, I must try to execute to the best of my power. I shall remain faithful to my first principles, and persevere in the defence of Lisbon and the Tagus. I invite the co-operation of the Portuguese force, and, under your guidance and auspicious control, I look to a very powerful accession of strength. I am convinced nothing will be done by them in detached parties or in any isolated situation. They will acquire confidence by number, and emulation will arise, a rapid discipline will ensue from their connection with us, and the whole, animated by your presence, will give the best promise of success. Until we have consulted again I shall not say whether our general position should be at Lumiar, extending the whole right to Saccavem, or any other station more in advance. At this moment I have only to express the indispensable circumstance of some fixed basis, upon which the allied army will act, and by our united strength try to counteract the peculiar disadvantages that attends the defence of Portugal from positions that cannot be properly embraced, and always leave some part exposed.

Allow me to conclude, with the solemn expression of my own conviction, that nothing will give so much chance of a prosperous result to the arduous scene in which we are engaged (either as to reality or view) as the knowledge to the enemy, that, before he conquers Portugal, he must defeat an army of some magnitude, determined to fight him, and awaiting his approach, unbroken and not exposed to the danger of a false movement. Such a conquest cannot be an easy one, and must prove, if he pursue it, a powerful diversion in favour of Spain.

It will gain me the sincerest pleasure, &c.

John Cradock.

No. XIII.

JUSTIFICATORY EXTRACTS RELATING TO THE CONDUCT OF MARSHAL SOULT.

Captain Brotherton to colonel Donkin, (quarter-master-general,) Lamego, March 17, 1809.

“The enemy has, however, on this occasion, practised those arts which Frenchmen are so expert in—circulating proclamations and insidiously abandoning, for a moment, their usual system of terror, plunder, and desolation, treating the inhabitants with feigned moderation and kindness.”

Sir J. Cradock to lord Castlereagh, April 20, 1809, Caldas.

“It also appears to be the object of the enemy to ingratiate himself with the populace of Oporto, by even feeding them and granting other indulgences.”—“It is also said that a Portuguese legion, to consist of six thousand men, has been instituted.”

Extract from Soult’s Official Report of the expedition to Portugal.

“Dans, quinze jours. Les villes de Braga, Oporto, Bacellos, Viana, Villa de Conde, Povoa de Barcim, Feira, et Ovar, eurent exprimé leurs vœux, des nombreuses deputations se rendirent à Oporto pour les remettre au marechal Soult et le prier de le faire parvenir à l’empereur. Des adresses qui renfermaient l’expression de ce vœu étaient couverts de plus de trente mille signatures du clergé, de la noblesse, des négocians, et du peuple.”—“Pendant son séjour à Oporto. Le M. Soult fit des proclamations et rendit divers arrêtés sur l’administration et la police de la province Entre Minho e Douro. Il nomma au nom de l’empereur aux emplois qui étaient vacans et apres avoir reçu la manifestation politique des habitants il organiza la garde national ainsi qu’une légion de cinq bataillons.”—“Aucume contribution ne fût frappé les fonds trouvés dans les caisses royales suffirent pour fournir aux besoins des troupes, et même pour donner de secours aux Portugais.”

Intercepted letter of the duke of Dalmatia’s to general La Martiniere, Orense, March 2, 1809.

“J’ai reçu vôtre lettre du 27 Jan. j’éprouve toutes les dispositions que vous avez faites je vous ai deja dit que vous pouviez disposer pour le service des fonds qui sont dans la caisse royale de Tuy. Faites entrer en ville le plus de subsistance que vous pourriez. Si de valence on vous tire de coups de canon envoyez leurs des bombes. Bientôt vous pourrez mettre les chevaux au vert, mais faites les garder. Dans les equipages qui sont à Tuy. Il y’a douze cent pair de souliers, de cuir pour un égal nombre et un peu de drap, vous pouvez en disposer pour vôtre troupe. Ralliez au depôt général tout ce qui appartient au corps d’armée et qui étoit resté en arrière, ainsi vous auriez bientôt une petite armée qui se soutiendra d’elle même et faire la police dans le province dont vous devez tirer de quoi vivre, soignez bien les hospitaux et n’envoiez personne sur Ribidavia. J’espère que sous peu je vous aurai ouvert une autre communication, le province d’Orence est en très grande partie pacifié, je marche sur les débris du corps de Romana pour en finir avec eux, ils sont du côté de Monterey. Si apres cet expédition il y avoit encore en Gallice des troubles, je reviendrai avec toute mon armée pour les appaiser et alors malheur à ceux qui les auroient occasionné: je veux la paix et la tranquilité, que les habitans se livrent aux travaux de la campagne, qu’ils soient protegés et que la troupe se conduise bien. Les mutins et les malintentionés François et Espagnols, doivent être sevèrement punies. Il faut de tems en tems des examples. Je crois que vous pourriez correspondre avec moi par des gens du pays. Mais il faut bien leur payer ou leur promettre, qu’en arrivant pres de moi ils le seront généreusement et prendre de gages pour repondre de leur fidelité, donnez de vos nouvelles au général Marchand. Pour le même moyen dite au colonel l’Abbeville de bien mettre en état son artillerie.

“Marechal duc de Dalmatie.”

No. XIV.

SIR A. WELLESLEY TO SIR J. CRADOCK.

Lisbon, April 23.

Mr. Villiers will have informed you of my arrival here yesterday, and of the concurrence of my opinion with that which you appear to entertain in respect to the further movements to the northward. I conclude that you will have determined to halt the army at Leyria. I think that, before any further steps are taken in respect to Soult, it would be desirable to consider the situation of Victor; how far he is enabled to make an attack upon Portugal, and the means of defence of the east of Portugal while the British will be to the northward, and, eventually, the means of defence of Lisbon and the Tagus, in case this attack should be made upon the country.

All these subjects must have been considered by you; and, I fear, in no very satisfactory light, as you appear to have moved to the northward unwillingly: and I should be glad to talk them over with you.

In order to consider of some of them, and to make various arrangements, which can be made only here, I have requested marshal Beresford to come here, if he should not deem his absence from the Portuguese troops, in the present state, likely to be disadvantageous to the public service; and I have directed him to let you know whether he will come or not.

It might, probably, also be more agreeable and convenient to you to see me here than with the army; and if this should be the case, it would be a most convenient arrangement to me to meet you here. I beg, however, that you will consider this proposition only in a view to your own convenience and wishes. If you should, however, choose to come, I shall be very much obliged to you if you will bring with you the adjutant-general and quarter-master-general, the chief engineer and the commanding officer of the artillery, and the commissary.

Ever yours, &c. Arthur Wellesley.

N.B. Some paragraphs of a private nature are omitted.