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History of the Great Reformation of the Sixteenth Century in Germany, Switzerland, &c., Volume 4

Book 14 — BOOK XIV. (continued 2)

H. White translation

THE MEDLEY OF POPERY.

After the so-called sermon, they proceeded to the Mass. That in the Cathedral was particularly noisy. The Emperor was not present, for he was accustomed to sleep until nine or ten o'clock,[481] and a late Mass was performed for him; but Ferdinand and many of the princes were present. The pealing notes of the organ, the resounding voices of the choir—all were set to work, and a numerous and motley crowd, rushing in at all the doors, filled the aisles of the temple. One might have said that every nation in the world had agreed to meet in the cathedral of Augsburg. Here were Frenchmen, there Spaniards, Moors in one place, Moriscos in another, on one side Italians, on the other Turks, and even, says Brenz, those who are called Stratiots.[482] This crowd was no bad representation of the medley of Popery.

LUTHER ENCOURAGES THE PRINCES.

One priest alone, a fervent Romanist, dared to offer an apology for the Mass in the Church of the Holy Cross. Charles, wishing to maintain his authority, had him thrown into the Grey Friars' prison, whence they contrived to let him escape. As for the Evangelical pastors of Augsburg, almost all left the city to bear the Gospel elsewhere. The Protestant princes were anxious to secure for their churches the assistance of such distinguished men. Discouragement and alarm followed close upon this step, and even the firmest were moved. The Elector was inconsolable at the privation imposed upon him by the Emperor. "Our Lord God," said he, heaving a deep sigh, "has received an order to be silent at the Diet of Augsburg."[483] From that time forward Luther lost the good opinion he had previously entertained of Charles, and foreboded the stormiest future. "See what will be the end of all this," said he. "The Emperor, who has ordered the Elector to renounce the assemblies, will afterwards command him to renounce the doctrine; the diet will enter upon its paroxysm, and nothing will remain for us but to rely upon the arm of the Lord." Then giving way to all his indignation, he added: "The Papists, abandoned to devils, are transported with rage; and to live, they must drink blood.[484] They wish to give themselves an air of justice, by giving us one of obstinacy. It is not with men that you have to deal at Augsburg, but with the very gates of hell." Melancthon himself saw all his hopes vanish. "All, except the Emperor," said he, "hate us with the most violent hatred. The danger is great, very great.[485]......Pray to Christ that he may save us!" But Luther, however full of sorrow he might be, far from being cast down, raised his head and endeavoured to reanimate the courage of his brethren. "Be assured and doubt not," wrote he to them, "that you are the confessors of Jesus Christ, and the ambassadors of the Great King."[486]

They had need of these thoughts, for their adversaries, elated by this first success, neglected nothing that might destroy the Protestants, and taking another step forward, proposed forcing them to be present at the Romish ceremonies.[487] "The Elector of Saxony," said the legate to Charles, "ought in virtue of his office of Grand-marshal of the Empire to carry the sword before you in all the ceremonies of the diet. Order him therefore to perform his duty at the Mass of the Holy Ghost, which is to open the sittings." The Emperor did so immediately, and the Elector, uneasy at this message, called together his theologians. If he refused, his dignity would be taken away; and if he obeyed, he would trample his faith under foot, thought he, and would do dishonour to the Gospel.

MASS OF THE HOLY GHOST.

But the Lutheran Divines removed the scruples of their prince. "It is for a ceremony of the Empire," said they, "as Grand-Marshal, and not as a Christian, that you are summoned; the Word of God itself, in the history of Naaman, authorizes you to comply with this invitation."[488] The friends of Zwingle did not think so; their walk was more decided than that of Wittemberg. "The martyrs allowed themselves to be put to death," said they, "rather than burn a grain of incense before the idols." Even some of the Protestants hearing that the Veni Spiritus was to be sung, said, wagging their heads: "We are very much afraid that the chariot of the Spirit, which is the Word of God, having been taken away by the Papists, the Holy Ghost, despite their Mass, will never reach Augsburg."[489] Neither these fears nor these objections were listened to.

THE SERMON.

On Monday the 20th June, the Emperor and his brother, with the electors and princes of the Empire, having entered the cathedral, took their seats on the right side of the choir; on the left were placed the legate, the archbishops, and bishops; in the middle were the ambassadors. Without the choir, in a gallery that overlooked it, were ranged the Landgrave and other Protestants, who preferred being at a distance from the Host.[490] The Elector, bearing the sword, remained upright near the altar at the moment of the adoration. The acolytes, having closed the gates of the choir immediately after,[491] Vincent Pompinello, archbishop of Salerno, preached the sermon. He commenced with the Turks and their ravages, and then, by an unexpected turn, began suddenly to exalt the Turks even above the Germans. "The Turks," said he, "have but one prince whom they obey; but the Germans have many who obey no one. The Turks live under one sole law, one only custom, one only religion; but among the Germans, there are some who are always wishing for new laws, new customs, new religions. They tear the seamless coat of Christ; they abolish by devilish inspirations the sacred doctrines established by unanimous consent, and substitute for them, alas! buffoonery and obscenity.[492] Magnanimous Emperor, powerful King!" said he, turning towards Charles and his brother, "sharpen your swords, wield them against these perfidious disturbers of religion, and thus bring them back into the fold of the Church.[493] There is no peace for Germany so long as the sword shall not have entirely eradicated this heresy.[494] O St. Peter and St. Paul! I call upon you; upon you, St. Peter, in order that you may open the stony hearts of these princes with your keys; and upon you, St. Paul, that if they show themselves too rebellious, you may come with your sword, and cut in pieces this unexampled hardness!"

This discourse, intermingled with panegyrics of Aristides, Themistocles, Scipio, Cato, the Curtii and Scævola, being concluded, the Emperor and princes arose to make their offerings. Pappenheim returned the sword to the Elector, who had intrusted it to him; and the Grand-marshal, as well as the Margrave, went to the offertory, but with a smile, as it is reported.[495] This fact is but little in harmony with the character of these princes.

OPENING OF THE DIET.

At length they quitted the cathedral. No one, except the friends of the nuncio, was pleased with the sermon. Even the Archbishop of Mentz was offended at it. "What does he mean," exclaimed he, "by calling on St. Paul to cut the Germans with his sword?" Nothing but a few inarticulate sounds had been heard in the nave; the Protestants eagerly questioned those of their party who had been present in the choir. "The more these priests inflame people's minds, and the more they urge their princes to bloody wars," said Brenz at that time, "the more we must hinder ours from giving way to violence."[496] Thus spoke a minister of the Gospel of peace after the sermon of the priest of Rome.

After the mass of the Holy Ghost, the Emperor entered his carriage,[497] and having reached the town-hall, where the sittings of the diet were to take place, he took his seat on a throne covered with cloth of gold, while his brother placed himself on a bench in front of him; then all around them were ranged the Electors, forty-two sovereign princes, the deputies from the cities, the bishops, and ambassadors, forming, indeed, that illustrious assembly which Luther, six weeks before, had imagined he saw sitting in the air.[498]

The Count-palatine read the imperial proposition. It referred to two points; the war against the Turks, and the religious controversy. "Sacrificing my private injuries and interests to the common good," said the Emperor, "I have quitted my hereditary kingdoms to pass, not without great danger, into Italy, and from thence to Germany. I have heard with sorrow of the divisions that have broken out here, and which, striking not only at the imperial majesty, but still more, at the commandments of Almighty God, must engender pillage, conflagration, war, and death."[499] At one o'clock the Emperor, accompanied by all the princes, returned to his palace.

On the same day the Elector gathered around him all his co-religionists, whom the Emperor's speech had greatly excited, and exhorted them not to be turned aside by any threats from a cause which was that of God himself.[500] All seemed penetrated with this expression of Scripture: "Speak the word, and it shall not stand; for God is with us."[501]

THE ELECTOR'S PRAYER.

The Elector had a heavy burden to bear. Not only had he to walk at the head of the princes, but he had further to defend himself against the enervating influence of Melancthon. It is not an abstraction of the state which this prince presents to our notice throughout the whole of this affair: it is the most noble individuality. Early on Tuesday morning, feeling the necessity of that invisible strength which, according to a beautiful figure in the holy Scriptures, causes us to ride upon the high places of the earth; and seeing, as was usual, his domestics, his councillors, and his son assembled around him, John begged them affectionately to withdraw.[502] He knew that it was only by kneeling humbly before God that he could stand with courage before Charles. Alone in his chamber, he opened and read the Psalms, then falling on his knees, he offered up the most fervent prayer to God;[503] next, wishing to confirm himself in the immovable fidelity that he had just vowed to the Lord, he went to his desk, and there committed his resolutions to writing. Dolzig and Melancthon afterwards saw these lines, and were filled with admiration as they read them.[504]

Being thus tempered anew in heavenly thoughts, John took up the imperial proposition, and meditated over it; then, having called in his son and the chancellor Bruck, and Melancthon shortly after, they all agreed that the deliberations of the diet ought to commence with the affairs of religion; and his allies, who were consulted, concurred in this advice.

VALDEZ AND MELANCTHON.

The legate had conceived a plan diametrically opposed to this. He desired to stifle the religious question, and for this end required that the princes should examine it in a secret committee.[505] The Evangelical Christians entertained no doubt that if the truth was proclaimed in the great council of the nation, it would gain the victory; but the more they desired a public confession, the more it was dreaded by the Pope's friends. The latter wished to take their adversaries by silence, without confession, without discussion, as a city is taken by famine without fighting and without a storm: to gag the Reformation, and thus reduce it to powerlessness and death, were their tactics. To have silenced the preachers was not enough: the princes must be silenced also. They wished to shut up the Reformation as in a dungeon, and there leave it to die, thinking they would thus get rid of it more surely than by leading it to the scaffold.

This plan was well conceived: it now remained to be put in execution, and for that purpose it was necessary to persuade the Protestants that such a method would be the surest for them. The person selected for this intrigue was Alphonso Valdez, secretary to Charles V., a Spanish gentleman, a worthy individual, and who afterwards showed a leaning towards the Reformation. Policy often makes use of good men for the most perfidious designs. It was decided that Valdez should address the most timid of the Protestants—Melancthon.

On the 16th or 17th of June, immediately after the arrival of Charles, Valdez begged Melancthon to call on him. "The Spaniards," said he, "imagine that the Lutherans teach impious doctrines on the Holy Trinity, on Jesus Christ, on the blessed Mother of God.[506] Accordingly, they think they do a more meritorious work in killing a Lutheran than in slaying a Turk."

"I know it," replied Melancthon, "and I have not yet been able to succeed in making your fellow-countrymen abandon that idea."

"But what, pray, do the Lutherans desire?"

"The Lutheran question is not so complicated and so unseemly as his majesty fancies. We do not attack the Catholic Church, as is commonly believed;[507] and the whole controversy is reducible to these three points. The two kinds in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper, the marriage of pastors, and the abolition of private masses. If we could agree on these articles, it would be easy to come to an understanding on the others."

"Well, I will report this to his majesty."

