ORIGIN. (continued 7)

Kenneth, like his father in later years, became identified with the fate of Charles II., and devoted himself unremittingly to the services of that monarch during his exile. From his great stature he was known among the Highlanders as "Coinneach Mor." On the arrival of the King at Garmouth, in June, 1650, his reception throughout all Scotland was of a most cheering character, but the Highlanders, who always favoured the Stuarts, were specially joyous on the return of their exiled king. After the defeat by Oliver Cromwell of the Scottish army at Dunbar - a defeat brought about by the interference of the Committee of Estates and the Kirk with the duties of those in charge of the forces, and whose plans, were they allowed to carry them out, would have saved Scotland from the first great defeat it had ever received at the hands of an enemy - the King resolved to come north and throw himself upon the patriotism and loyalty or his Highland subjects. He was, however, captured and taken back to Perth, and afterwards to Edinburgh, by the Committee of Estates, on whom, it is said, his attempted escape to the Highlands "produced a salutary effect;" and they began to treat him with some respect, going the length even of admitting him to their deliberations. A large number of the Highlanders were already in arms to support him; but the Committee, having the King in their power, induced him to write to the Highland chiefs requesting them to lay down their arms. This they refused, and to enforce the King's orders a regiment, under Sir John Drown, was despatched to the North, but it was surprised and defeated on the night of the 21st of October by Sir David Ogilvy of Airley. On receiving this intelligence, General Leslie hastened north with a force of 3000 cavalry. General Middleton, who supported the King's friends in the Highlands, and who was then at Forfar, hearing of Leslie's advance, forwarded him a letter containing a copy of a bond and oath of engagement which had been entered into by Huntly, Athole, the Earl of Seaforth, and other leading Highland chiefs, by which they had pledged themselves on oath to join firmly and faithfully together, and "neither for fear, threatening, allurement, nor advantage, to relinquish the cause of religion, of the king, and of the kingdom, nor to lay down their arms without a general consent; and as the best undertakings did not escape censure and malice, they promised and swore, for the satisfaction of all reasonable persons, that they would maintain the true religion, as then established in Scotland, the National Covenant and the Solemn League and Covenant, and defend the person of the King, his prerogative, greatness, and authority, and the privileges of parliament, and the freedom of the subject." Middleton pointed out that the only object of himself and friends was to unite the Scots in the defence of their common rights, and that, as would be seen from this bond, the grounds on which they entered into association were exactly the same as those professed by Leslie himself. Considering this, and seeing that the independence of Scotland was at stake, he urged that all Scotsmen should join for the preservation of their common liberties. Middleton proposed to join Leslie, to place himself under his command, and expressed a hope that he would not shed the blood of his countrymen nor force them to shed the blood of their bethren in self-defence. These communications ended in a treaty between Leslie and the leading Royalists at Strathbogie, dated 4th November, by which Middleton and his followers received an indemnity, and laid down their arms. ["Balfour," vol, iv., p. 129. "Highland Clans," p. 285]

Immediately after the battle of Worcester, at which Charles was defeated by Cromwell in 1651 - where we find among those present Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine as one of the Colonels of foot for Inverness and Ross, and Alexander Cam Mackenzie, fourth son of Alexander, fifth of Gairloch - Charles fled to the Continent, and, after many severe hardships and narrow escapes, he found refuge in Flanders, where he continued to reside, often in great want and distress, until the Restoration, when in May, 1660, he returned to England "indolent, selfish, unfeeling, faithless, ungrateful, and insensible to shame or reproach." The Earl of Cromarty says that subsequent to the treaty agreed upon between Middleton and Leslie at Strathbogie, "Seaforth joined the King at Stirling. After the fatal battle of Worcester he continued a close prisoner until the Restoration of Charles." He was excepted from Oliver Cromwell's Act of Grace and Pardon in 1654, and his estates were forfeited, without any provision being allowed out of it for his wife and family. He supported the King's cause as long as there was an opportunity of fighting for it in the field, and when forced to submit to the opposing forces of Cromwell and the Commonwealth, he was committed to prison, where, with "much firmness of mind and nobility of soul," he endured a tedious captivity for many years, until Charles II. was recalled, when he ordered his old and faithful friend Seaforth to be released, after which he became a great favourite at his licentious and profligate Court.

During the remainder of his life little or nothing of any importance is known of him, except that he lived in the favour and merited smiles of his sovereign, in the undisputed possession and enjoyment of the extensive estates and honours of his noble ancestors, which, through his faithful adherence to the House of Stuart, had been nearly lost during the exile of the second Charles and his own captivity. Referring to the position of affairs at this period, the Laird of Applecross says that the "rebels, possessing the authority, oppressed all the loyal subjects, and him with the first; his estate was over-burthened to its destruction, but nothing could deter him so as to bring him to forsake his King or his duty. Whenever any was in the field for him, he was one, seconding that falling cause with all his power, and when he was not in the field against the enemy, he was in the prison by him until the restoration of the King." Restored to liberty, he, on the 23d of April, 1662, received a Commission of the Sheriffship of Ross, which was afterwards renewed to him and to his eldest son Kenneth, jointly, on 31st of July, 1675; and when he had set his affairs in order at Brahan, he re-visited Paris, leaving his Countess Isobel, daughter of Sir John Mackenzie of Tarbat, and sister to the first Earl of Cromarty, in charge of his interests in the North.

Kenneth married early in life Isobel, daughter of Sir John Mackenzie of Tarbat, father of George, first Earl of Cromarty, with issue -

I. Kenneth Og, his heir and successor.

II. John Mackenzie of Assynt, who married Sibella, daughter of Alexander Mackenzie, III. of Applecross (marriage contract 1697). He has a sasine in 1695 and 1696. They had issue, an only son, Kenneth, who married his cousin Frances, daughter of Alexander Mackenzie of Assynt and Conansbay, and died in 1723, without issue.

III. Hugh, who died young and unmarried. There is a sasine to him as third son in 1667.

IV. Colonel Alexander, also designated of Assynt and Conansbay. He has a sasine as "third lawful son now in life" of the lands of Kildin, dated October, 1694. He married Elizabeth, daughter of John Paterson, Bishop of Ross (marriage contract 1700), with issue - Major William Mackenzie, who married Mary, daughter and co-heiress of Mathew Humberston, county Lincoln, whose two sons - Colonel Thomas Francis Mackenzie, and Francis Humberston Mackenzie, created Lord Seaforth in 1797, and who died without surviving male issue, the last of his line in 1815 - succeeded to the family estates.

V. Margaret, who married James, second Lord Duffus, with issue.

VI. Anne, who died unmarried.

VII. Isabel, who married, first, in February, 1694, Roderick Macleod, XVI I. of Macleod, without issue; and, secondly, Sir Duncan Campbell of Lochnell, with issue.

VIII. Mary, who, as his second wife, married Alexander Macdonald, XI. of Glengarry, with issue - John, who carried on the succession, and others. She has a life-rent sasine in 1696. Kenneth Mor died in December, 1678, when he was succeeded by his eldest son,

XVI. KENNETH OG, FOURTH EARL OF SEAFORTH,

So described by the Highlanders to distinguish him from his father. At an early age he began to reap the benefits of his predecessor's faithful adherence to the fortunes of Charles II. In 1678, before his father died, his name is found among the chiefs, who, by a proclamation dated 10th of October in that year, were called upon to give their bond and caution for the security of the peace and quiet of the Highlands, which the leaders were to give, not only for themselves but for all the members of their respective Clans. In spite of all the enactments and orders hitherto passed, the inhabitants and broken men in the Highlands were "inured and accustomed to liberty and licentiousness" during the late troubles, and "still presumed to sorn, steal, oppress, and commit other violences and disorders." The great chiefs were commanded to appear in Edinburgh on the last Tuesday of February, 1679, and yearly thereafter on the second Thursday of July, to give security and receive instructions as to the peace of the Highlands. To prevent any excuse for non-attendance, they were declared free from caption for debt or otherwise while journeying to and from Edinburgh, and other means were to be taken, which might be thought necessary or expedient until the Highlands were finally quieted, and "all these wicked, broken, and disorderly men utterly rooted out and extirpated." A second proclamation was issued, in which the lesser barons - heads of the branches of clans - whose names are given, were to go to Inverlochy by the 20th of November following, as they were "by reason of their mean condition," not able to come in to Edinburgh and find caution, and there to give in bonds and securities for themselves, their men, tenants, servants, and indwellers upon their lands, and all of their name descended of their families, to the Earl of Caithness, Sir James Campbell of Lawers, James Menzies of Culdarers, or any two of them. These lists are interesting, showing, as they do, those who were considered the greater and lesser barons at the time. We find four Mackenzies in the former but not one in the latter. [For the full lists see "Antiquarian Notes," pp. 184 and 187.]

On the 1st of March, 1681, Kenneth was served heir male to his great-grandfather, Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, in his lands in the Lordship of Ardmeanach and in the Earldom of Ross; was made a member of the Privy Council by James II. on his accession to the throne in 1685, and chosen a Knight Companion of the Thistle, on the revival of that ancient Order in 1687. The year after the Revolution Seaforth accompanied his Royal master to France, but when that Prince returned to Ireland in the following year to make a final effort for the recovery of his kingdom, he was accompanied thither by the Earl. There he took part in the siege of Londonderry and in other engagements, and as an expression of gratitude James created him Marquis of Seaforth, under which title he repeatedly appears in various legal documents. This well-meant and deserved honour, however, came too late in the falling fortunes and declining powers of the ex-King, and does little more than mark his Royal confirmation of the steady adherence of the chiefs of Kintail to the cause of the unfortunate Stuarts.

Viscount Dundee in a letter to the "Laird of Macleod," dated "Moy, June 23, 1689" [About this time Viscount Tarbat boasted to General Mackay of his great influence with his countrymen, especially the Clan Mackenzie, and assured him "that though Seaforth should come to his own country and among his friends, he (Tarbat) would overturn in eight days more than the Earl could advance in six weeks yet be proved as backward as Seaforth or any other of the Clan. And though Redcastle, Coul, and others of the name of Mackenzie came, they fell not on final methods, but protested a great deal of affection for the cause." - "Mackay's Memoirs."] in which he details his own and the King's prospects, gives a list of those who are to join him. "My Lord Seaforth," he says, "will be in a few days from Ireland to raise his men for the King's service;" but the fatal shot which closed the career of that brilliant star and champion of the Stuart dynasty at Killiecrankie, arrested the progress of the family of Seaforth in the fair course to all the honours which a grateful dynasty could bestow; nor was the family of Kintail singular in this respect - seeing its flattering prospects withered at, perhaps, a fortunate moment for the prosperity of the Empire. Jealousies have now passed away on that subject, and it is not our business to discuss or in any way confound the principles of contending loyalties.

To check the proceedings of the Mackenzies, Mackay placed a garrison of a hundred Mackays in Brahan Castle, the principal seat of the Earl, and an equal number of Rosses in Castle Leod, the mansion of Viscount Tarbat, both places of strength, and advantageously situated for watching the movements of the Jacobite Mackenzies. ["Life of General Mackay," by John Mackay of Rockfield, pp. 36-37.]

Seaforth seems to have left Ireland immediately after the battle of the Boyne, and to have returned to the Highlands. The greater part of the North was at the time hostile to the Government, and General Mackay was obliged to march north, with all haste, before a general rising could take place under Buchan, who now commanded the Highlanders who stood out for King James. Mackay was within four hours march of Inverness before Buchan, who was then at that place "waiting for the Earl of Seaforth's and the other Highlanders whom he expected to join him in attacking the town," knew of his approach. Hearing of the proximity of the enemy, Buchan at once retreated, crossed the River Ness, and retired along the north side of the Beauly Firth, eastward through the Black Isle. In this emergency, Seaforth, fearing the personal consequences of the part be had acted throughout, sent two of his friends to General Mackay, offering terms of submission and whatever securities might be required for his future good behaviour, informing him at the same time that, although he had been forced to appear on the side of James, he never entertained any design of molesting the Government forces or of joining Buchan in his attack on the town of Inverness. Mackay replied that he could accept no security other than the surrender of his Lordship's person, at the same time conjuring him to comply, as he valued his own safety and the preservation of his family and people, and assuring him that in the case of surrender he should be detained in civil custody in Inverness, and treated with the respect due to his rank, until the will of the Government should become known. Next day the Earl's mother, the Countess Dowager of Seaforth, and Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Coul proceeded to Inverness, to plead with Mackay for a mitigation of the terms proposed, but finding him inflexible, they told him that Seaforth would accede to any conditions agreed to by them in his behalf. It was thereupon stipulated that he should deliver himself up at once and be kept a prisoner in Inverness until the Privy Council decided as to his ultimate disposal. With the view of concealing his voluntary submission from his own clan and his other Jacobite friends, it was agreed that the Earl should allow himself to be siezed at one of his seats by a party of horse under Major Mackay, as if he were taken by surprise. He, however, disappointed those sent to take him, in excuse of which, his mother and he, in letters to General Mackay, pleaded the delicate state of his health, which, it was urged, would suffer from imprisonment; and indeed few can blame him for any unwillingness to place himself absolutely at the disposal of such a body as the Privy Council of Scotland then was - many of whom would not hesitate in the slightest to sacrifice him, if by so doing they could only see any chance of obtaining a share, however small, of his extensive estates.

General Mackay became so irritated at the deception thus practised upon him that he resolved to treat Seaforth's vassals "with all the rigour of military execution," and he sent his Lordship a message that if he did not surrender forthwith according to his promise, he should at once carry out his instructions from the Privy Council by entering his country with fire and sword, and seizing all the property belonging to himself or to his clan as lawful prize; and, lest the Earl should have any doubt as to his intention of executing this terrible treat, he immediately ordered three Dutch regiments from Aberdeen to Inverness, and decided on leading a competent body of horse and foot in person from the garrison at the latter place, to take possession of Brahan Castle. The General, at the same time wrote instructing the Earl of Sutherland, Lord Reay, and Ross of Balnagown, to send a thousand of their men, under Major Wishart an experienced officer acquainted with the country, to take up their quarters in the more remote districts of the Seaforth estates, should that extreme step, as he much feared, become necessary. Having, however, a friendly disposition towards the followers of Seaforth, on account of their being "all Protestants and none of the most dangerous enemies," and being more anxious to get hold of his Lordship's person than to ruin his friends, he caused information of his intentions to be sent to Seaforth's camp by some of his own party, as if from a feeling of friendship for him the result being that, contrary to Mackay's expectations, Seaforth surrendered - thus relieving him from a most disagreeable duty, [Though the General "was not immediately connected with the Seaforth family himself, some of his near relatives were, both by the ties of kindred and of ancient friendship. For these, and other reasons it may be conceived what joy and thankfulness to Providence he felt for the result of ibis affair, which at once relieved him from a distressing dilemma, and promised to put a speedy period to his labours in Scotland." - Mackay's "Life of General Mackay."] - and he was at once committed a prisoner to the Castle of Inverness.

Writing to the Privy Council about the disaffected chiefs at the time, General Mackay says - "I believe it shall fare so with the Earl of Seaforth, that is, that he shall haply submit when his country is ruined and spoyled, which is the character of a true Scotsman, wyse behinde the hand." [Letters to the Privy Council, dated 1st September, 1690.] By warrant, dated 7th October, 1690, the Privy Council directs Mackay "to transport the person of Kenneth, Earl of Seaforth, with safety from Inverness to Edinburgh, in such way and manner as he should think fit." This done, he was on the 6th November following confined within the Castle of Edinburgh, but, little more than a year afterwards, he was liberated, on the 7th January, 1692, having found caution to appear when called upon, and on condition that he should not go ten miles beyond the walls of Edinburgh. He appears not to have implemented these conditions for any length of time, for shortly after he is again in prison almost immediately makes his escape is apprehended on the 7th of May, the same year, at Pencaitland and again kept confined in the Castle of Inverness, from which he is ultimately and finally liberated on giving sufficient security for his peaceable behaviour, ["Records of the Privy Council," and "Mackay's Memoirs."] the following being the order for his release:

"William R., Right trusty and right-well-beloved Councillors, &c., we greet you well. Whereas we are informed that Kenneth, Earl of Seaforth, did surrender himself prisoner to the commander of our garrison at Inverness, and has thrown himself on our Royal mercy; it is our will and pleasure, and we hereby authorise and require you to set the said Earl of Seaforth at liberty, upon his finding bail and security to live peaceably under our Government and to compear before you when called. And that you order our Advocate not to insist in the process of treason waged against him until our further pleasure be known therein. For doing whereof this shall be your warrant, so we bid you heartily farewell. Given at our Court at Kensington, the first day of March, 1696-7, and of our reign the eighth year. By his Majesty's command. (Signed) "TULLIBARDINE."

During the remaining years of his life, Seaforth appears to have lived mainly in France. Apart from his necessary absence from his own country during the long-continued period of political irritation, the exhausted state of his paternal revenues would have rendered his residence abroad highly expedient. We accordingly find several discharges for feu-duties granted by others in his absence, such as the following:

"I, Maister Alexander Mackenzie, lawful brother to the Marquis of Seaforth, grants me to have received from John Mathesone, all and hail the somme of seaven hundred and twentie merks Scots money and that in complete payment of his duties and or the lands of both the Fernacks and Achnakerich, payable Martimass ninety (1690), dated 22d November, 1694."

There is another by "Isobel, Countess Dowager of Seaforth, in 1696, tested by 'Rorie Mackenzie, servitor to the Marquis of Seaforth,'" and an original discharge by "me, Isobell, Countess Dowager of Seaforth, Lady Superior of the grounds, lands, and oyes under-written," to Kenneth Mackenzie of Dundonnel, dated at Fortrose, 15th November, 1697, signed, "Isobell Seaforth." [Allangrange Service, on which occasion thc originals were produced.] It may fairly be presumed that, during the whole of this period, Earl Kenneth was in retirement, and that be took no personal part in the management of his estates for the remainder of his life.

His clansmen, however, seem to have been determined to protect his interest as much as they could. A certain Sir John Dempster of Pitliver had advanced Seaforth and his mother, the Countess Dowager, a large sum of money and obtained a decree of Parliament to have the amount refunded to him. The cash was not forthcoming, and Sir John secured letters of horning and arrestment against them, and employed several officers to serve them, but they returned the letters unexecuted, not finding notum accessum in the Earl's country, and they refused altogether to undertake the duty again without the assistance of the King's forces in the district. Sir John petitioned for this aid, and humbly craved the Privy Council to allow him "a competent assistance of his Majesty's forces at Fort-William, Inverness, or where they are lying adjacent to the places where the said dilligence is to be put in execution, to support and protect the messengers" in the due enforcement of the legal dilligence against the Earl and his mother, "by horning, poinding, arrestment, or otherways," and to recommend to the Governor at Fort-William, or the commander of the forces at Inverness, to grant a suitable force for the purpose. Their Lordships having considered the petition, recommended Sir Thomas Livingstone, commander-in-chief of his Majesty's forces, to order some of the officers already mentioned to furnish the petitioner "with competent parties of his Majesty's forces" to support and protect the messengers in the due execution of the "legal dilligence upon the said decreet of Parliament." [For this document see "Antiquarian Notes," pp 118-119.]