Charles V. was charmed at this communication. "Go," said he to Valdez, "and impart these things to the legate, and ask Master Philip to transmit to you in writing a short exposition of what they believe and what they deny."

Valdez hastened to Campeggio. "What you relate pleases me tolerably," said the latter. "As for the two kinds in the sacrament, and the marriage of priests, there will be means of accommodation;[508] but we cannot consent to the abolition of private masses." This would have been in fact cutting off one of the greatest revenues of the Church.

On Saturday, June 18, Valdez saw Melancthon again. "The Emperor begs of you a moderate and concise exposition," said he, "and he is persuaded that it will be more advantageous to treat of this matter briefly and privately,[509] avoiding all public hearing and all prolix discussion, which would only engender anger and division."—"Well," said Melancthon, "I will reflect upon it."

Melancthon was almost won over: a secret conference agreed better with his disposition. Had he not often repeated that peace should be sought after above all things? Thus everything induced the legate to hope that a public struggle would be avoided, and that he might be content, as it were, to send mutes against the Reform, and strangle it in a dungeon.[510]

EVANGELICAL FIRMNESS PREVAILS.

Fortunately the Chancellor and the Elector Frederick did not think fit to entertain the propositions with which Charles had commissioned the worthy Valdez. The resolution of these lay members of the Church saved it from the false step its doctors were about to take; and the wiles of the Italians failed against Evangelical firmness. Melancthon was only permitted to lay the Confession before the Spaniard, that he might look into it, and in despite of the moderation employed in it, Valdez exclaimed: "These words are too bitter, and your adversaries will never put up with them!"[511] Thus finished the legate's manœuvre.

VI. Charles, compelled to resign himself to a public sitting, ordered on Wednesday, 22d June, that the Elector and his allies should have their Confession ready for the ensuing Friday. The Roman party were also invited to present a confession of faith; but they excused themselves, saying that they were satisfied with the Edict of Worms.

The Emperor's order took the Protestants by surprise, for the negotiations between Valdez and Melancthon had prevented the latter from putting the finishing stroke to the Confession. It was not copied out fair; and the conclusions, as well as the exordium, were not definitively drawn up. In consequence of this, the Protestants begged the Archbishop of Mentz to obtain for them the delay of a day; but their petition was refused.[512] They therefore laboured incessantly, even during the night, to correct and transcribe the Confession.

On Thursday, 23d June, all the Protestant princes, deputies, councillors, and theologians met early at the Elector's. The Confession was read in German, and all gave their adhesion to it, except the Landgrave and the Strasburgers, who required a change in the article on the sacrament.[513] The princes rejected their demand.

THE SIGNING OF THE CONFESSION.

The Elector of Saxony was already preparing to sign, when Melancthon stopped him: he feared giving too political a colouring to this religious business. In his idea it was the Church that should appear, and not the State. "It is for the theologians and ministers to propose these things," said he;[514] "let us reserve for other matters the authority of the mighty ones of the earth."—"God forbid that you should exclude me," replied the Elector; "I am resolved to do what is right without troubling myself about my crown. I desire to confess the Lord. My electoral hat and my ermine are not so precious to me as the cross of Jesus Christ. I shall leave on earth these marks of my greatness; but my Master's cross will accompany me to heaven."

How resist such Christian language! Melancthon gave way.

The Elector then approached, signed, and handed the pen to the Landgrave, who at first made some objections; however the enemy was at the door; was this the time for disunion? At last he signed, but with a declaration that the doctrine of the Eucharist did not please him.[515]

COURAGE OF THE PRINCES.

The Margrave and Luneburg having joyfully subscribed their names, Anhalt took the pen in his turn, and said, "I have tilted more than once to please others; now, if the honour of my Lord Jesus Christ requires it, I am ready to saddle my horse, to leave my goods and my life behind, and to rush into eternity, towards an everlasting crown." Then, having signed, this youthful prince said, turning to the theologians: "Rather renounce my subjects and my states, rather quit the country of my fathers staff in hand, rather gain my bread by cleaning the shoes of the foreigner, than receive any other doctrine than that which is contained in this Confession." Nuremberg and Reutlingen alone of the cities subscribed their signatures;[516] and all resolved on demanding of the Emperor that the Confession should be read publicly.[517]

The courage of the princes surprised every one. Rome had crushed the members of the Church, and had reduced them to a herd of slaves, whom she dragged silent and humiliated behind her: the Reformation enfranchised them, and with their rights it restored to them their duties. The priest no longer enjoyed the monopoly of religion; each head of a family again became priest in his own house, and all the members of the Church of God were thenceforward called to the rank of confessors. The laymen are nothing, or almost nothing, in the sect of Rome, but they are the essential portion of the Church of Jesus Christ. Wherever the priestly spirit is established, the Church dies; wherever laymen, as these Augsburg princes, understand their duty and their immediate dependence on Christ, the Church lives.

The Evangelical theologians were moved, by the devotedness of the princes. "When I consider their firmness in the confession of the Gospel," said Brenz, "the colour mounts to my cheeks. What a disgrace that we, who are only beggars beside them, are so afraid of confessing Christ!"[518] Brenz was then thinking of certain towns, particularly of Halle, of which he was pastor, but no doubt also of the theologians.

MELANCTHON'S WEAKNESS.

The latter, in truth, without being deficient in devotedness, were sometimes wanting in courage. Melancthon was in constant agitation; he ran to and fro, slipping in everywhere (says Cochl[eo]us in his Philippics), penetrating not only the houses and mansions of private persons, but also insinuating himself into the palaces of cardinals and princes, nay, even into the court of the Emperor; and, whether at table or in conversation, he spared no means of persuading every person, that nothing was more easy than to restore peace between the two parties.[519]

One day he was with the Archbishop of Salzburg, who in a long discourse gave an eloquent description of the troubles produced, as he said, by the Reformation, and ended with a peroration "written in blood," says Melancthon.[520] Philip in agony had ventured during the conversation to slip in the word Conscience. "Conscience!" hastily interrupted the archbishop, "Conscience!—What does that mean? I tell you plainly that the Emperor will not allow confusion to be thus brought upon the Empire."—"Had I been in Melancthon's place," said Luther, "I should have immediately replied to the archbishop: And our Emperor, ours, will not tolerate such blasphemy."—"Alas!" said Melancthon, "they are all as full of assurance as if there was no God."[521]

Another day Melancthon was with Campeggio, and conjured him to persevere in the moderate sentiments he appeared to entertain. And at another time, as it would seem, he was with the Emperor himself.[522] "Alas!" said the alarmed Zwinglians, "after having qualified one half of the Gospel, Melancthon is sacrificing the other."[523]

THE CONFESSION IN DANGER.

The wiles of the Ultramontanists were added to Philip's dejection, in order to arrest the courageous proceedings of the princes. Friday, 24th June, was the day fixed for reading the Confession, but measures were taken to prevent it. The sitting of the diet did not begin till three in the afternoon; the legate was then announced; Charles went to meet him as far as the top of the grand staircase, and Campeggio, taking his seat in front of the Emperor, in King Ferdinand's place, delivered a harangue in Ciceronian style. "Never," said he, "has St. Peter's bark been so violently tossed by so many waves, whirlwinds, and abysses.[524] The Holy Father has learnt these things with pain, and desires to drag the Church from these frightful gulfs. For the love of Jesus Christ, for the safety of your country and for your own, O mighty Prince! get rid of these errors, deliver Germany, and save Christendom!"

After a temperate reply from Albert of Mentz, the legate quitted the townhall, and the Evangelical princes stood up; but a fresh obstacle had been provided. Deputies from Austria, Carinthia, and Carniola, first received a hearing.[525]

Much time had thus elapsed. The Evangelical princes, however, rose up again, and the Chancellor Bruck said: "It is pretended that new doctrines not based on Scripture, that heresies and schisms are spread among the people by us. Considering that such accusations compromise not only our good name, but also the safety of our souls,[526] we beg his majesty would have the goodness to hear what are the doctrines we profess."

The Emperor, no doubt by arrangement with the legate, made reply that it was too late; besides, that this reading would be useless; and that the princes should be satisfied with putting in their Confession in writing. Thus the mine, so skilfully prepared, worked admirably; the Confession, once handed to the Emperor, would be thrown aside, and the Reformation would be forced to retire, without the Papists having even condescended to hear it, without defence and overwhelmed with contumely.

THE PROTESTANTS ARE FIRM.

The Protestant princes, uneasy, and agitated, insisted. "Our honour is at stake," said they; "our souls are endangered.[527] We are accused publicly; publicly we ought to answer." Charles was shaken; Ferdinand leant towards him, and whispered a few words in his ear:[528] the Emperor refused a second time.

Upon this the Elector and princes, in still greater alarm, said for the third time with emotion and earnestness:[529] "For the love of God, let us read our Confession! No person is insulted in it." Thus were seen, on the one hand, a few faithful men, desiring with loud cries to confess their faith; and on the other, the great Emperor of the West, surrounded by a crowd of cardinals, prelates, and princes, endeavouring to stifle the manifestation of the truth.[530] It was a serious, violent, and decisive struggle, in which the holiest interests were discussed!

At last Charles appeared to yield: "His majesty grants your request," was the reply to the princes; "but as it is now too late, he begs you to transmit him your written Confession, and to-morrow, at two o'clock, the diet will be prepared to hear it read at the Palatine Palace."

The princes were struck with these words, which, seeming to grant them everything, in reality granted nothing. In the first place, it was not in a public sitting at the town-hall, but privately in his own palace, that the Emperor was willing to hear them;[531] then they had no doubt that if the Confession left their hands it was all over with the public reading. They therefore remained firm. "The work has been done in great haste," said they, and it was the truth; "pray leave it with us to-night, that we may revise it." The Emperor was obliged to yield, and the Protestants returned to their hotels full of joy; while the legate and his friends, perceiving that the Confession was inevitable, saw the morrow approach with anxiety continually increasing.

MELANCTHON'S DESPONDENCE.

Among those who prepared to confess the Evangelical truth, was one, however, whose heart was filled with sadness:—it was Melancthon. Placed between two fires, he saw the Reformed, and many even of his own friends, reproach his weakness; while the opposite party detested what they called his hypocrisy. His friend Camerarius, who visited Augsburg about this time, often found him plunged in thought, uttering deep sighs, and shedding bitter tears.[532] Brenz, moved with compassion, coming to the unhappy Philip, would sit down by his side and weep with him;[533] and Jonas, endeavouring to console him in another manner, exhorted him to take the Book of Psalms, and cry to God with all his heart, making use of David's words rather than of his own.

One day intelligence arrived which formed a general topic of conversation in Augsburg, and which, spreading terror among the partisans of the Pope, gave a momentary relief to Melancthon. It was said that a mule in Rome had given birth to a colt with crane's feet. "This prodigy," said Melancthon thoughtfully, "announces that Rome is near its end;"[534] perhaps because the crane is a bird of passage, and that the Pope's mule thus gave signs of departure. Melancthon had immediately written to Luther, who replied that he was exceedingly rejoiced that God had given the Pope so striking a sign of his approaching fall.[535] It is good to call to memory these puerilities of the age of the Reformers, that we may better understand the high range of these men of God in matters of faith.