The Earl married Lady Frances Herbert, second daughter of William, Marquis of Powis, an English nobleman, by Lady Elizabeth Somerset, daughter of Edward, Marquis of Worcester, with issue -

I. William, his heir and successor.

II. Mary, who married John Careyl, with issue.

He died at Paris,in 1701, and was succeeded by his only son,

XVII. WILLIAM, FIFTH EARL OF SEAFORTH,

Generally known among the Highlanders as "Uilleam Dubh." He succeeded at a most critical period in the history of Scotland, just when the country was divided on the great question of Union with England, which in spite of the fears of most of the Highland chiefs and nobles of Scotland, ultimately turned out so beneficial to both. He would, no doubt, have imbibed strong Jacobite feelings during his residence with his exiled parents in France. But little information of William's proceedings during the first few years of his rule is obtainable. He seems to have continued abroad, for on the 23d of May, 1709, an order is found addressed to the forester at Letterewe signed by his mother the Dowager, "Frances Seaforth." But on the 22d of June, 1713, she addresses a letter to Colin Mackenzie of Kincraig, in which she says - "I find my son William is fully inclined to do justice to all. Within fifteen days he will be at Brahan." [Original produced at Allangrange Service in 1829.]

At this period the great majority of the southern nobles were ready to break out into open rebellion, while the Highland chiefs were almost to a man prepared to rise in favour of the Stuarts. This soon became known to the Government. Bodies of armed Highlanders were seen moving about in several districts in the North. A party appeared in the neighbourhood of Inverness which was, however, soon dispersed by the local garrison. The Government became alarmed, and the Lords Justices sent a large number of half-pay officers, chiefly from the Scottish regiments, to officer the militia, under command of Major General Whitham, commander-in-chief at the time in Scotland. These proceedings alarmed the Jacobites, most of whom returned to their homes. The Duke of Gordon was confined in Edinburgh Castle, and the Marquis of Huntly and Lord Drummond in their respective residences. The latter fled to the Highlands and offered bail for his good behaviour. Captain Campbell of Glendaruel, who had obtained a commission from the late Administration to raise an independent company of Highlanders, was apprehended at Inverlochy and sent prisoner to Edinburgh. Sir Donald Macdonald, XI. of Sleat, was also seized and committed to the same place, and a proclamation was issued offering a reward of L100,000 sterling for the apprehension of the Chevalier, should he land or attempt to land in Great Britain. King George, on his arrival, threw himself entirely into the arms of the Whigs, who alone shared his favours. A spirit of the most violent discontent was excited throughout the whole kingdom, and the populace, led on by the Jacobite leaders, raised tumults in different parts of the King's dominions. The Chevalier, taking advantage of this excitement, issued a manifesto to the chief nobility, especially to the Dukes of Shrewsbury, Marlborough, and Argyll, who at once handed them to the Secretaries of State.

The King dissolved Parliament in January, 1715, and issued an extraordinary proclamation calling together a new one. The Whigs were successful both in England and Scotland, but particularly in the latter, where a majority of the peers, and forty out of the forty-five members then returned to the Commons, were in favour of his Majesty's Government. The principal Parliamentary struggle was in the county of Inverness between Mackenzie of Prestonhall, strongly supported by Glengarry and the other Jacobite chiefs, and Forbes of Culloden, brother of the celebrated President, who carried the election through the influence of Brigadier-General Grant and the friends of Lord Lovat.

The Earl of Mar, who had rendered himself extremely unpopular among the Jacobite chiefs, afterwards rewarded some of his former favourites by advocating the repeal of the Union. He was again made Secretary of State for Scotland in 1713, but was unceremoniously dismissed from office by George I., and he vowed revenge. He afterwards found his way to Fife, and subsequently to the Braes of Mar. On the 19th of August, 1715, he despatched letters to the principal Jacobites, among whom was Lord Seaforth, inviting them to attend a grand hunting match at Braemar on the 27th of the same month. This was a ruse meant to cover his intention to raise the standard of rebellion and that the Jacobites were let into the secret is evident from the fact that as early as the 6th of August those of them in Edinburgh and its neighbourhood were aware of his intentions to come to Scotland. Under pretence of attending this grand match, a considerable number of noblemen and gentlemen arrived at Aboyne at the appointed time. Among them were the Marquis of Huntly, eldest son of the Duke of Gordon the Marquis of Tullibardine, eldest son of the Duke of Athole; the Earls of Nithsdale, Marischal, Traquair, Errol, Southesk, Carnwarth, Seaforth, and Linlithgow; the Viscounts Kilsyth, Kenmure, Kingston, and Stormont Lords Rollo, Duffus, Drummond, Strathallan, Ogilvie, and Nairne; and about twenty-six other gentlemen of influence in the Highlands, among whom were Generals Hamilton and Gordon, Glengarry, Campbell of Glendaruel, and the lairds of Aucterhouse and Auldbar. ["Rae," p 189; "Annals of King George," pp. 15-16.] Mar delivered a stirring address, in which he expressed regret for his past conduct in favouring the Union, and, now that his eyes were opened, promising to do all in his power to retrieve the past and help to make his countrymen again a free people. He produced a commission from James appointing him Lieutenant-General and Commander of all the Jacobite forces in Scotland, and at the same time informed the meeting that he was supplied with money, and that an arrangement had been made by which he would be able to pay regularly any forces that might be raised, so that no gentleman who with his followers should join his standard would be put to any expense, and that the country would be entirely relieved of the cost of conducting the war; after which the meeting unanimously resolved to take up arms for the purpose of establishing the Chevalier on the Scottish throne. They then took the oath of fidelity to Mar as the representative of James VIII. and to each other, and separated, each going home after promising to raise his vassals and to be in readiness to join the Earl whenever summoned to do so. They had scarcely arrived at their respective destinations when they were called upon to meet him at Aboyne on the 3d of September following, where, with only sixty followers, Mar proclaimed the Chevalier at Castletown in Braemar, after which he proceeded to Kirkmichael, and on the 6th of September, raised his standard in presence of a force of 2000, mostly consisting of cavalry. When in course of erection, the ball on the top of the flag-staff fell off. This was regarded by the Highlanders as a bad omen, and it cast a gloom over the proceedings of the day.

Meanwhile Colonel Sir Hector Munro, who bad served as Captain in the Earl of Orkney's Regiment with reputation in the wars of Queen Anne, raised his followers, who, along with a body of Rosses, numbered about 600 men. With these, in November, 1715, he encamped at Alness and on the 6th of October following he was joined by the Earl of Sutherland, accompanied by his son, Lord Strathnaver, and by Lord Reay, with an additional force of 600, in the interest of the Whig Government, and to cover their own districts and check the movements of the Western clans in effecting a junction with the Earl of Mar, whom Earl William and Sir Donald Macdonald had publicly espoused, as already stated, at the pretended hunting match in Braemar. The meeting at Alness was instrumental in keeping Seaforth in the North. If the Earl and his mother's clans had advanced a month earlier the Duke of Argyll would not have dared to advance against Mar's united forces, who might have pushed an army across the Forth sufficient to have paralyzed any exertion that might have been made to preserve a shadow of the Government. It may be said that if Dundee had lived to hold the commission of Mar, such a junction would not have been necessary, which amounts to no more than saying that the life of Dundee would have been tantamount to a restoration of the Stuarts Mar was not trained in camp, nor did he possess the military genius of Dundee. Had Montrose a moiety of his force things would have been otherwise. Mar, trusting to Seaforth's reinforcement, was inactive, and Seaforth was for a time kept in by the collocation of Sutherland's levies, till he was joined by 700 Macdonalds and detachments from other clans, amounting, with his own followers, to 3000 men, with which he promptly attacked the Earl of Sutherland, who fled with his mixed army precipitately to Bonar-Bridge, where they dispersed. A party of Grants on their way to join them, on being informed of Sutherland's retreat, thought it prudent to retrace their steps. Seaforth, thus relieved, levied considerable fines on Munro's territories, which were fully retaliated for during his absence with the Jacobite army, to join which he now set out; and Sir John Mackenzie of Coul, whom he had ordered to occupy Inverness, was, after a gallant resistance, forced by Lord Lovat, at the head of a mixed body of Frasers and Grants, to retire with his garrison to Ross-shire. "Whether he followed his chief to Perth does not appear; but on Seaforth's arrival that Mar seems for the first time to have resolved on the passage of the Firth - a movement which led to the Battle of Sheriffmuir - is evident and conclusive as to the different features given to the whole campaign by the Whig camp at Alness, however creditable to the noble Earl and his mother's confederates. But it is not our present province to enter on a military review of the conduct of either army preceding this consequential conflict, or to decide to which party the victory, claimed by both parties, properly belonged suffice it to say that above 3000 of Seaforth's men formed a considerable part of the second line, and seem from the general account on that subject to have done their duty." [Bennetsfield MS.] A great many of Seaforth's followers were slain, among whom were four Highlanders who appear to have signally distinguished themselves. They were John Mackenzie of Hilton, who commanded a company of the Mackenzies, John Mackenzie of Applecross, John Mac Rae of Conchra, and John Murchison of Achtertyre. Their prowess on the field had been commemorated by one of their followers, John MacRae, who escaped and returned home, in an excellent Gaelie poem, known as "Latha Blar an t-Siorra," the " Day of Sheriffmuir." The fate of these renowned warriors was keenly regretted by their Highland countrymen, and they are still remembered and distinguished amongst them as "Ceithear Ianan na h-Alba," or The four Johns of Scotland.

During the preceding troubles Ellandonnan Castle got into the hands of the King's troops, but shortly before Sheriffmuir it was again secured by the following clever stratagem: A neighbouring tenant applied to the Governor for some of the garrison to cut his corn, as he feared from the appearance of the sky and the croaking of ravens that a heavy storm was impending, and that nothing but a sudden separation of his crop from the ground could save his family from starvation. The Governor readily yielded to his solicitations, and sent the garrison of Government soldiers then in the castle to his aid, who, on their return, discovered the ruse too late for the Kintail men were by this time reaping the spoils, and had possession of the castle. "The oldest inhabitant of the parish remembers to have seen the Kintail men under arms, dancing on the leaden roof, just as they were setting out for the Battle of Sheriffmuir, where this resolute band was cut to pieces." ["Old Statistical Account of Kintail," 1792.]

Inverness continued meanwhile in possession of the Mackenzies, under command of the Governor, Sir John Mackenzie of Coul, and George Mackenzie of Gruinard. Macdonald of Keppoch was on the march to support Sir John at Inverness, and Lord Lovat, learning this, gathered his men together, and on the 7th of November decided to throw himself across the river Ness and place his forces directly between Keppoch and the Governor. Sir John, on discovering Lovat's movement, resolved to make a sally out of the garrison and place the enemy between him and the advancing Keppoch, where he could attack him with advantage, but Macdonald became alarmed and returned home through Glen-Urquhart, whereupon Lord Lovat marched straight upon Inverness, and took up a position about a mile to the west of the town. The authorities were summoned to send out the garrison and the Governor, or the town would be burnt and the inhabitants put to the sword. Preparations were made for the attack, but Sir John Mackenzie, considering that any further defence was hopeless, on the 10th of November collected together all the boats he could find and at high water safely effected his escape from the town, when Lovat marched in without opposition. His Lordship advised the Earl of Sutherland that he had secured possession of Inverness, and on the 15th of November the latter, leaving Colonel Robert Munro of Fowlis as Governor of Inverness, went with his followers, accompanied by Lord Lovat with some of his men, to Brahan Castle, and compelled the responsible men of the Clan Mackenzie who were not in the South with the Earl of Seaforth to come under an obligation for their peaceable behaviour, and to return the arms previously taken from the Munros by Lord Seaforth at Alness; to release the prisoners in their possession, and promise not to assist Lord Seaforth directly or indirectly in his efforts against the Government; that they would grant to the Earl of Sutherland any sum of money he might require from them upon due notice for the use of the Government; and, finally, that Brahan Castle, the principal residence of the Earl of Seaforth, should be turned into a garrison for King George.

Seaforth returned from Sheriffmuir, and again collected his men near Brahan, but the Earl of Sutherland with a large number of his own men, Lord Reay's, the Munros, Rosses, Culloden's men, and the Frasers, marched to meet him and encamped at Beauly, within a few miles of Mackenzie's camp, and prepared to give him battle, which, when my Lord Seaforth saw, he thought it convenient to capitulate, own the King's authority, disperse his men, and propose the mediation of these Government friends for his pardon. Upon his submission the King was graciously pleased to send down orders that upon giving up his arms and coming into Inverness, he might expect his pardon; yet upon the Pretender's Anvil at Perth and my Lord Huntly's suggestions to him that now was the time for them to appear for their King and country, and that what honour they lost at Dunblane might yet be regained; but while he thus insinuated to my Lord Seaforth, he privately found that my Lord Seaforth had by being an early suitor for the King's pardon, by promising to lay down his arms, and owning the King's authority, claimed in a great measure to an assurance of his life and fortune, which he thought proper for himself to purchase at the rate of disappointing Seaforth, with hopes of standing by the good old cause, till Seaforth, with that vain hope, lost the King's favour that was promised him; which Huntly embraced by taking the very first opportunity of deserting the Chevalier's cause, and surrendering himself upon terms made with him of safety to his life and fortune. This sounded so sweet to him that he sleeped so secure as never to dream of any preservation for a great many good gentlemen that made choice to stand by him and serve under him that many other worthy nobles who would die or banish rather that not show their personal bravery, and all other friendly offices to their adherents." [Lord Lovat's Account of the taking of Inverness. "Patten's Rebellion."]

In February, 1716, hopeless of attaining his object, the unfortunate son of James II. left Scotland, the land of his forefathers, never to visit it again, and Earl William followed him to the common resort of the exiled Jacobites of the time. On the 7th of the following May an Act of attainder was passed against the Earl and the other chiefs of the Jacobite party. Their estates were forfeited, though practically in many cases, and especially in that of Seaforth, it was found extremely difficult to carry the forfeiture into effect. The Master of Sinclair is responsible for the base and unfounded allegation that the Earl of Seaforth, the Marquis of Huntly, and other Jacobites, were in treaty with the Government to deliver up the Chevalier to the Duke of Argyll, that they might procure better terms for themselves than they could otherwise expect. This odious charge, which is not corroborated by any other writer, must be looked upon as highly improbable." [Fullarton's "Highland Clans," p 471.] If any proof of the untruthfulness of this charge be required it will be found in the fact that the Earl returned afterwards to the Island of Lewis, and re-embodied his vassals there under an experienced officer, Campbell of Ormundel, who had served with distinction in the Russian army; and it was not until a large Government force was sent over against him, which he found it impossible successfully to oppose, that he recrossed to the mainland and escaped to France.

Among the "gentlemen prisoners" taken to the Castle of Stirling on the day following the Battle of Sheriffmuir the following are found in a list published in Patten's Rebellion - Kenneth Mackenzie, nephew to Sir Alexander Mackenzie of Coul Joh Maclean, adjutant to Colonel Mackenzie's Regiment Colonel Mackenzie of Kildin, Captain of Fairburn's Regiment; Hugh MacRae, Donald MacRae, and Christopher MacRae.

The war declared against Spain in December, 1718, again revived the hopes of the Jacobites, who, in accordance with a stipulation between the British Government and the Duke of Orleans, then Regent of France, had previously, with the Chevalier and the Duke of Ormont at their head, been ordered out of France. They repaired to Madrid, where they held conferences with Cardinal Alberoni, and concerted an invasion of Great Britain. On the 10th of March, 1719, a fleet, consisting of ten men-of-war and twenty-one transports, having on board five thousand men, a large quantity of ammunition, and thirty thousand muskets, sailed from Cadiz under the command of the Duke of Ormond, with instructions to join the rest of the expedition at Corunna, and to make a descent at once upon England, Scotland, and Ireland. The sorry fate of this expedition is well known. Only two frigates reached their destination, the rest having been dispersed and disabled off Cape Finisterre by a violent storm which lasted about twelve days. The two ships which survived the storm and reached Scotland had on board the Earl of Seaforth and Earl Marischal, the Marquis of Tullibardine, some field officers, three hundred Spaniards, and arms and ammunition for two thousand men. They entered Lochalsh about the middle of May; effected a landing in Kintail and were there joined by a body of Seaforth's vassals, and a party of Macgregors under command of the famous Rob Roy; but the other Jacobite chiefs, remembering their previous disappointments and misfortunes, stood aloof until the whole of Ormond's forces should arrive. General Wightman, who was stationed at Inverness, hearing of their arrival, marched to meet them with 2000 Dutch troops and a detachment of the garrison at Inverness. Seaforth's forces and their allies took possession of the pass of Glenshiel, but on the approach of the Government forces they retired to the pass of Strachell, which they decided to defend at all hazards. They were there engaged by General Wightman, who, after a smart skirmish of about three hours duration, and after inflicting some loss upon the Jacobites, drove them from one eminence to another, till night came on, when the Highlanders, their chief having been seriously wounded, and giving up all hopes of a successful resistance, retired during the night to the mountains, carrying Seaforth along with them and the Spaniards next morning surrendered themselves prisoners of war. [The Spaniards kept their powder magazine and ball behind the manse, but after the battle of Glenshiel they set fire to it lest it should fall into the hands of the King's troops. These balls are still gathered up by sportsmen, and are found in great abundance upon the glebe. - "Old Statistical Account of Kintail."] Seaforth, Marischal, and Tullibardine, with the other principal officers, managed to effect their escape to the Western Isles, from which they afterwards found their way to the Continent. Rob Roy was placed in ambush with the view of attacking the Royal troops in the rear and it is said of him that having more zeal than prudence he attacked the rear of the enemy's column before they had become engaged in front his small party was routed, and the intention of placing the King's troops between two fires was thus defeated. [" New Statistical Account of Glenshiel," by the Rev. John Macrae, who gives a minute description of the scenes of the battle, and informs us that in constructing the parliamentary road which runs through the Glen a few years before he wrote, several bullets and pieces of musket barrels were found and the green mounds which covered the graves of the slain, and the ruins of a rude breast-work which the Highlanders constructed on the crest of the hill to cover their position still marked the scene of the conflict.] General Wightman sent a detachment to Ellandonnan Castle, which he ordered to be blown up and demolished.