LUTHER'S PRAYER.

These idle Roman stories did not long console Melancthon. On the eve of the 25th June, he was present in imagination at the reading of that Confession which he had drawn up, which was about to be proclaimed before the world, and in which one word too many or too few might decide on the approbation or the hatred of the princes, on the safety or ruin of the Reformation and of the Empire. He could bear up no longer, and the feeble Atlas, crushed under the burden of the world upon his shoulders, gave utterance to a cry of anguish. "All my time here is spent in tears and mourning," wrote he to Vitus Diedrich, Luther's secretary in the castle of Coburg;[536] and on the morrow he wrote to Luther himself: "My dwelling is in perpetual tears.[537] My consternation is indescribable.[538] O my father! I do not wish my words to exaggerate my sorrows; but, without your consolations, it is impossible for me to enjoy here the least peace."

Nothing in fact presented so strong a contrast to the distrust and desolations of Melancthon, as the faith, calmness, and exultation of Luther. It was of advantage to him that he was not then in the midst of the Augsburg vortex, and to be able from his stronghold to set his foot with tranquillity upon the rock of God's promises. He was sensible himself of the value of this peaceful hermitage, as he called it.[539] "I cannot sufficiently admire," said Vitus Diedrich, "the firmness, cheerfulness, and faith of this man, so astonishing in such cruel times."

LUTHER'S ANXIETY.

Luther, besides his constant reading of the Word of God,[540] did not pass a day without devoting three hours at least to prayer, and they were hours selected from those the most favourable to study.[541] One day, as Diedrich approached the Reformer's chamber, he heard his voice,[542] and remained motionless, holding his breath, a few steps from the door. Luther was praying, and his prayer (said the secretary) was full of adoration, fear, and hope, as when one speaks to a friend or to a father.[543] "I know that thou art our Father and our God," said the Reformer, alone in his chamber, "and that thou wilt scatter the persecutors of thy children, for thou art thyself endangered with us. All this matter is thine, and it is only by thy constraint that we have put our hands to it. Defend us then, O Father!" The secretary, motionless as a statue, in the long gallery of the castle, lost not one of the words that the clear and resounding voice of Luther bore to his ears.[544] The Reformer was earnest with God, and called upon him with so much unction to accomplish his promises, that Diedrich felt his heart glow within him.[545] "Oh!" exclaimed he, as he retired, "How could not these prayers but prevail in the desperate struggle at Augsburg!"

Luther might also have allowed himself to be overcome with fear, for he was left in complete ignorance of what was taking place in the diet. A Wittemberg messenger, who should have brought him forests of letters (according to his own expression), having presented himself: "Do you bring any letters?" asked Luther. "No!" "How are those gentlemen?" "Well!" Luther, grieved at such silence, returned and shut himself up in his chamber.

LUTHER'S TEXTS.

Erelong there appeared a courier on horseback carrying despatches from the Elector to Torgau. "Do you bring me any letters?" asked Luther. "No!" "How are those gentlemen?" continued he, fearfully. "Well!" "This is strange," thought the Reformer. A waggon having left Coburg laden with flour (for they were almost in want of provisions at Augsburg), Luther impatiently awaited the return of the waggoner; but he returned empty. Luther then began to revolve the gloomiest thoughts in his mind, not doubting that they were concealing some misfortune from him.[546] At last another individual, Jobst Nymptzen, having arrived from Augsburg, Luther rushed anew towards him, with his usual question. "Do you bring me any letters?" He waited trembling for the reply. "No!" "And how then are those gentlemen?" "Well!" The Reformer withdrew, a prey to anger and to fear.

Then Luther opened his Bible, and to console himself for the silence of men, he conversed with God. There were some passages of Scripture in particular that he read continually. We point them out below.[547] He did more; he wrote with his own hand many declarations of Scripture over the doors and windows, and on the walls of the castle. In one place were these words from the 118th Psalm: I shall not die, but live, and declare the works of the Lord. In another, those of the 12th chapter of Proverbs: The way of the wicked seduceth them; and over his bed, these words from the 4th Psalm: I will both lay me down in peace and sleep; for thou, O Lord, only makest me dwell in safety. Never perhaps did man so environ himself with the promises of the Lord, or so dwell in the atmosphere of his Word and live by his breath, as Luther at Coburg.

LUTHER TO MELANCTHON.

At length letters came. "If the times in which we live were not opposed to it, I should have imagined some revenge," wrote Luther to Jonas; "but prayer checked my anger, and anger checked my prayer.[548] I am delighted at that tranquil mind which God gives our prince. As for Melancthon, it is his philosophy that tortures him, and nothing else. For our cause is in the very hands of Him who can say with unutterable pride: No one shall pluck it out of my hands. I would not have it in our hands, and it would not be desirable that it were so.[549] I have had many things in my hands, and I have lost them all; but whatever I have been able to place in God's, I still possess."

On learning that Melancthon's anguish still continued, Luther wrote to him: and these are words that should be preserved. "Grace and peace in Christ! in Christ, I say, and not in the world, Amen. I hate with exceeding hatred those extreme cares which consume you. If the cause is unjust, abandon it; if the cause is just, why should we belie the promises of Him who commands us to sleep without fear? Can the devil do more than kill us? Christ will not be wanting to the work of justice and of truth. He lives; he reigns; what fear, then, can we have? God is powerful to upraise his cause if it is overthrown, to make it proceed if it remains motionless, and if we are not worthy of it, he will do it by others.

"I have received your Apology,[550] and I cannot understand what you mean, when you ask what we must concede to the Papists. We have already conceded too much. Night and day I meditate on this affair, turning it over and over, perusing all Scripture, and the certainty of the truth of our doctrine continually increases in my mind. With the help of God, I will not permit a single letter of all that we have said to be torn from us.

THE PALATINE CHAPEL.

"The issue of this affair torments you, because you cannot understand it. But if you could, I would not have the least share in it. God has put it in a 'common place,' that you will not find either in your rhetoric or in your philosophy: that place is called Faith.[551] It is that in which subsist all things that we can neither understand nor see. Whoever wishes to touch them, as you do, will have tears for his sole reward.

"If Christ is not with us, where is he in the whole universe? If we are not the Church, where, I pray, is the Church? Is it the Dukes of Bavaria, is it Ferdinand, is it the Pope, is it the Turk, who is the Church? If we have not the Word of God, who is it that possesses it?

"Only we must have faith, lest the cause of faith should be found to be without faith.[552]

"If we fall, Christ falls with us, that is to say, the Master of the world. I would rather fall with Christ, than remain standing with Cæsar."

Thus wrote Luther. The faith which animated him flowed from him like torrents of living water. He was indefatigable; in a single day he wrote to Melancthon, Spalatin, Brenz, Agricola, and John Frederick, and they were letters full of life. He was not alone in praying, speaking, and believing. At the same moment, the Evangelical Christians exhorted one another everywhere to prayer.[553] Such was the arsenal in which the weapons were forged that the confessors of Christ wielded before the Diet of Augsburg.

RECOLLECTIONS AND CONTRAST.

VII. At length the 25th June arrived. This was destined to be the greatest day of the Reformation, and one of the most glorious in the history of Christianity and of mankind.

As the chapel of the Palatine Palace, where the Emperor had resolved to hear the Confession, could contain only about two hundred persons,[554] before three o'clock a great crowd was to be seen surrounding the building and thronging the court, hoping by this means to catch a few words; and many having gained entrance to the chapel, all were turned out except those who were not, at the least, councillors to the princes.

Charles took his seat on the throne. The Electors or their representatives were on his right and left hand; after them the other princes and states of the Empire. The legate had refused to appear in this solemnity, lest he should seem by his presence to authorize the reading of the Confession.[555]

Then stood up John Elector of Saxony, with his son John Frederick, Phillip Landgrave of Hesse, the Margrave George of Brandenburg, Wolfgang Prince of Anhalt, Ernest Duke of Brunswick-Luneburg, and his brother Francis, and last of all the deputies of Nuremberg and Reutlingen. Their air was animated and their features radiant with joy.[556] The apologies of the early Christians, of Tertullian and Justin Martyr, hardly reached in writing the sovereigns to whom they were addressed. But now, to hear the new apology of resuscitated Christianity, behold that puissant Emperor, whose sceptre, stretching far beyond the columns of Hercules, reaches the utmost limits of the world, his brother the King of the Romans, with electors, princes, prelates, deputies, ambassadors, all of whom desire to destroy the Gospel, but who are constrained by an invisible power to listen, and, by that very listening, to honour the Confession!

One thought was involuntarily present in the minds of the spectators,—the recollection of the Diet of Worms.[557] Only nine years before, a poor monk stood alone for this same cause in a hall of the town-house at Worms, in presence of the Empire. And now in his stead, behold the foremost of the Electors, behold princes and cities! What a victory is declared by this simple fact! No doubt Charles himself cannot escape from this recollection.

THE CONFESSION—PROLOGUE.

The Emperor, seeing the Protestants stand up, motioned them to sit down; and then the two chancellors of the Elector, Bruck and Bayer, advanced to the middle of the chapel, and stood before the throne, holding in their hands, the former the Latin, and the other the German copy of the Confession. The Emperor required the Latin copy to be read.[558] "We are Germans," said the Elector of Saxony, "and on German soil; I hope therefore your majesty will allow us to speak German." If the Confession had been read in Latin, a language unknown to most of the princes, the general effect would have been lost. This was another means of shutting the mouth of the Gospel. The Emperor complied with the Elector's demand.

Bayer then began to read the Evangelical Confession, slowly, seriously, distinctly, with a clear, strong, and sonorous voice, which re-echoed under the arched roof of the chapel, and carried even to the outside this great testimony paid to the truth.[559]

"Most serene, most mighty, and invincible Emperor and most gracious Lord," said he, "we who appear in your presence, declare ourselves ready to confer amicably with you on the fittest means of restoring one sole, true, and same faith, since it is for one sole and same Christ that we fight.[560] And in case that these religious dissensions cannot be settled amicably, we then offer to your majesty to explain our cause in a general, free, and christian council."[561]

THE CONFESSION—JUSTIFICATION.

This prologue being ended, Bayer confessed the Holy Trinity, conformably with the Nicene Council,[562] original and hereditary sin, "which bringeth eternal death to all who are not regenerated,"[563] and the incarnation of the Son, "very God and very man."[564]

"We teach moreover," continued he, "that we cannot be justified before God by our own strength, our merits, and our works; but that we are justified by Christ through grace, through the means of faith,[565] when we believe that our sins are forgiven in virtue of Christ, who by his death has made satisfaction for our sins: this faith is the righteousness that God imputes to the sinner.

"But we teach, at the same time, that this faith ought to bear good fruits, and that we must do all the good works commanded by God, for the love of God, and not by their means to gain the grace of God."