General Wightman advanced from the Highland Capital by Loch-Ness and a recent writer pertinently asks, "Why he was allowed to pass by such a route without opposition? It is alleged that Marischal and Tullibardine had interrupted the movements of the invaders by ill timed altercations about command, but we are provoked to observe that some extraordinary interposition seems evident to frustrate every scheme towards forwarding the cause of the ill-fated house of Stuart. Had the Chevalier St George arrived earlier, as he might have done; had William Earl of Seaforth joined the Earl of Mar some time before, as he ought to have done; and strengthened as Mar would then have been, had he boldly advanced on Stirling, as it appears he would have done, Argyll's force would have been annihilated, and James VIII. proclaimed at the Cross of Edinburgh. Well did the brave Highlanders indignantly demand, 'What did you call us to arms for? Was it to run away? What did our own King come for? Was it to see us butchered by hangmen?' There was a fatuity that accompanied all their undertakings which neutralised intrepidity, devotedness, and bravery which the annals of no other people can exhibit, and paltry jealousies which stultified exertions, which, independently of political results, astonished Europe at large." [Bennetsfield MS.]

An Act of Parliament for disarming the Highlanders was passed in 1716, but in some cases to very little purpose for some of the most disaffected clans were better armed than ever, although by the Act the collectors of taxes were allowed to pay for the arms given in, in no case were any delivered except those which were broken, old, and unfit for use, and these were valued at prices far above what they were really worth. Not only so, but a lively trade in old arms was carried on with Holland and other Continental countries, and these arms were sold to the commissioners as Highland weapons, at exorbitant prices. General Wade afterwards found in the possession of the Highlanders a large quantity of arms which they obtained from the Spaniards who took part in the battle of Glenshiel, and he computed that the Highlanders opposed to the Government possessed at this time no less than five or six thousand arms of various kinds.

Wade arrived in Inverness on the 10th of August, 1723, and in virtue of another Act passed the same year, he was empowered to proceed to the Highlands and to summon the clans to deliver up their arms, and to carry several other recommendations of his own into effect. On his arrival he immediately proceeded to business, went to Brahan Castle, and called on the Mackenzies to deliver up their weapons. He took those presented to him on the word of Murchison, factor on the estate and by the representation of Sir John Mackenzie Lord Tarbat, Sir Kenneth Mackenzie of Cromarty, and Sir Colin Mackenzie of Coul, at the head of a large deputation of the clan, he compromised his more rigid instructions and accepted a selection of worn-out and worthless arms, and at the same time promised that if the clan exhibited a willing disposition to comply with the orders of the Government he would use his influence in the next Parliament to procure a remission for their chief and his followers; and we find, that "through his means, and the action of other minions of Court (Tarbat was then in power), Seaforth received a simple pardon by letters patent in 1726, for himself and his clan, whose submission was recognised in the sham form of delivering their arms, a matter of the less consequence as few of that generation were to have an opportunity of wielding them again in the same cause."

General Wade made a report to the Government, from which we take the following extract: "The Laird of the Mackenzies, and other chiefs of the clans and tribes, tenants to the late Earl of Seaforth, came to me in a body, to the number of about fifty, and assured me that both they and their followers were ready to pay a dutiful obedience to your Majesty's commands, by a peaceable surrender of their arms; and if your Majesty would be graciously pleased to procure them an indemnity for the rents that had been misplaced for the time past, they would for the future become faithful subjects to your Majesty, and pay them to your Majesty's receiver for the use of the public. I assured them of your Majesty's gracious intentions towards them, and that they might rely on your Majesty's bounty and clemency, provided they would merit it by their future good conduct and peaceable behaviour; that I had your Majesty's commands to send the first summons to the country they inhabited; which would soon give them an opportunity of showing the sincerity of their promises, and of having the merit to set the example to the rest of the Highlands, who in their turns were to be summoned to deliver up their arms, pursuant to the Disarming Act; that they might choose the place they themselves thought most convenient to surrender their arms; and that I would answer that neither their persons nor their property should be molested by your Majesty's troops. They desired they might be permitted to deliver up their arms at the Castle of Brahan, the principal seat of their late superior. who, they said, had promoted and encouraged them to this their submission; but begged that none of the Highland companies might be present; for, as they had always been reputed the bravest, as well as the most numerous of the northern clans, they thought it more consistent with their honour to resign their arms to your Majesty's veteran troops; to which I readily consented. Summonses were accordingly sent to the several clans and tribes, the inhabitants of 18 parishes, who were vassals or tenants of the late Earl of Seaforth, to bring or send in all their arms and warlike weapons to the Castle of Brahan, on or before the 28th of August. On the 25th of August I went to the Castle of Brahan with a detachment of 200 of the regular troops, and was met there by the chiefs of the several clans and tribes, who assured me they had used their utmost diligence in collecting all the arms they were possessed of, which should be brought thither on the Saturday following, pursuant to the summons they had received; and telling me they were apprehensive of insults or depredations from the neighbouring clans of the Camerons and others, who still continued in possession of their arms. Parties of the Highland companies were ordered to guard the passes leading to their country; which parties continued there for their protection, till the clans in that neighbourhood were summoned and had surrendered their arms. On the day appointed the several clans and tribes assembled in the adjacent villages, and marched in good order through the great avenue that leads to the Castle; and one after the other laid down their arms in the court-yard in great quiet and decency, amounting to 784 of the several species mentioned in the Act of Parliament. The solemnity with which this was performed had undoubtedly a great influence over the rest of the Highland clans; and disposed them to pay that obedience to your Majesty's commands, by a peaceable surrender of their arms, which they had never done to any of your Royal predecessors, or in compliance with any law either before or since the Union."

The following account of Donald Murchison's proceedings and of Seaforth's vassals during his exile in France is abridged from an interesting and valuable work. [Chambers's "Domestic Annals of Scotland."] It brings out in a prominent light the state of the Highlands and the futility of the power of the Government during that period in the North. As regards several of the forfeited estates which lay in inaccessible situations in the Highlands, the commissioners had up to this time been entirely baffled, never having been able even to get them surveyed. This was so in a very special manner in the case of the immense territory of the Earl of Seaforth, extending from Brahan Castle, near Dingwall in the east, across to Kintail in the west, as well as in the large island of the Lewis. The districts of Lochalsh and Kintail, on the west coast, the scene of the Spanish invasion of 1719, were peculiarly difficult of access, there being no approach from the south, east, or north, except by narrow and difficult paths, while the western access was only assailable by a naval force. To all appearance this tract of ground, the seat of many comparatively opulent tacksmen and cattle farmers, was as much beyond the control of the six commissioners assembled at their office in Edinburgh, as if it had been amongst the mountains of Tibet or upon the shores of Madagascar.

For several years after the insurrection, the rents of this district were collected, without the slightest difficulty, for the benefit of the exiled Earl, and regularly transmitted to him. At one time a large sum was sent to him in Spain. The chief agent in the business was Donald Murchison, descendant of a line of faithful adherents of the "High Chief of Kintail." Some of the later generations of the family had been entrusted with the keeping of Ellandonnan Castle, a stronghold dear to the modern artist as a picturesque ruin, but formerly of serious importance as commanding a central point from which radiate Loch Alsh and Loch Duich, in the midst of the best part of the Mackenzie country. Donald was a man worthy of a more prominent place in his country's annals than he has yet attained; he acted under a sense of right which, though unfortunately defiant of Acts of Parliament, was still a very pure sense of right; and in the remarkable actions which he performed he looked solely to the good of those towards whom he had a feeling of duty. A more disinterested hero - and he was one - neverlived.

When Lord Seaforth brought his clan to fight for King James in 1715, Donald Murchison and an elder brother, John, accompanied him as field officers of the regiment - Donald as Lieutenant-Colonel, and John as Major. The late Sir Roderick Impey Murchison, the distinguished Geologist, great-grandson of John, possessed a large ivory and silver "mill," which once contained the commission sent from France to Donald, as Colonel, bearing the inscription: "James Rex: forward and spare not." John fell at Sheriffmuir, in the prime of life; Donald returning with the remains of the clan, was entrusted by the banished Earl with the management or estates no longer legally but still virtually his. And for this task Donald was in various respects well qualified, for, strange to say, the son or the castellan of Ellandonnan - the Sheriffmuir Colonel - had been "bred a writer" in Edinburgh, and was as expert at the business of a factor or estate-agent as in wielding the claymore. [For a short time before the insurrection, he had acted as factor to Sir John Preston of Preston Hall, in Mid-Lothian, then also a forfeited estate, but of minor value.]

In bold and avowed insubordination to the Government of George the First, Mackenzie's tenants continued for ten years to pay their rents to Donald Murchison, setting at nought all fear of ever being compelled to repeat the payment to the commissioners.

In 1720 his Majesty's representatives made a movement for asserting their claims upon the property. In William Ross of Easterfearn and Robert Ross, a bailie of Tain, they found two men bold enough to undertake the duty of stewardship in their behalf over the Seaforth property, the estates of Grant or Glenmoriston, and or Chisholm of Strathglass. Little, however, was done that year beyond sending out notices to the tenants, and preparing for more strenuous measures for next year. The stir they made only produced excitement, not dismay. Some of the duine-uasals from about Lochcarron, coming down with their cattle to the south-country fairs, were heard to declare that the two factors would never get anything but leaden coin from the Seaforth tenantry. Donald went over the whole country showing a letter he had got from the Earl, encouraging the people to stand out at the same time telling them that the old Countess was about to come north with a factory for the estate, when she would allow as paid for any rents which they might hand to him. The very first use to be made of this money was to bring both the old and the young Countesses home immediately to Brahan Castle, where they were to live as they used to do. Part of the funds thus acquired, Murchison used in keeping on foot a party of some sixty armed Highlanders, who, in virtue of his commission as colonel, he proposed to employ in resisting any troops of George the First which might be sent to Kintail. Nor did he wait to be attacked, but in June, 1720, hearing of a party of excisemen passing near Dingwall with a large quantity of aqua vitae, he fell upon them and rescued their prize. The collector of the district reported this transaction to the Board of Excise, but no notice was taken of it.

In February, 1721, the two factors sent officers of their own into the western districts, to assure the tenants of good usage, if they would make a peaceable submission but the men were seized, robbed of their papers, money, and arms, and quietly sent across the Frith of Attadale, though only after giving their solemn assurance that they would never attempt to renew their mission. Resenting this procedure the two factors caused a constable to take a military party from Bernera Barracks, Glenelg, into Lochalsh, and, if possible, capture those who had been guilty. They made a stealthy night-march, and took two men; but the alarm was given, the two men escaped, and began to fire down upon their captors from a hillside; then they set fire to the bothy as a signal, and such a coronach went over all Kintail and Lochalsh as made the soldiers glad to beat a quick retreat.

After some further proceedings, all ineffectual, the two factors were enabled, on the 13th day of September, to set forth from Inverness with a party of thirty soldiers and some armed servants of their own, with the design of enforcing submission to their claims. Let it be remembered that in those days there were no roads in the Highlands, nothing but a few horse-tracks along the principal lines in the country, where not the slightest effort had ever been made to smooth away the natural difficulties of the ground. In two days the factors reached Invermoriston; but here they were stopped for three days, waiting for their heavy luggage, which was storm-stayed in Castle Urquhart, and there nearly taken in a night attack by a partisan warrior bearing the name of Evan Roy Macgillivray. The tenantry of Glenmoriston at first fled with their cattle, but afterwards a number of them came in and made the appearance of submission. The party then moved on towards Strathglass, while Evan Roy respectfully followed, to pick up any man or piece of baggage that might be left behind. At Erchless Castle, and at Invercannich, seats of the Chisholm, they held courts, and received the submission of a number of the tenants, whom, however, they subsequently found to be "very deceitful."

There were now forty or fifty miles of the wildest Highland country before them, where they had reason to believe they should meet groups of murderous Camerons and Glengarry Macdonalds, and also encounter the redoubtable Donald Murchison himself, with his guard of Mackenzies, unless their military force should be sufficiently strong to render all such opposition hopeless. An arrangement having been made that they should receive an addition of fifty soldiers from Bernera, with whom to pass through the most difficult part of their journey, it seemed likely that they would appear too strong for resistance and, indeed, intelligence was already coming to them, that "the people of Kintail, being a judicious opulent people, would not expose themselves to the punishments of law," and that the Camerons were absolutely determined to give no further provocation to the Government. Thus assured, they set out in cheerful mood along the valley of Strathglass, and, soon after passing a place called Knockfin, they were reinforced by Lieutenant Brymer with the expected fifty men from Bernera. There were now about a hundred well armed men in the invading body. They spent the next day (Sunday) together in rest, to gather strength for the ensuing day's march of about thirty arduous miles, by which they hoped to reach Kintail.

At four in the morning of Monday, the 2d of October, the party went forward, the Bernera men first, and the factors in the rear. They were as yet far from the height of the country, and from its more difficult passes; but they soon found that all the flattering tales of non-resistance were groundless, and that the Kintail men had come a good way out from that district in order to defend it. The truth was, that Donald Murchison had assembled not only his stated band of Mackenzies, but a levy of the Lewis men under Seaforth's cousin, Mackenzie of Kildun; also an auxiliary corps of Camerons, Glengarry and Glenmoriston men, and some of those very Strathglass men who had been making appearances of submission. Altogether he had, if the factors were rightly informed, three hundred and fifty men with long Spanish firelocks, under his command, and all posted in the way most likely to give them an advantage over the invading force.

The rear-guard, with the factors, had scarcely gone a mile when they received a platoon of seven shots from a rising ground near them to the right, which, however, had only the effect of piercing a soldier's hat. The Bernera company left the party at eight o'clock, as they were passing Lochanachlee, and from this time is heard of no more; how it made its way out of the country does not appear. The remainder still advancing, Easterfearn, as he rode a little before his men, had eight shots levelled at him from a rude breast-work near by, and was wounded in two places, but was able to appear as if he had not been touched. Then calling out some Highlanders in his service, he desired them to go before the soldiers and do their best, according to their own mode of warfare, to clear the ground of such lurking parties, so that the troops might advance in safety. They performed this service pretty effectually, skirmishing as they went on, and the main body advanced safely about six miles. They were here arrived at a place called Ath-na-Mullach, where the waters, descending from the Cralich and the lofty mountains of Kintail, issue eastwards through a narrow gorge into Loch Affric. It was a place remarkably well adapted for the purpose of a resisting party. A rocky boss, called Torr-a-Bheathaich, then densely covered with birch, closes up the glen as with a gate. The black mountain stream, "spear-deep," sweeps round it. A narrow path wound up the rock, admitting of passengers in single file. Here lay Murchison with the best of his people, while inferior adherents were ready to make demonstrations at a little distance. As the invading party approached, they received a platoon from a wood on the left, but nevertheless went on. When, however, they were all engaged in toiling up the pass, forty men concealed in the heather close by fired with deadly effect, inflicting a mortal wound on Walter Ross, Easterfearn's son while Bailie Ross's son was wounded by a bullet which swept across his breast. The Bailie called to his son to retire, and the order was obeyed; but the two wounded youths and Bailie Ross's servant were taken prisoners, and carried up the hill, where they were quickly divested of clothes, arms, money, and papers. Easterfearn's son died next morning. The troops faced the ambuscade manfully and are said to have given their fire thrice, and to have beaten the Highlanders from the bushes near them; but, observing at this juncture several parties of the enemy on the neighbouring heights, and being informed of a party of sixty in their rear, Easterfearn deemed it best to temporise.

He thereupon sent forward a messenger to ask who they were that opposed the King's troops, and what they wanted. The answer was that, in the first place, they required to have Ross of Easterfearn delivered up to them. This was pointedly refused; but it was at length arranged that Easterfearn should go forward and converse with the leader of the opposing party. The meeting took place at Beul-ath-na-Mullach, and Easterfearn found himself confronted with Donald Murchison. It ended with Easterfearn giving up his papers, and covenanting, under a penalty of five hundred pounds, not to officiate in his factory any more; after which he gladly departed homewards with his associates, under favour of a guard of Donald's men to conduct them safely past the sixty men who were lurking in the rear. It was alleged afterwards that the commander was much blamed by his own people for letting the factors off with their lives and baggage, particularly by the Camerons, who had been five days at their post with hardly anything to eat; and Murchison only pacified them by sending them a good supply of meat and drink. He had in reality given a very effective check to the two gentlemen-factors, to one of whom he imparted in conversation that any scheme of Government stewartship in Kintail was hopeless, for he and sixteen others had sworn that, if any person calling himself a factor came there, they would take his life, whether at kirk or at market, and deem it a meritorious action, though they should be cut to pieces for it the next minute.

A bloody grave for young Easterfearn in Beauly Cathedral concluded this abortive attempt to take the Seaforth estates within the scope of a law sanctioned by statesmen, but against which the natural feelings of nearly a whole people revolted.

A second attempt was then made to obtain possession of the forfeited Seaforth estates for the Government. It was calculated that what the two factors and their attendants with a small military force had failed to accomplish in the preceding October, when they were beaten back with fatal loss at Ath-na-Mullach, might now be effected by a military party alone, if they should make their approach through a less critical passage. A hundred and sixty of Colonel Kirk's regiment left Inverness under Captain M'Neill, who had at one time been Commander of the Highland Watch. They proceeded by Dingwall, Strathgarve, and Loch Carron, an easier, though a longer way. Donald Murchison, nothing daunted, got together his followers, and advanced to the top of Mam Attadale, by a high pass from Loch Carron to the bead of Loch Long, separating Lochalsh from Kintail. Here a gallant relative, Kenneth Murchison, and a few others, volunteered to go forward and plant themselves in ambush in the defiles of the Coille Bhan (White Wood), while the bulk of the party should remain where they were. It would appear that this ambush party consisted of thirteen men, all peculiarly well armed.

On approaching this dangerous place the Captain of the invading party went forward with a sergeant and eighteen men to clear the wood, while the main body came on slowly in the rear. At a place called Altanbadubh, in the Coille Bhan, he encountered Kenneth and his associates, whose fire wounded himself severely, killed one of his grenadiers, and wounded several others of the party. He persisted in advancing, and attacking the handful of natives with sufficient resolution they slowly withdrew, as unable to resist; but the Captain now obtained intelligence that a large body of Mackenzies was posted in the mountain pass of Attadale. It seemed to him as if there was a design to draw him into a fatal ambuscade. His own wounded condition probably warned him that a better opportunity might occur afterwards. He turned his forces about, and made the best of his way back to Inverness. Kenneth Murchison quickly rejoined Colonel Donald on Mam Attadale, with the cheering intelligence that one salvo of thirteen guns had repelled the hundred and sixty red-coats. After this we hear of no more attempts to comprise the Seaforth property.

Strange as it may seem, Donald Murchison, two years after this a second time resisting the Government troops, came down to Edinburgh with eight hundred pounds of the Earl's rents, that he might get the money sent abroad for Seaforth's use. He remained a fortnight in the city unmolested. He on this occasion appeared in the garb of a Lowland gentleman; he mingled with old acquaintances, "doers" and writers; and appeared at the Cross amongst the crowd of gentlemen who assembled there every day at noon. Scores knew all about his doings at Ath-na-Mullach and the Coille Bhan; but thousands might have known without the chance of one of them betraying him to the Government.