The Protestants next declared their faith in the Christian Church, "which is," said they, "the assembly of all true believers and all the saints,"[566] in the midst of whom there are, nevertheless, in this life, many false Christians, hypocrites even, and manifest sinners; and they added, "that it was sufficient for the real unity of the Church that they were agreed on the doctrine of the Gospel and the administration of the sacraments, without the rites and ceremonies instituted by men being everywhere the same."[567]—They proclaimed the necessity of baptism, and declared "that the body and blood of Christ are really present and administered in the Lord's Supper to those who partake of it."[568]

THE CONFESSION—FAITH.

The Chancellor then successively confessed the faith of the Evangelical Christians, touching confession, penance, the nature of the sacraments, the government of the Church, ecclesiastical ordinances, political government, and the last judgment. "As regards Free-will," continued he, "we confess that man's will has a certain liberty of accomplishing civil justice, and of loving the things that reason comprehends; that man can do the good that is within the sphere of nature—plough his fields, eat, drink, have a friend, put on a coat, build a house, take a wife, feed cattle, exercise a calling; as also he can, of his own movement, do evil, kneel before an idol, and commit murder. But we maintain that without the Holy Ghost he cannot do what is righteous in the sight of God."

Then, returning to the grand doctrine of the Reformation, and recalling to mind that the doctors of the Pope "have never ceased impelling the faithful to puerile and useless works, as the custom of chaplets, invocations of saints, monastic vows, processions, fasts, feast-days, brotherhoods," the Protestants added, that as for themselves, while urging the practice of truly Christian works, of which little had been said before their time,[569] "they taught that man is justified by faith alone; not by that faith which is a simple knowledge of the history, and which wicked men and even devils possess, but by a faith which believes not only the history, but also the effect of the history;[570] which believes that through Christ we obtain grace; which sees that in Christ we have a merciful Father; which knows this God; which calls upon him; in a word, which is not without God, as the heathen are."

"Such," said Bayer, "is a summary of the doctrine professed in our Churches, by which it may be seen that this doctrine is by no means opposed to Scripture, to the universal Church, nor even to the Romish Church, such as the doctors describe it to us;[571] and since it is so, to reject us as heretics is an offence against unity and charity."

LUTHER ON THE CONFESSION.

Here terminated the first part of the Confession, the aim of which was to explain the Evangelical doctrine. The Chancellor read with so distinct a voice, that the crowd which was unable to enter the hall, and which filled the court and all the approaches of the episcopal palace, did not lose a word.[572] This reading produced the most marvellous effect on the princes who thronged the chapel. Jonas watched every change in their countenances,[573] and there beheld interest, astonishment, and even approbation depicted by turns. "The adversaries imagine they have done a wonderful thing, by forbidding the preaching of the Gospel," wrote Luther to the Elector; "and they do not see, poor creatures! that by the reading of the Confession in the presence of the diet, there has been more preaching than in the sermons of ten preachers. Exquisite subtlety! admirable expedient! Master Agricola and the other ministers are reduced to silence; but in their place appear the Elector of Saxony, and the other princes and lords, who preach before his imperial majesty, and the members of the whole Empire, freely, to their beard, and before their noses. Yes, Christ is in the diet, and he does not keep silence: the word of God cannot be bound. They forbid it in the pulpit, and are forced to hear it in the palace; poor ministers cannot announce it, and great princes proclaim it; the servants are forbidden to listen to it, and their masters are compelled to hear it; they will have nothing to do with it during the whole course of the diet, and they are forced to submit to hear more in one day than is heard ordinarily in a whole year......When all else is silent, the very stones cry out, as says our Lord Jesus Christ."[574]

THE CONFESSION—ABUSES.

That part of the Confession destined to point out errors and abuses still remained. Bayer continued: he explained and demonstrated the doctrine of the two kinds; he attacked the compulsory celibacy of priests, maintained that the Lord's Supper had been changed into a regular fair, in which it was merely a question of buying and selling, and that it had been re-established in its primitive purity by the Reformation, and was celebrated in the Evangelical churches with entirely new devotion and gravity. He declared that the Sacrament was administered to no one who had not first made confession of his faults, and he quoted this expression of Chrysostom: "Confess thyself to God the Lord, thy real Judge; tell thy sin, not with the tongue, but in thy conscience and in thy heart."

Bayer next came to the precepts on the distinction of meats and other Roman usages. "Celebrate such a festival," said he; "repeat such a prayer, or keep such a fast; be dressed in such a manner, and so many other ordinances of men—this is what is now styled a spiritual and christian life; while the good works prescribed by God, as those of a father of a family who toils to support his wife, his sons, and his daughters—of a mother who brings children into the world, and takes care of them—of a prince or of a magistrate who governs his subjects, are looked upon as secular things, and of an imperfect nature." As for monastic vows in particular, he represented that, as the Pope could give a dispensation from them, those vows ought therefore to be abolished.

The last article of the Confession treated of the authority of the bishops: powerful princes crowned with the episcopal mitre were there; the Archbishops of Mentz, Cologne, Salzburg, and Bremen; the Bishops of Bamberg, Wurzburg, Eichstadt, Worms, Spire, Strasburg, Augsburg, Constance, Coire, Passau, Liege, Trent, Brixen, and of Lebus and Ratzburg, fixed their eyes on the humble confessor. He fearlessly continued, and energetically protesting against that confusion of Church and State which had characterized the Middle Ages, he called for the distinction and independence of the two societies.

THE CONFESSION—DUTY OF THE BISHOPS.

"Many," said he, "have unskilfully confounded the episcopal and the temporal power; and from this confusion have resulted great wars, revolts, and seditions.[575] It is for this reason, and to reassure men's consciences, that we find ourselves constrained to establish the difference which exists between the power of the Church and the power of the sword.[576]

"We therefore teach that the power of the keys or of the bishops is, conformably with the Word of the Lord, a commandment emanating from God, to preach the Gospel, to remit or retain sins, and to administer the Sacraments. This power has reference only to eternal goods, is exercised only by the minister of the Word, and does not trouble itself with political administration. The political administration, on the other hand, is busied with everything else but the Gospel. The magistrate protects, not souls, but bodies and temporal possessions. He defends them against all attacks from without, and, by making use of the sword and of punishment, compels men to observe civil justice and peace.[577]

"For this reason we must take particular care not to mingle the power of the Church with the power of the State.[578] The power of the Church ought never to invade an office that is foreign to it; for Christ himself said: My kingdom is not of this world. And again: Who made me a judge over you? St. Paul said to the Philippians: Our citizenship is in heaven.[579] And to the Corinthians: The weapons of our warfare are not carnal, but mighty through God.

"It is thus that we distinguish the two governments and the two powers, and that we honour both as the most excellent gifts that God has given here on earth.

THE CONFESSION—EPILOGUE.

"The duty of the bishops is therefore to preach the Gospel, to forgive sins, to exclude from the Christian Church all who rebel against the Lord, but without human power, and solely by the Word of God.[580] If the bishops act thus, the churches ought to be obedient to them according to this declaration of Christ: Whoever heareth you, heareth me.

"But if the bishops teach anything that is contrary to the Gospel, then the churches have an order from God which forbids them to obey (Matt. vii. 15; Galatians i. 8; 2 Cor. xiii. 8, 10). And St. Augustin himself, in his letter against Pertilian, writes: 'We must not obey the catholic bishops, if they go astray, and teach anything contrary to the canonical Scriptures of God.'"[581]

After some remarks on the ordinances and traditions of the Church, Bayer came to the epilogue of the Confession.

"It is not from hatred that we have spoken," added he, "nor to insult any one; but we have explained the doctrines that we maintain to be essential, in order that it may be understood that we admit of neither dogma nor ceremony which is contrary to the Holy Scriptures, and to the usage of the universal Church."

Bayer then ceased to read. He had spoken for two hours: the silence and serious attention of the assembly were not once disturbed.[582]

This Confession of Augsburg will ever remain one of the masterpieces of the human mind enlightened by the Spirit of God.

REMARKS ON THE CONFESSION.

The language that had been adopted, while it was perfectly natural, was the result of a profound study of character. These princes, these warriors, these politicians who were sitting in the Palatine Palace, entirely ignorant as they were of divinity, easily understood the Protestant doctrine; for it was not explained to them in the style of the schools, but in that of everyday life, and with a simplicity and clearness that rendered all misunderstanding impossible.

At the same time the power of argumentation was so much the more remarkable, as it was the more concealed. At one time Melancthon (for it was really he who spoke through the mouth of Bayer) was content to quote a single passage of Scripture or of the Fathers in favour of the doctrine he maintained; and at another he proved his thesis so much the more strongly, that he appeared only to be declaring it. With a single stroke he pointed out the sad consequences that would follow the rejection of the faith he professed, or with one word showed its importance for the prosperity of the Church; so that while listening to him, the most violent enemies were obliged to acknowledge to themselves that there was really something to say in favour of the new sect.

To this force of reasoning the Apology added a prudence no less remarkable. Melancthon, while declining with firmness the errors attributed to his party, did not even appear to feel the injustice of these erroneous imputations; and while pointing out those of Popery, he did not say expressly they were those of his adversaries; thus carefully avoiding every thing that might irritate their minds. In this he showed himself wise as a serpent and harmless as a dove.

But the most admirable thing of all is the fidelity with which the Confession explains the doctrines most essential to salvation. Rome is accustomed to represent the Reformers as the creators of the Protestant doctrines; but it is not in the sixteenth century that we must look for the days of that creation. A bright track of light, of which Wickliffe and Augustin mark the most salient points, carries us back to the Apostolic age: it was then that shone in all their brilliancy the creative days of Evangelical truth. Yet it is true (and if this is what Rome means, we fully concur in the idea) never since the time of St. Paul had the Christian doctrine appeared with so much beauty, depth, and life, as in the days of the Reformation.

REMARKS.

Among all these doctrines, that of the Church, which had been so long disfigured, appeared at this time in all its native purity. With what wisdom, in particular, the confessors of Augsburg protest against that confusion of religion and politics which since the deplorable epoch of Constantine, had changed the kingdom of God into an earthly and carnal institution! Undoubtedly what the Confession stigmatizes with the greatest energy is the intrusion of the Church into the affairs of the State, but can it be thought that it was to approve the intrusion of the State in Church affairs? The evil of the Middle Ages was the having enslaved the State to the Church, and the confessors of Augsburg rose like one man to combat it. The evil of the three centuries which have passed away since then, is to have subjected the Church to the State; and we may believe that Luther and Melancthon would have found against this disorder thunders no less powerful. What they attack in a general sense, is the confusion of the two societies; what they demand, is their independence, I do not say their separation. If the Augsburg confessors were unwilling that things from above should monopolize those of the earth, they would have been still less willing for things of earth to oppress those from heaven.

There is a particular application of this principle, which the Confession points out. It wills the bishops should reprimand those who obey wickedness, "but without human power, and solely by the Word of God." It therefore rejects the use of the sword in the chastisement of heretics. This we see is a primitive principle, fundamental and essential to the Reformation, as the contrary doctrine is a primitive principle, fundamental and essential to the Papacy. If among Protestants we find some writing, or even some example opposed to this, it is but an isolated fact, which cannot invalidate the official principles of the Reform—it is one of those exceptions which always serve to confirm the rule.