General Wade, in his report to the King in 1725, stated that the Seaforth tenants, formerly reputed the richest of any in the Highlands, were now become poor, by neglecting their business, and applying themselves to the use of arms. "The rents" he says, "continue to be collected by one Donald Murchison, a servant of the late Earl's, who annually remits or carries the same to his master in France. The tenants, when in a condition, are said to have sent him free gifts in proportion to their circumstances, but are now a year and a-half in arrear of rent. The receipts he gives to the tenants are as deputy-factor to the Commissioners of the Forfeited Estates, which pretended power he extorted from the factor (appointed by the said Commissioners to collect those rents for the use of the public), whom he attacked with above four hundred armed men, as he was going to enter upon the said estate, having with him a party of thirty of your Majesty's troops. The last year this Murchison marched in a public manner to Edinburgh, to remit eight hundred pounds to France for his master's use, and remained fourteen days there unmolested. I cannot omit observing to your Majesty that this national tenderness the subjects of North Britain have one for the other is a great encouragement for rebels and attainted persons to return home from their banishment."

Donald went again to Edinburgh about the end of August, 1725. On the 2d of September, George Lockhart of Carnwath, writing from that city to the Chevalier St George, states, amongst other information regarding his party in Scotland, that Daniel Murchison (as he calls him) "is come to Edinburgh, on his way to France" - doubtless charged with a sum of rents for Seaforth. "He's been in quest of me, and I of him," says Lockhart, "these two days, and missed each other; but in a day or two he's to be at my country house, where I'll get time to talk fully with him. In the meantime, I know from one that saw him that he has taken up and secured all the arms of value on Seaforth's estate, which he thought better than to trust them to the care and prudence of the several owners; and the other chieftains, I hear, have done the same."

The Commissioners on the forfeited estates concluded their final report in 1725, by stating that they had not sold the estate of William, Earl of Seaforth, "not having been able to obtain possession and consequently to give the same to a purchaser." [In a Whig poem on the Highland Roads, written in 1737, Donald is characteristically spoken of as a sort of cateran, while, in reality, as every generous person can now well understand, he was a high-minded gentleman. The verses, nevertheless, as well as the appended note, are curious -

Keppoch, Rob Roy, and Daniel Murchison, Cadets are servants to some chief of clan, From theft and robberies scarce did ever cease, Yet 'scaped the halter each, and died in peace. This last his exiled master's rents collected, Nor unto king or law would be subjected. Though veteran troops upon the confines lay, Sufficient to make lord and tribe a prey, Yet passes strong through which no roads were cut, Safe-guarded Seaforth's clan, each in his hu', Thus in strongholds the rogue securely lay, Neither could they by force be driven away, Till his attainted lord and chief of late By ways and means repurchased his estate.

"Donald Murchison, a kinsman and servant to the Earl of Seaforth, bred a writer, a man of small stature, but full of spirit and resolution, fought at Dunblane against the Government, anno 1715, but continued thereafter to collect Seaforth's rents for his lord's use, and had some bickerings with the King's forces on that account, till, about five years ago, the Government was so tender as to allow Seaforth to repurchase his estate, when the said Murchison had a principal band in striking the bargain for his master. How he fell under Seaforth's displeasure, and died thereafter, is not to the purpose here to mention."]

The end of Donald's career can scarcely now be passed over in a slighting manner. The story is most painful. The Seaforth of that day - very unlike some of his successors - proved unworthy of the devotion which this heroic man had shown to him. When his lordship took possession of the estates which Donald had in a manner preserved for him, he discountenanced and neglected him. Murchison's noble spirit pined away under this treatment, and he died in the very prime of his days of a broken heart. He lies in a remote little church-yard in the parish of Urray, where his worthy relative, the late Sir Roderick Impey Murchison, raised a suitable monument over his grave. The traditional account of Donald Murchison, communicated to Chambers by the late Finlay Macdonald, Druidaig, states that the heroic commissioner had been promised a handsome reward for his services; but Seaforth proved ungrateful. "He was offered only a small farm called Bun-Da-Loch, which pays at this day to Mr Matheson, the proprietor, no more than L60 a year; or another place opposite to Inverinate House, of about the same value. It is no wonder he refused these paltry offers. He shortly afterwards left this country, and died in the prime of life near Conon. On his death-bed, Seaforth went to see him, and asked how he was, when he said, 'Just as you will be in a short time,' and then turned his back. They never met again."

The death of George I. in 1726, suggested to the Chevalier a favourable opportunity for attempting a second Rising, and of again stirring up his adherents in Scotland, whither he was actually on his way, until strongly remonstrated with on the folly and hoplessness of such an undertaking. It was pointed out to him that it could only end in the ruin of his family pretentions, and in that of many of his friends who might be tempted to enter on the rash scheme more through personal attachment to himself than from any reasonable prospect they might see of success. He therefore retraced his steps to Boulogne; and the Earl of Seaforth having been pardoned in the same year, [By letters dated 12th July, 1726, King George I. was pleased to discharge him from imprisonment or the execution of his person on his attainder, and King George II. made him a grant of the arrears of feu-duties due to the Crown out of his forfeited estate. An Act of Parliament was passed in 1733, to enable William Mackenzie, late Earl of Seaforth, to sue or maintain any action or suit notwithstanding his attainder, and to remove any disability in him, by reason of his said attainder, to take or inherit any real or personal estate that may or shall hereafter descend to him. - "Wood's Douglas' Peerage."] felt free once more to return to his native land, where, according to Captain Matheson, he spent the remainder of his life in retirement, and "with few objects to occupy him or to interest us beyond the due regard of his personal friends and the uninterrupted loyalty of his old vassals." He must, however, have been in tightened circumstances, for, on the 27th of June, 1728, he writes a letter to the Lord Advocate, in which he refers to a request he had made to Sir Robert Walpole, who advised him to put his claim in writing that it might be submitted to the King. This was done, but "the King would neither allow anything of the kind or give orders to be granted what his Royal father had granted before. On hearing this, I could not forbear making appear how ill I was used. The Government in possession of the estate, and I in the interim allowed to starve, though they were conscious of my complying with whatever I promised to see put in execution." He makes a strong appeal to his friend to contribute to an arrangement that would tend to the mutual satisfaction of all concerned, "for the way I am now in is most disagreeable, consequently, if not rectified, will choose rather to seek my bread elsewhere than continue longer in so unworthy a situation." ["Culloden Papers," pp. 103-4] Notwithstanding the personal remission granted in his favour for the part he had taken in the Rising of 1715, the title of Earl of Seaforth, under which alone he was proscribed, passed under attainder, while the older and original dignity of Kintail, which only became subordinate by a future elevation, remained unnoticed, and, consequently unvitiated in the male descent of Kenneth, first Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, granted by patent on the 19th of November, 1609, and it has accordingly been claimed. [This Act (of Attainder) omits all mention of the subordinate though older title of "Lord Kintail," which he and all the collateral branches descended of George, the second Earl, had taken up and assumed in all their deeds and transactions, though there was no occasion to use it in Parliament, as they appeared there as "Earls of Seaforth." It is questionable therefore, if the Act of Attainder of "William, Earl of Seaforth," by that designation only could affect the "barony of Kintail;" and as the designation to the patentee of it, "Suisque heredibus maxulis," seems to render the grant an entailed fee agreeable to the 7th of Queen Anne, c. 21, and the protecting clause of 26th Henry VIII. c. 13, the claimant George Falconer Mackenzie, is entitled to the benefit of such remainder, and in fact such remainder was given effect to by the succession of Earl George to his brother Colin's titles as his heir male collateral. - "Allangrange Service."]

Earl William married in early life, Mary, the only daughter and co-heir of Nicholas Kenet of Coxhow, Northumberland, with issue, three sons -

I. Kenneth, who succeeded his father.

II. Ronald, who died unmarried.

III. Nicholas, who was drowned at Douay, without issue.

IV. Frances, who married the Hon. John Gordon of Kenmure, whose father was beheaded in 1715.

He died in 1740 in the Island of Lewis, was buried there in the Chapel of Ui, and was succeeded by his eldest son,

XVIII. KENNETH, LORD FORTROSE,

Which courtesy title he continued to bear as the subordinate title of his father; and under this designation he is named as a freeholder of Ross in 1741. In the same year be was elected as member of Parliament for the Burgh of Inverness, for his own County of Ross in 1747, and again in 1754. In 1741, the year after Earl William's death, the Crown sold the Seaforth estates, including the lands of Kintail, the barony of Ellandonnan, and others, for L25,109 8s 31/2d, under burden of an annuity of L1000 to Frances, Countess Dowager of Seaforth. The purchase was for the benefit of Kenneth, Lord Fortrose. [Fraser's "Earls of Cromartie."] He does not appear to have passed much of his time in the Highlands, but about a year after his succession, he seems, from a warrant issued by his authority to have been in the North. It is signed by Colin Mackenzie, Baillie," and addressed to Roderick Mackenzie, officer of Locks, commanding him to summon and warn Donald Mackenzie, tacksman of Lainbest, and others, to compear before "Kenneth, Lord Fortrose, heritable proprietor of the Estate of Seaforth, at Braan Castle, or before his Lordship's Baron Baillies, or other judges appointed by him there, upon the 10th day of October next, to come to answer several unwarrantable and illegal things to be laid to their charge:" Dated at "Stornoway, 29th September, 1741." There is no doubt that in early life Lord Fortrose, during the exile of his father, held communications with the representative of the Stuarts. It is a common tradition in Kintail to this day that he and Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat were school companions of the Prince in France, and were among those who first imbued his mind with the idea of attempting to regain possession of his ancient Kingdom of Scotland, promising him that they would use their influence with the other northern chiefs to rise in his favour, although when the time for action came neither of them joined him.

The unfortunate position in which Kenneth found himself by the Jacobite proclivities of his ancestors, and especially those of his father, appears to have made a deep impression upon his mind, and to have induced him to be more cautious in supporting a cause which seemed certain to land him in final and utter ruin. But though he personally held aloof, several of the clan joined the Prince, mostly under George, third Earl of Cromarty, and a few under John Mackenzie, III. of Torridon. Several young and powerful Macraes, who strongly sympathised with the Prince, though unaccompanied by any of their natural leaders, left Kintail never again to return and, it is said, that several others had to be bound with ropes by their friends, to keep them at home. The influence of Lord President Forbes weighed strongly with Mackenzie in deciding him to support the Government, and, in return for his loyalty, the honours of the house of Seaforth were, in part, afterwards restored to his son.

In 1744 an exciting incident occurred in Inverness in which his Lordship played a conspicuous part, and which exemplifies the impetuous character of the Highland chiefs of the day. A court of the Freeholders of the county was being held there at Michaelmas to elect a collector of the land tax, at which were present, among others, Lord President Forbes, Norman Macleod of Macleod, Lord Fortrose, Lord Lovat, and many leading members of the Clan Fraser. A warm debate upon some burning business arose between Lords Lovat and Fortrose, when the former gave the latter the lie direct. To this Mackenzie replied by giving Lovat a smart blow in the face. Mutual friends at once intervened between the fiery antagonists. But the Fraser blood was up, and Fraser of Foyers, who was present, interfered in the interest of the chief of his clan, but more, however, it is said, in that capacity than from any personal esteem in which he held him. He felt that in his chief's person the whole clan had been insulted as if it had actually been a personal blow to every man of the name, and he instantly sprung down from the gallery and presented a loaded and cocked pistol at Mackenzie's head, to whom it would undoubtedly have proved fatal had not one of the gentlemen present, with great presence of mind, thrown his plaid over the muzzle, and thus arrested and diverted its contents. In another moment swords and dirks were drawn on both sides, but the Lord President and Macleod laid hold of Mackenzie and hurried him from the Court. Yet he no sooner gained the outside than one of the Frasers levelled him to the ground with a blow from a heavy bludgeon, notwithstanding the efforts of his friends to protect him. The matter was, however, afterwards, with great difficulty, arranged by mutual friends, between the great clans and their respective chiefs, otherwise the social jealousies and personal irritations which then prevailed throughout the whole Highlands, fanned by this incident, would have produced a lasting and bloody feud between the Frasers and the Mackenzies.

In the following year, shortly after the Lord President arrived at Culloden from the south, he wrote a letter to Mackenzie dated the 11th of October 1745, in which he tells him that the Earl of Loudon had come the day before to Cromarty, and brought some "credit" with him, which "will enable us to put the Independent Companies together for the service of the Government and for our mutual protection." He requested Fortrose to give immediate orders to pick out those who are first to form one of the companies, that they might receive their commissions and arms. Alexander Mackenzie of Fairburn was to command. There was, the President said, a report that Barrisdale had gone to Assynt to raise the men of that country, to be joined to those of Coigeach, who were said to have orders to be in readiness to join Macdonald, and with instructions to march through Mackenzie's territories in order to find out how many of his Lordship's vassals could be persuaded, by fair means or foul, to join the standard of the Prince. "I hope this is not true," writes the President; "if it is, it is of the greatest consequence to prevent it. I wish Fairburn were at home; your Lordship will let me know when he arrives, as the Lord Cromarty has refused the company I intended for his son. Your Lordship will deliberate to whom you would have it given." ["Culloden Papers," pp. 421-2.]

Exasperated at this time by the exertions made by President Forbes to obstruct the designs of the disaffected, a plan was formed to seize him by some of the Frasers, a party of whom, amounting to about 200, attacked Culloden House during the night of the 15th of October, but the President being on his guard they were repulsed. [Fraser's "Earls of Cromartie."]

On the 13th of October Mackenzie had written to Forbes that he surmised some young fellows of his name attempted to raise men for the Prince, but that he sent expresses to the suspected parts, with orders to the tenants not to stir under pain of death without his leave, though their respective masters should be imprudent enough to desire them to do so. The messengers returned with the people's blessings for his protection, and with assurances that they would do nothing without his orders, "so that henceforward your Lordship need not be concerned about any idle report from benorth Kessock." In a letter dated "Brahan Castle, 19th October 1745," Lord Fortrose refers to the attempt on the President's house, which, he says, surprised him extremely, and "is as dirty an action as I ever heard of," and he did not think any gentleman would be capable of doing such a thing. He adds, "as I understand your cattle are taken away, I beg you will order your steward to write to Colin, or anybody else here, for provisions, as I can be supplied from the Highlands. I am preparing to act upon the defensive, and I suppose will soon be provoked to act on the offensive. I have sent for a strong party to protect my house and overawe the country. None of my Kintail men will be down till Tuesday, but as the river is high, and I have parties at all boats, nothing can be attempted. Besides, I shall have reinforcements every day. I have ordered my servants to get, at Inverness, twelve or twenty pounds of powder with a proportionable quantity of shot. If that cannot be bought at Inverness, I must beg you will write a line to Governor Grant to give my servant the powder, as I can do without the shot … Barrisdale has come down from Assynt, and was collared by one of the Maclauchlans there for offering to force the people to rise, and he has met with no success there. I had a message from the Mackenzies in Argyllshire to know what they should do. Thirty are gone from Lochiel; the rest, being about sixty, are at home. I advised them to stay at home and mind their own business."

On the 28th of the same month his Lordship writes to inform the President that the Earl of Cromarty and his son, Macculloch of Glastullich, and Ardloch's brother, came to Brahan Castle on the previous Friday; that it was the most unexpected visit he had received for some time, that he did not like to turn them out, that Cromarty was pensive and dull; but that if he had known what he knew at the date of writing he would have made them prisoners, for Lord Macleod went since to Lochbroom and Assynt to raise men. He enclosed for the President's use the names of the officers appointed to the two Mackenzie companies, and intimated that he offered the commission to both Coul and Redcastle, but that both refused it. It was from Coul's house, he says, that Lord Macleod started for the North, and that vexed him. On the same day Forbes acknowledges receipt of this letter, and requests that the officers in the two companies should be appointed according to Mackenzie's recommedations, "without any further consideration than that you judge it right," and he desires to see Sir Alexander of Fairburn for an hour next day to carry a proposal to his Lordship for future operations. "I think," he adds, "it would be right to assemble still more men about Brahan than you now have; the expense shall be made good and it will tend to make Caberfey respectable, and to discourage folly among your neighbours." In a letter of 6th November the President says, "I supposed that your Lordship was to have marched Hilton's company into town (Inverness) on Monday or Tuesday; but I dare say there is a good reason why it has not been done."

On the 8th of November Mackenzie informs the Lord President that the Earl of Cromarty had crossed the river at Contin, with about a hundred men on his way to Beauly, "owing to the neglect of my spies, as there's rogues of all professions." Lord Macleod, Cromarty's son came from Assynt and Lochbroom the same day, and followed his father to the rendezvous, but after traversing the whole of that northern district he did not get a single volunteer. "Not a man started from Ross-shire, except William, Kilcoy's brother, with seven men, and a tenant of Redcastle with a few more and if Lentran and Torridon did go off last night, they did not carry between them a score of men. I took a ride yesterday to the westward with two hundred men, but find the bounds so rugged that it's impossible to keep a single man from going by if he has a mind. However, I threatened to burn their cornyards if anybody was from home this day, and I turned one house into the river for not finding its master at home. It's hard the Government gives nobody in the North power to keep people in order. I don't choose to send a company to Inverness until I hear what they are determined to do at Lord Lovat's."

The Earl of Loudon writes to Marshal Wade, then Commander-in-Chief in the North, under date of 16th November, saying that 150 or 160 Mackenzies, seduced by the Earl of Cromarty, marched in the beginning of that week up the north side of Loch-Ness, expecting to be followed by 500 or 600 Frasers, under command of the Master of Lovat, but the Mackenzies had not on that date passed the mountains. On the 16th of December Fortrose writes asking for L400 expended by him during two months on his men going to and coming from the Highlands, for which he would not trouble him only that he bad a very "melancholy appearance" of getting his Martinmas rent, as the people would be glad of any excuse for non-payment, and the last severe winter, and their having to leave home, would afford them a very good one. He was told by the President in reply, that his letter had been submitted to Lord Loudon, that both of them agreed that his Lordship's expenses must have been far greater than what he claimed, "but as cash is very low with us at present, all we can possibly do is to let your Lordship have the pay of the two companies from the date of the letter signifying that they were ordered to remain at Brahan for the service of the Government. The further expense, which we are both satisfied it must have cost your Lordship, shall be made good as soon as any money to be applied to contingencies, which we expect, shall come to hand, and if it should not come so soon as we wish, the account shall be made up and solicited, in the same manner with what we lay out of our own purses, which is no inconsiderable sums." This correspondence will show the confidence which then existed between the Government and Lord Fortrose.