MODERATE TONE OF THE CONFESSION.

Finally, the Augsburg Confession does not usurp the rights of the Word of God; it desires to be its handmaid and not its rival; it does not found, it does not regulate the faith, but simply professes it. "Our churches teach," it says; and it will be remembered that Luther considered it only as a sermon preached by princes and kings. Had it desired more, as has since been maintained, by that very circumstance it would have been nullified.

Was, however, the Confession able to follow in all things the exact path of truth? We may be permitted to doubt it.

It professes not to separate from the teaching of the Catholic Church, and even from that of the Romish Church—by which is no doubt signified the ancient Roman Church—and rejects the popish particularism which, for about eight centuries, imprisoned men's consciences. The Confession, however, seems overlaid with superstitious fears when there is any question of deviating from the views entertained by some of the Fathers of the Church, of breaking the toils of the hierarchy, and of acting, as regards Rome, without blameable forbearance. This, at least, is what its author, Melancthon, professes. "We do not put forward any dogma," said he, "which is not founded on the Gospel or on the teaching of the Catholic Church; we are prepared to concede everything that is necessary for the episcopal dignity;[583] and, provided that the bishops do not condemn the Gospel, we preserve all the rites that appear indifferent to us. In a word, there is no burden that we reject, if we can bear it without guilt."[584]

Many will think, no doubt, that a little more independence would have been proper in this matter, and that it would have been better to have passed over the ages that have followed the times of the apostles, and have frankly put in practice the grand principle which the Reformation had proclaimed: "There is for articles of faith no other foundation than the Word of God."[585]

DEFECTS OF THE CONFESSION.

Melancthon's moderation has been admired; and, in truth, while pointing out the abuses of Rome, he was silent on what is most revolting in them, on their disgraceful origin, their scandalous consequences, and is content to show that they are in contradiction to the Scripture. But he does more; he is silent on the divine right of the Pope, on the number of the sacraments, and on other points besides. His great business is to justify the renovated, and not to attack the deformed, Church. "Peace! peace!" was his cry. But if, instead of all this circumspection, the Reformation had advanced with courage, had wholly unveiled the Word of God, and had made an energetic appeal to the sympathies of reform then spread in men's hearts, would it not have taken a stronger and more honourable position, and would it not have secured more extensive conquests?

The interest that Charles the Fifth showed in listening to the Confession seems doubtful. According to some, he endeavoured to understand that foreign language;[586] according to others, he fell asleep.[587] It is easy to reconcile these contradictory testimonies.

When the reading was finished, Chancellor Brück, with the two copies in his hand, advanced towards the Emperor's secretary and presented them to him. Charles the Fifth, who was wide awake at this moment, himself took the two Confessions, handed the German copy, considered as official, to the elector of Mentz, and kept the Latin one for himself.[588] He then made reply to the Elector of Saxony and to his allies that he had graciously heard their confession;[589] but as this affair was one of extreme importance, he required time to deliberate upon it.

THE AUGSBURG CONFESSION.

The joy with which the Protestants were filled shone in their eyes.[590] God had been with them; and they saw that the striking act which had so recently been accomplished, imposed on them the obligation of confessing the truth with immovable perseverance. "I thrill with joy," wrote Luther, "that my life was cast in an epoch in which Christ is publicly exalted by such illustrious confessors and in so glorious an assembly."[591] The whole Evangelical Church, excited and renovated by this public confession of its representatives, was then more intimately united to its divine Chief, and baptized with a new baptism. "Since the apostolic age," said they (these are the words of a contemporary), "there has never been a greater work or a more magnificent confession."[592]

The Emperor, having descended from his throne, approached the Protestant princes, and begged them in a low tone not to publish the Confession;[593] they acceded to his request, and every one withdrew.

LUTHER DEMANDS RELIGIOUS LIBERTY.

VIII. The Romanists had expected nothing like this. Instead of a hateful controversy, they had heard a striking confession of Jesus Christ; the most hostile minds were consequently disarmed. "We would not for a great deal," was the remark on every side, "have missed being present at this reading."[594] The effect was so prompt, that for an instant the cause was thought to be definitively gained. The bishops themselves imposed silence on the sophisms and clamours of the Fabers and the Ecks.[595] "All that the Lutherans have said is true," exclaimed the Bishop of Augsburg; "we cannot deny it."[596]—"Well, doctor," said the Duke of Bavaria to Eck, in a reproachful tone, "you had given me a very different idea of this doctrine and of this affair."[597] This was the general cry; accordingly the sophists, as they called them, were embarrassed. "But, after all," said the Duke of Bavaria to them, "can you refute by sound reasons the Confession made by the Elector and his allies?"—"With the writings of the Apostles and Prophets—no!" replied Eck; "but with those of the Fathers and of the Councils—yes!"[598] "I understand," quickly replied the Duke; "I understand. The Lutherans, according to you, are in scripture; and we are outside."

The Archbishop Hermann, elector of Cologne, the Count-palatine Frederick, Duke Erick of Brunswick-Luneburg, Duke Henry of Mecklenburg, and the Dukes of Pomerania, were gained over to the truth; and Hermann sought erelong to establish it in his electorate.

The impression produced in other countries by the Confession was perhaps still greater. Charles sent copies to all the courts; it was translated into French, Italian,[599] and even into Spanish and Portuguese; it circulated through all Europe, and thus accomplished what Luther had said: "Our Confession will penetrate into every court, and the sound thereof will go through the whole earth."[600] It destroyed the prejudices that had been entertained, gave Europe a sounder idea of the Reformation, and prepared the most distant countries to receive the seeds of the Gospel.

LUTHER'S DOMINANT IDEA.

Then Luther's voice began to be heard again. He saw that it was a decisive moment, and that he ought now to give the impulse that would gain religious liberty. He boldly demanded this liberty of the Roman-catholic princes of the diet;[601] and at the same time endeavoured to make his friends quit Augsburg. Jesus Christ had been boldly confessed. Instead of that long series of quarrels and discussions which was about to become connected with this courageous act, Luther would have wished for a striking rupture, even should he seal with his blood the testimony rendered to the Gospel. The stake, in his idea, would have been the real catastrophe of this tragedy. "I absolve you from this diet, in the name of the Lord,"[602] wrote he to his friends. "Now home, return home, again I say home! Would to God that I were the sacrifice offered to this new council, as John Huss at Constance!"[603]

But Luther did not expect so glorious a conclusion: he compared the diet to a drama. First, there had been the exposition, then the prologue, afterwards the action, and now he waited for the tragic catastrophe, according to some, but which, in his opinion, would be merely comic.[604] Everything, he thought, would be sacrificed to political peace, and dogmas would be set aside. This proceeding, which, even in our own days, would be in the eyes of the world the height of wisdom, was in Luther's eyes the height of folly.

SONG OF TRIUMPH.

It was the intervention of Charles which especially alarmed him. To withdraw the Church from all secular influence, and the governments from all clerical influence, was then one of the dominant ideas of the great Reformer. "You see," wrote he to Melancthon, "that they oppose to our cause the same argument as at Worms, to wit, still and for ever the judgment of the Emperor. Thus Satan is always harping on the same string, and that emaciated strength[605] of the civil power is the only one which this myriad-wiled spirit is able to find against Jesus Christ." But Luther took courage, and boldly raised his head. "Christ is coming," continued he; "he is coming, sitting at the right hand......Of whom? not of the Emperor, or we should long ago have been lost, but of God himself: let us fear nothing. Christ is the King of kings and the Lord of lords. If he loses this title at Augsburg, he must also lose it in all the earth, and in all the heavens."

Thus a song of triumph was, on the part of the Confessors of Augsburg, the first movement that followed this courageous act, unique doubtless in the annals of the Church. Some of their adversaries at first shared in their triumph, and the others were silent; but a powerful reaction took place erelong.

On the following morning, Charles having risen in ill-humour and tired for want of sleep, the first of his ministers who appeared in the imperial apartments was the Count-palatine, as wearied and embarrassed as his master. "We must yield something," said he to Charles; "and I would remind your majesty that the Emperor Maximilian was willing to grant the two kinds in the Eucharist, the marriage of priests, and liberty with respect to the fasts." Charles the Fifth eagerly seized at this proposition as a means of safety. But Granvelle and Campeggio soon arrived, who induced him to withdraw it.

AN INGENUOUS CONFESSION.

Rome, bewildered for a moment by the blow that had struck her, rose up again with energy. "I stay with the mother," exclaimed the Bishop of Wartzburg, meaning by it the Church of Rome; "the mother, the mother!" "My lord," wittily replied Brenz, "pray, do not, for the mother, forget either the Father or the Son!"—"Well! I grant it," replied the Archbishop of Salzburg to one of his friends, "I also should desire the communion in both kinds, the marriage of priests, the reformation of the Mass, liberty as regards food and other traditions......But that it should be a monk, a poor monk, who presumes to reform us all, is what we cannot tolerate."[606]—"I should have no objection," said another bishop, "for the Divine worship to be celebrated everywhere as it is at Wittemberg; but we can never consent that this new doctrine should issue from such a corner."[607] And Melancthon insisting with the Archbishop of Salzburg on the necessity of a reform of the clergy: "Well! and how can you wish to reform us?" said the latter abruptly: "we priests have always been good for nothing." This is one of the most ingenuous confessions that the Reformation has torn from the priests. Every day fanatical monks and doctors, brimful of sophisms, were seen arriving at Augsburg, who endeavoured to inflame the hatred of the Emperor and of the princes.[608] "If we formerly had friends," said Melancthon on the morrow of the Confession, "now we possess them no longer. We are here alone, abandoned by all, and contending against measureless dangers."[609]

FAILURE OF THE POPISH INTRIGUES.

Charles, impelled by these contrary parties, affected a great indifference. But without permitting it to be seen, he endeavoured, meanwhile, to examine this affair thoroughly. "Let there not be a word wanting," he had said to his secretary, when requiring from him a French translation of the Confession. "He does not allow anything to be observed," whispered the Protestants one to another, convinced that Charles was gained; "for if it were known, he would lose his Spanish states: let us maintain the most profound secresy." But the Emperor's courtiers, who perceived these strange hopes, smiled and shook their heads. "If you have money," said Schepper, one of the secretaries of state, to Jonas and Melancthon, "it will be easy for you to buy from the Italians whatever religion you please;[610] but if your purse is empty, your cause is lost." Then assuming a more serious tone: "It is impossible," said he, "for the Emperor, surrounded as he is by bishops and cardinals, to approve of any other religion than that of the Pope."

This was soon evident. On the day after the confession (Sunday, 26th June), before the breakfast hour,[611] all the deputations from the imperial cities were collected in the Emperor's antechamber. Charles, desirous of bringing back the states of the Empire to unity, began with the weakest. "Some of the cities," said the count palatine, "have not adhered to the last Diet of Spire: the Emperor calls upon them to submit to it."

Strasburg, Nuremberg, Constance, Ulm, Reutlingen, Heilbronn, Memmingen, Lindau, Kempten, Windsheim, Isny, and Weissemburg, which were thus summoned to renounce the famous protest, found the moment curiously chosen. They asked for time.

The position was complicated; discord had been thrown in the midst of the cities, and intrigue was labouring daily to increase it.[612] It was not only between the Popish and the Evangelical cities that disagreement existed; but also between the Zwinglian and the Lutheran cities, and even among the latter, those which had not adhered to the Confession of Augsburg manifested great ill-humour towards the deputies of Reutlingen and Nuremberg. This proceeding of Charles the Fifth was therefore skilfully calculated; for it was based on the old axiom, Divide et impera.

But the enthusiasm of faith overcame all these stratagems, and on the next day (27th June), the deputies from the cities transmitted a reply to the Emperor, in which they declared that they could not adhere to the Recess of Spire "without disobeying God, and without compromising the salvation of their souls."[613]

THE EMPEROR'S COUNCIL.

Charles, who desired to observe a just medium, more from policy than from equity, wavered between so many contrary convictions. Desirous nevertheless of essaying his mediating influence, he convoked the states faithful to Rome on Sunday, 26th June, shortly after his conference with the cities.

All the princes were present: even the Pope's legate and the most influential Roman divines appeared at this council, to the great scandal of the Protestants. "What reply should be made to the Confession?" was the question set by Charles the Fifth to the senate that surrounded him.[614]

Three different opinions were proposed. "Let us beware," said the men of the Papacy, "of discussing our adversaries' reasons, and let us be content with executing the Edict of Worms against the Lutherans, and with constraining them by arms."[615]—"Let us submit the Confession to the examination of impartial judges," said the men of the Empire, "and refer the final decision to the Emperor. Is not even the reading of the Confession an appeal of the Protestants to the imperial power?" Others, in the last place (and these were the men of tradition and of ecclesiastical doctrine), were desirous of commissioning certain doctors to compose a refutation, which should be read to the Protestants and ratified by Charles.

VIOLENT DISCUSSIONS.

The debate was very animated: the mild and the violent, the politic and the fanatical, took a decided course in the assembly. George of Saxony and Joachim of Brandenburg showed themselves the most inveterate, and surpassed in this respect even the ecclesiastical princes.[616] "A certain clown, whom you know well, is pushing them all from behind,"[617] wrote Melancthon to Luther; "and certain hypocritical theologians hold the torch and lead the whole band." This clown was doubtless Duke George. Even the Princes of Bavaria, whom the Confession had staggered at first, immediately rallied around the chiefs of the Roman party. The Elector of Mentz, the Bishop of Augsburg, the Duke of Brunswick, showed themselves the least unfavourable to the Evangelical cause. "I can by no means advise his majesty to employ force," said Albert. "If his majesty should constrain their consciences, and should afterwards quit the Empire, the first victims sacrificed would be the priests; and who knows whether, in the midst of these discords, the Turks would not suddenly fall upon us?" But this somewhat interested wisdom of the archbishop did not find many supporters, and the men of war immediately plunged into the discussion with their harsh voices. "If there is any fighting against the Lutherans," said Count Felix of Werdenburg, "I gratuitously offer my sword, and I swear never to return it to its scabbard until it has overthrown the stronghold of Luther." This nobleman died suddenly a few days after, from the consequences of his intemperance. Then the moderate men again interfered: "The Lutherans attack no one article of the faith," said the Bishop of Augsburg; "let us come to an arrangement with them; and to obtain peace, let us concede to them the sacrament in both kinds and the marriage of priests. I would even yield more, if it were necessary." Upon this great cries arose: "He is a Lutheran," they exclaimed, "and you will see that he is fully prepared to sacrifice even the private masses!"—"The masses! we must not even think of it," remarked some with an ironical smile; "Rome will never give them up, for it is they which maintain her cardinals and her courtiers, with their luxury and their kitchens."[618] The Archbishop of Salzburg and the Elector of Brandenburg replied with great violence to the motion of the Bishop of Augsburg. "The Lutherans," said they abruptly, "have laid before us a Confession written with black ink on white paper. Well! If I were Emperor, I would answer them with red ink."[619]—"Sirs," quickly replied the Bishop of Augsburg, "take care then that the red letters do not fly in your faces!" The Elector of Mentz was compelled to interfere and calm the speakers.

A REFUTATION PROPOSED.

The Emperor, desirous of playing the character of an umpire, would have wished the Roman party at least to have placed in his hands an accusation against the Reform: but all was now altered; the majority, becoming daily more compact since the Diet of Spire, no longer sided with Charles. Full of the sentiment of its own strength, it refused to assume the title of a party, and to take the Emperor as a judge. "What are you saying," cried they, "of diversity between the members of the Empire? There is but one legitimate party. It is not a question of deciding between two opinions whose rights are equal, but of crushing rebels, and of aiding those who have remained faithful to the constitution of the Empire."

This haughty language enlightened Charles: he found they had outstripped him, and that, abandoning his lofty position of arbiter, he must submit merely to be the executer of the orders of the majority. It was this majority which henceforward commanded in Augsburg. They excluded the imperial councillors who advocated more equitable views, and the Archbishop of Mentz himself ceased for a time to appear in the diet.[620]

The majority ordered that a refutation of the Evangelical doctrine should be immediately drawn up by Romish theologians. If they had selected for this purpose moderate men like the Bishop of Augsburg, the Reformation would still have had some chance of success with the great principles of Christianity; but it was to the enemies of the Reform, to the old champions of Rome and of Aristotle, exasperated by so many defeats, that they resolved to intrust this task.

ITS AUTHORS.

They were numerous at Augsburg, and were not held in great esteem. "The princes," said Jonas, "have brought their learned men with them, and some even their unlearned and their fools."[621] Provost Faber and Doctor Eck led the troop; behind them was drawn up a cohort of monks, and above all of Dominicans, tools of the Inquisition, and impatient to recompense themselves for the opprobrium they had so long endured. There was the provincial of the Dominicans, Paul Hugo, their vicar, John Bourkard, one of their priors, Conrad Koelein, who had written against Luther's marriage; with a large body of Carthusians, Augustines, Franciscans, and vicars of several bishops. Such were the men who, to the number of twenty, were commissioned to refute Melancthon.

One might beforehand have augured of the work by the workmen. Each one understood that it was a question, not of refuting the Confession, but of branding it. Campeggio, who doubtless suggested this ill-omened list to Charles, was well aware that these doctors were incapable of measuring themselves with Melancthon; but their names formed the most decided standard of Popery, and announced to the world clearly and immediately what the diet proposed to do. This was the essential point. Rome would not leave Christendom even hope.

It was, however, requisite to know whether the diet, and the Emperor who was its organ, had the right of pronouncing in this purely religious matter. Charles put the question both to the Evangelicals and to the Romanists.[622]

"Your highness," said Luther, who was consulted by the Elector, "may reply with all assurance: Yes, if the Emperor wish it, let him be judge! I will bear everything on his part; but let him decide nothing contrary to the Word of God. Your highness cannot put the Emperor above God himself.[623] Does not the first commandment say, Thou shalt have no other Gods before me!"

ROME AND THE CIVIL POWER.

The reply of the Papal adherents was quite as positive in a contrary sense. "We think," said they, "that his majesty, in accord with the electors, princes, and states of the Empire, has the right to proceed in this affair, as Roman Emperor, guardian, advocate, and sovereign protector of the Church and of our most holy faith."[624] Thus, in the first days of the Reformation, the Evangelical Church frankly ranged itself under the throne of Jesus Christ, and the Roman Church under the sceptre of kings. Enlightened men, even among Protestants, have misunderstood this double nature of Protestantism and Popery.

The philosophy of Aristotle and the hierarchy of Rome, thanks to this alliance with the civil power, were at length about to see the day of their long-expected triumph arrive. So long as the schoolmen had been left to the force of their syllogisms and of their abuse, they had been defeated; but now Charles the Fifth and the diet held out their hands to them; the reasonings of Faber, Eck, and Wimpina were about to be countersigned by the German chancellor, and confirmed by the great seals of the Empire. Who could resist them? The Romish error has never had any strength except by its union with the secular arm; and its victories in the Old and in the New World are owing, even in our days, to state patronage.[625]

PERILS OF THE CONFESSORS.

These things did not escape the piercing eye of Luther. He saw at once the weakness of the argument of the Papist doctors and the power of Charles's arm. "You are waiting for your adversaries' answer," wrote he to his friends in Augsburg; "it is already written, and here it is: The Fathers, the Fathers, the Fathers; the Church, the Church, the Church; usage, custom; but of the Scriptures——nothing!"[626]—"Then the Emperor, supported by the testimony of these arbiters, will pronounce against you;[627] and then will you hear boastings from all sides that wilt ascend up to heaven, and threats that will descend even to hell."

Thus changed the situation of the Reform. Charles was obliged to acknowledge his weakness; and, to save the appearance of his power, he took a decisive part with the enemies of Luther. The Emperor's impartiality disappeared: the state turned against the Gospel, and there remained for it no other saviour than God.

At first many gave way to extreme dejection: above all, Melancthon, who had a nearer view of the cabals of the adversaries, exhausted moreover by long vigils, fell almost into despair.[628] "In the presence of these formidable evils," cried he, "I see no more hope."[629] And then, however, he added—"Except the help of God."

The legate immediately set all his batteries to work. Already had Charles several times sent for the Elector and the Landgrave, and had used every exertion to detach them from the Evangelical Confession.[630] Melancthon, uneasy at these secret conferences, reduced the Confession to its minimum, and entreated the Elector to demand only the two kinds in the Eucharist and the marriage of priests. "To interdict the former of these points," said he, "would be to alienate a great number of Christians from the communion; and to interdict the second would be depriving the Church of all the pastors capable of edifying it. Will they destroy religion and kindle civil war, rather than apply to these purely ecclesiastical constitutions a mitigation that is neither contrary to sound morals nor to faith?"[631] The Protestant princes begged Melancthon to go himself and make these proposals to the legate.[632]

THE EMPEROR'S SISTER.

Melancthon agreed: he began to flatter himself with success; and, in truth, there were, even among the Papists, individuals who were favourable to the Reformation. There had recently arrived at Augsburg, from beyond the Alps, certain propositions tolerably Lutheran;[633] and one of the Emperor's confessors boldly professed the doctrine of justification by faith, cursing "those asses of Germans, who cease not," said he, "from braying against this truth."[634] One of Charles's chaplains approved even the whole of the Confession. There was something farther still; Charles the Fifth having consulted the grandees of Spain, who were famous for their orthodoxy: "If the opinions of the Protestants are contrary to the articles of the faith," they had replied, "let your majesty employ all his power to destroy this faction; but if it is a question merely of certain changes in human ordinances and external usages, let all violence be avoided."[635] "Admirable reply!" exclaimed Melancthon, who persuaded himself that the Romish doctrine was at the bottom in accordance with the Gospel.

The Reformation found defenders in even still higher stations. Mary, sister of Charles the Fifth, and widow of King Louis of Hungary, arriving at Augsburg three days after the reading of the Confession, with her sister-in-law the Queen of Bohemia, Ferdinand's wife, assiduously studied the Holy Scriptures; she carried them with her in the hunting parties, in which she found little pleasure, and had discovered therein the jewel of the Reform,—the doctrine of gratuitous salvation. This pious princess made her chaplain read evangelical sermons to her, and often endeavoured, although with prudence, to appease her brother Charles with regard to the Protestants.[636]

VACILLATION OF MELANCTHON.

Melancthon, encouraged by these demonstrations, and at the same time alarmed by the threats of war that the adversaries did not cease from uttering, thought it his duty to purchase peace at any cost, and resolved in consequence to descend in his propositions as low as possible. He therefore demanded an interview with the legate in a letter whose authenticity has been unreasonably doubted.[637] At the decisive moment the heart of the Reform champion fails—his head turns—he staggers—he falls; and in his fall he runs the risk of dragging with him the cause which martyrs have already watered with their blood.

Thus speaks the representative of the Reformation to the representative of the Papacy:—

"There is no doctrine in which we differ from the Roman Church;[638] we venerate the universal authority of the Roman Pontiff, and we are ready to obey him, provided he does not reject us, and that of his clemency, which he is accustomed to show towards all nations, he will kindly pardon or approve certain little things that it is no longer possible for us to change......Now then, will you reject those who appear as suppliants before you? Will you pursue them with fire and sword?......Alas! nothing draws upon us in Germany so much hatred, as the unshaken firmness with which we maintain the doctrines of the Roman Church.[639] But with the aid of God, we will remain faithful, even unto death, to Christ and to the Roman Church, although you should reject us."[640]

LUTHER OPPOSES CONCESSION.

Thus did Melancthon humble himself. God permitted this fall, that future ages might clearly see how low the Reform was willing to descend in order to maintain unity, and that no one might doubt that the schism had come from Rome; but also assuredly that they might learn how great in every important work is the weakness of the noblest instruments.

Fortunately there was then another man who upheld the honour of the Reformation. At this very time Luther wrote to Melancthon: "There can be no concord between Christ and Belial. As far as regards me, I will not yield a hair's breadth.[641] Sooner than yield, I should prefer suffering everything, even the most terrible evils. Concede so much the less, as your adversaries require the more. God will not aid us until we are abandoned by all."[642] And fearing some weakness on the part of his friends, Luther added: "If it were not tempting God, you would long ago have seen me at your side!"[643]

Never, in fact, had Luther's presence been so necessary, for the legate had consented to an interview, and Melancthon was about to pay court to Campeggio.[644]

The 8th July was the day appointed by the legate. His letter inspired Philip with the most sanguine hopes. "The cardinal assures me that he will accede the usage of the two kinds, and the marriage of priests," said he; "I am eager to visit him!"[645]

SCHEME OF THE ROMISH DOCTORS.

This visit might decide the destiny of the Church. If the legate accepted Philip's ultimatum, the Evangelical countries would be replaced under the power of the Romish bishops, and all would have been over with the Reformation; but it was saved through the pride and blindness of Rome. The Papists, believing it on the brink of the abyss, thought that a last blow would settle it, and resolved, like Luther, to concede nothing, "not even a hair's breadth." The legate, however, even while refusing, assumed an air of kindness, and of yielding to foreign influence. "I might have the power of making certain concessions, but it would not be prudent to use it without the consent of the German princes;[646] their will must be done; one of them in particular conjures the Emperor to prevent us from yielding the least thing. I can grant nothing." The Roman prince, with the most amiable smile, then did all he could to gain the chief of the Protestant teachers. Melancthon retired filled with shame at the advances he had made, but still deceived by Campeggio. "No doubt," said he, "Eck and Cochlœus have been beforehand with me at the legate's."[647] Luther entertained a different opinion. "I do not trust to any of these Italians," said he; "they are scoundrels. When an Italian is good, he is very good; but then he is a black swan."

It was truly the Italians who were concerned. Shortly after the 12th of July arrived the Pope's instructions. He had received the confession by express[648] and sixteen days had sufficed for the transmission, the deliberation, and the return. Clement would hear no mention either of discussions or of council. Charles was to march straight to the mark, to send an army into Germany, and stifle the Reformation by force. At Augsburg, however, it was thought best not to go so quickly to work, and recourse was had to other means.

MELANCTHON'S EXPLANATION.

"Be quiet; we have them," said the Romish doctors. Sensible of the reproach that had been made against them, of having misrepresented the Reformation, they accused the Protestants themselves as being the cause. "These it is," they said, "who, to give themselves an air of being in accord with us, now dissemble their heresy; but we will now catch them in their own nets. If they confess to not having inserted in their Confession all that they reject, it will be proved that they are trifling with us. If, on the contrary, they pretend to have said everything, they will by that very circumstance be compelled to admit all that they have not condemned." The Protestant princes were therefore called together, and they were asked if the Reformation was confined to the doctrines indicated in the Apology, or if there was something more.[649]

The snare was skilfully laid. The Papacy had not even been mentioned in Melancthon's paper; other errors besides had been omitted, and Luther himself complained of it aloud. "Satan sees clearly," said he, "that your Apology has passed lightly over the articles of purgatory, the worship of saints, and, above all, of the Pope and of Antichrist." The princes requested to confer with their allies of the towns; and all the Protestants assembled to deliberate on this momentous incident.

They, looked for Melancthon's explanation, who did not decline the responsibility of the affair. Easily dejected through his own anxiety, he became bold whenever he was directly attacked. "All the essential doctrines," said he, "have been set forth in the Confession, and every error and abuse that is opposed to them has been pointed out. But was it necessary to plunge into all those questions so full of contention and animosity, that are discussed in our universities? Was it necessary to ask if all Christians are priests, if the primacy of the Pope is of right divine, if there can be indulgences, if every good work is a deadly sin, if there are more than seven sacraments, if they may be administered by a layman, if divine election has any foundation in our own merits, if sacerdotal consecration impresses an indelible character, if auricular confession is necessary to salvation?......No, no! all these things are in the province of the schools, and by no means essential to faith."[650]

THE REFUTATION.

It cannot be denied that in the questions thus pointed out by Melancthon there were important points. However that may be, the Evangelical committee were soon agreed, and on the morrow they gave an answer to Charles's ministers, drawn up with as much frankness as firmness, in which they said "that the Protestants, desirous of arriving at a cordial understanding, had not wished to complicate their situation, and had proposed not to specify all the errors that had been introduced into the Church, but to confess all the doctrines that were essential to salvation; that if, nevertheless, the adverse party felt itself urged to maintain certain abuses, or to put forward any point not mentioned in the Confession, the Protestants declared themselves ready to reply in conformity with the Word of God."[651] The tone of this answer showed pretty clearly that the Evangelical Christians did not fear to follow their adversaries wherever the latter should call them. Accordingly the Roman party said no more on this business.

IX. The commission charged to refute the Confession met twice a day,[652] and each of the theologians who composed it added to it his refutation and his hatred.

On the 13th July the work was finished. "Eck with his band,"[653] said Melancthon, "transmitted it to the Emperor." Great was the astonishment of this prince and of his ministers at seeing a work of two hundred and eighty pages filled with abuse.[654] "Bad workmen lose much wood," said Luther, "and impious writers soil much paper." This was not all: to the Refutation were subjoined eight appendices on the heresies that Melancthon had dissembled (as they said), and wherein they exposed the contradictions and "the horrible sects" to which Lutheranism had given birth. Lastly, not confining themselves to this official answer, the Romish theologians, who saw the sun of power shining upon them, filled Augsburg with insolent and abusive pamphlets.

CHARLES'S DISSATISFACTION.

There was but one opinion on the Papist Refutation; it was found confused, violent, thirsting for blood.[655] Charles the Fifth had too much good taste not to perceive the difference that existed between this coarse work and the noble dignity of Melancthon's Confession. He rolled, handled, crushed, and so damaged the 280 pages of his doctors, that when he returned them two days after, says Spalatin, there were not more than twelve entire. Charles would have been ashamed to have such a pamphlet read in the diet, and he required, in consequence, that it should be drawn up anew, shorter and more moderate.[656] That was not easy, "for the adversaries, confused and stupified," says Brenz, "by the noble simplicity of the Evangelical Confession, neither knew where to begin nor where to end; they accordingly took nearly three weeks to do their work over again."[657]

Charles and his ministers had great doubts of its success; leaving, therefore, the theologians for a moment, they imagined another manœuvre. "Let us take each of the Protestant princes separately," said they: "isolated, they will not resist." Accordingly, on the 15th July, the Margrave of Brandenburg was visited by his two cousins, the Electors of Mentz and of Brandenburg, and by his two brothers the Margraves Frederick and John Albert. "Abandon this, new faith," said they to him, "and return to that which existed a century ago. If you do so, there are no favours that you may not expect from the Emperor; if not, dread his anger."[658]

THE SWISS AT AUGSBURG

Shortly after, the Duke Frederick of Bavaria, the Count of Nassau, De Rogendorf, and Truchses were announced to the Elector on the part of Charles. "You have solicited the Emperor," said they, "to confirm the marriage of your son with the Princess of Juliers, and to invest you with the electoral dignity; but his majesty declares, that if you do not renounce the heresy of Luther, of which you are the principal abettor, he cannot accede to your demand." At the same time the Duke of Bavaria, employing the most urgent solicitations, accompanied with the most animated gestures[659] and the most sinister threats,[660] called upon the Elector to abandon his faith. "It is asserted," added Charles's envoys, "that you have made an alliance with the Swiss. The Emperor cannot believe it; and he orders you to let him know the truth."

The Swiss! it was the same thing as rebellion. This alliance was the phantom incessantly invoked at Augsburg to alarm Charles the Fifth. And in reality deputies or at least friends of the Swiss, had already appeared in that city, and thus rendered the position still more serious.

ZWINGLE'S CONFESSION.

Bucer had arrived two days before the reading of the Confession, and Capito on the day subsequent to it.[661] There was even a report that Zwingle would join them.[662] But for a long time all in Augsburg, except the Strasburg deputation, were ignorant of the presence of these doctors.[663] It was only twenty-one days after their arrival that Melancthon learnt it positively,[664] so great was the mystery in which the Zwinglians were forced to enshroud themselves. This was not without reason: a conference with Melancthon having been requested by them: "Let them write," replied he; "I should compromise our cause by an interview with them."

Bucer and Capito in their retreat, which was like a prison to them, had taken advantage of their leisure to draw up the Tetrapolitan Confession, or the confessions of the four cities. The deputies of Strasburg, Constance, Nemmingen, and Lindau, presented it to the Emperor.[665] These cities purged themselves from the reproach of war and revolt that had been continually objected against them. They declared that their only motive was Christ's glory, and professed the truth "freely, boldly, but without insolence and without scurrility."[666]

Zwingle about the same time caused a private confession to be communicated to Charles,[667] which excited a general uproar. "Does he not dare to say," exclaimed the Romanists, "that the mitred and withered race (by which he means the bishops) is in the Church what hump-backs and the scrofula are in the body?"[668]—"Does he not insinuate," said the Lutherans; "that we are beginning to look back after the onions and garlic of Egypt?"—"One might say with great truth that he had lost his senses," exclaimed Melancthon.[669] "All ceremonies, according to him, ought to be abolished; all the bishops ought to be suppressed. In a word, all is perfectly Helvetic, that is to say, supremely barbarous."

One man formed an exception to this concert of reproaches, and this was Luther. "Zwingle pleases me tolerably," wrote he to Jonas, "as well as Bucer."[670] By Bucer, he meant no doubt the Tetrapolitan Confession: this expression should be noted.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Dormire solet usque ad nonam aut decimam.—(Corp. Ref. ii p. 117.)Note 2 · Ibi videas hic Gallos, hic Hispanos, hic Ethiopes, illic etiam Ethiopissas, hic Italos, illic etiams Turcas, aut quos vocant Stratiotas.—(CoNote 3 · Hac ratione, Deo ejusque verbo silentium est impositum.—(Seck. ii.p. 165.)Note 4 · Ut nisi sanguinem biberint, vivere non possint.—(Seck. ii. p. 165.)Note 5 · Magnum omnino periculum est.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 118.)Note 6 · Ea fides vivificabit et consolabitur vos, quia Magni Regis estis legati.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 59.)Note 7 · Sarpi, Hist. Council of Trent, book i. p. 99.Note 8 · 2 Kings v. 18. Exemplo Naamanis.—(Seck. ii. p. 167; Sarpi, p. 99.)Note 9 · Ne ablato Spiritus vehiculo, quod est verbum Dei, Spiritus Sanctus ad Augustam præ pedum imbecillitate pervenire non possit.—(Corp. Ref. ii.Note 10 · Abstinendo ab adoratione hostiæ.—(Seck. ii. p. 119.)Note 11 · Erant enim chori fores clausæ, nec quisquam orationi interfuit.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 120.)Note 12 · Diabolica persuasione eliminant, et ad scurrilia ac impudica quæque deducunt.—(Pallavicini, Hist. Trid. C. i. p. 23.)Note 13 · Exacuant gladios quos in perversos illos perturbatores.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 120.)Note 14 · Nisi eradicata funditus per gladium hæresi illa.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 120.)Note 15 · Protestantes etiam ad offerendum munuscula in altari, ut moris erat, accessisse, sed cum risu.—(Spalat. Seck. ii. p. 167.)Note 16 · Ut nostros principes ab importuna violentia retineamus.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 120.)Note 17 · Imperator cum omnibus in curiam vectus est.—(Sturm to Zw. Epp. ii. p. 430.)Note 18 · Ex volucrum monedularumque regno.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 13.)Note 19 · Nicht anders dann zu Raub, Brandt, und Krieg.—(F. Urkunden. i. p. 307.)Note 20 · Cohortatus est ad intrepidam causæ Dei assentionem.—(Seck. ii. p. 108.)Note 21 · Isaiah viii. 10.Note 22 · Mane remotis omnibus consiliariis et ministris.—(Seck. ii. p. 169.)Note 23 · Precibus ardentissimis a Deo successum negotii petiisset.—(Ibid.)Note 24 · Quæ cum admiratione legisse dicuntur.—(Seck. ii. p. 169.)Note 25 · Si acturi sunt secreto et inter sese, nulla publica disputatione vel audientia.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 43.)Note 26 · Hispanis persuasum esse Lutheranos impie de Sanctissima Trinitate.—(Ex relatione Spalati in Seck. ii. 165.)Note 27 · Non adeo per eos Ecclesiam Catholicam oppugnari, quam vulgo putaretur.—(Ibid. 100.)Note 28 · Mit beider Gestalt sacraments oder des Plaffen und Mönch Ehe— (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 123.)Note 29 · Die Sache in einer Enge und Stille vorzu nehmen.—(Ibid.)Note 30 · Cœlestin, Hist. Comit. August. p. 193. Intelligo hoc τους αρχιερεας moliri, ut omnino nihil agatur de negotiis ecclesiasticis.—(Corp. Ref. iNote 31 · Ac plane putarit πικρὁτερον esse quam ut ferre possent adversarii.—(Ibid. p. 140.)Note 32 · Dasselbige abgeschlagen.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 127.)Note 33 · Argentinenses ambierunt aliquid ut excepto articulo sacramenti susciperentur.—(Ibid. p. 155.)Note 34 · Non principum nomine edi sed decentium qui theologi vocantur.—(Camer. p. 120.)Note 35 · Landgravius subscribit nobiscum, sed tamen dicit sibi, de sacramento, a nostris non satisfieri.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 155.)Note 36 · Confessioni tantum subscripserunt Nuremberga et Reutlingen.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 155.)Note 37 · Decretum est ut publicæ recitandæ concessio ab Imperatore peteretur.—(Seck. ii. p. 169.)Note 38 · Rubore suffundor non mediocri, quod nos, præ illis mendici, &c.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 125.)Note 39 · Cursitabat hinc inde, perreptans ac penetrans.—(Cochl. Phil. 4. in Apol.)Note 40 · Addebat Epilogum plane sanguine scriptum.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 126.)Note 41 · Securi sunt quasi nullus sit Deus.—(Ibid, p. 156.)Note 42 · Melancthon a Cæsare, Salisburgensi et Campegio vocatus est.—(Zwi. Epp. ii. p. 473.)Note 43 · Ut cum mitigarit tam multa, cedat et reliqua.—-(Ibid.)Note 44 · Ne que unquam tam variis sectarum turbinibus navicula Petri fluctuaverit.—(Seck. ii. p. 169.)Note 45 · Oratio valde lugubris et miserabilis contra Turcas.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 154.)Note 46 · Verum etiam ad animæ dispendium aut salutem æternam.—(Seck. ii. p. 189.)Note 47 · Ihre Seele, Ehre und Glimpf belanget.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 128.)Note 48 · Viderant enim eum subinde aliquid illi in aurem insusurrare.—(Seck. ii. p. 169.)Note 49 · Zum dritten mal heftig angehalten.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 128.)Note 50 · Circumsistebant Cæsarem magno numero cardinales et prælati ecclesiastici.—(Seck. ii. p. 169.)Note 51 · Non quidem publice in prætorio, sed privatim in palatio suo.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 124.)Note 52 · Non modo suspirantem sed profundentem lacrymas conspexi.—(Camer. p. 121.)Note 53 · Brentius assidebat hæc scribenti, una lacrymans.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 126.)Note 54 · Romæ quædam mula peperit, et partus habuit pedes gruis. Vides significari exitium Romæ per schismata.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 126.)Note 55 · Gaudeo Papæ signum datum in mula puerpera, ut citius pereat.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 4.)Note 56 · Hic consumitur omne mihi tempus in lacrymis et luctu.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 126.)Note 57 · Versamur hic in miserrimis curis et plane perpetuis lacrymis.—(Ibid. p. 140.)Note 58 · Mira consternatio animorum nostrorum.—(Ibid.)Note 59 · Ex eremo tacita.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 51.) It is thus he dates his letter.Note 60 · Assidue autem illa diligentiore verbi Dei tractatione alit.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 159.)Note 61 · Nullus abit dies, quin ut minimum tres horas easque studiis optimas in orationibus ponat.—(Ibid.)Note 62 · Semel mihi contigit ut orantem eum audirem.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 159.)Note 63 · Tanta spe et fide ut cum patre et amico colloqui sentiat.—(Ibid.)Note 64 · Tum orantem clara voce, procul stans, audivi.—(Ibid.)Note 65 · Ardebat mihi quoque animus singulari quodam impetu.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 159.)Note 66 · Hic cœpi cogitare tristia, suspirans, vos aliquid mali me celare velle.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 60.)Note 67 · 2 Tim. iii. 12; Philip. ii. 12, 13; John x. 17, 18; Matth. xvi. 18; Psalm xlvi. 1, 2; 1 John iv. 4; Psalm lv. 23; xxvii. 14; John xvi. 33; LNote 68 · Sed orandi tempus non sinebat irasci, et ira non sinebat orare.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 46.)Note 69 · Nec vellem, nec consultum esset, in nostra manu esse.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 46.)Note 70 · The Confession revised and corrected.Note 71 · Deus posuit eam in locum quendam communem, quem in tua rhetorica non habes nec in philosophia tua; is vocatur fides.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 53.)Note 72 · Tantum est opus fide, ne causa fidei sit sine fide.—(Ibid. p. 61.)Note 73 · Wittembergæ scribunt, tam diligenter ibi Ecclesiam orare.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 69.)Note 74 · Capiebat forsan ducentos.—(Jonas, Corp. Ref. ii. p. 157.)Note 75 · Sarpi, Hist. Council. Trent. i. p. 101.Note 76 · Læto et alacri animo et vultu.—(Scultet. i. p. 273.)Note 77 · Ante decennium in conventu Wormatensi.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 153.)Note 78 · Cæsar Latinum prelegi volebat.—(Seck. ii. p. 170.)Note 79 · Qui clare, distincte, tarde et voce adeo grandi et sonora eam pronunciavit.—(Scultet. p. 276.)Note 80 · Ad unam veram concordem religionem, sicut omnes sub uno Christo sumus et militamus.—(Confessio, Præfatio. Urkunden. i. p. 474.)Note 81 · Causam dicturos in tali generali, libero, et Christiano concilio.—(Ibid. p. 479.)Note 82 · Et tamen tres sunt personæ ejusdem essentiæ.—(Ibid. p. 682.)Note 83 · Vitium originis, afferens æternam mortem his qui non renascuntur.—(Confessio, Præfatio. Urkunden. i. p. 483.)Note 84 · Unus Christus, vere Deus, et vere homo.—(Ibid.)Note 85 · Quod homines non possint justificari coram Deo, propriis viribus, meritis, aut operibus, sed gratis, propter Christum, per fidem.—(Ibid. p. Note 86 · Congregatio sanctorum et vere credentium.—(Ibid. p. 487.)Note 87 · Ad veram unitatem Ecclesiæ, satis est consentire de doctrina Evangelii et administratione sacra mentorum, nec necesse est, &c.—(Ibid. p. 486Note 88 · Quod corpus et sanguis Christi, vere adsint et distribuantur vescentibus in cœna Domini.—(F. Urkund. i. p. 488.)Note 89 · De quibus rebus olim parum docebant concionatores; tantum puerilia et non necessaria opera urgebant.—(F. Urkund. i. p. 495.)Note 90 · Non tantum historiæ notitiam, sed fidem quæ credit non tantum historiam, sed etiam effectum historiæ.—(F. Urkund. i. p. 498.)Note 91 · Nihil inesse quod discrepat a Scripturis vel ab Ecclesia Catholica, vel ab Ecclesia Romana, quatenus ex Scriptoribus nota est.—(Ibid. p. 501Note 92 · Verum etiam in area inferiori et vicinis locis exaudiri potuerit.—(Scultet. p. 274.)Note 93 · Jonas scribit vidisse se vultus omnium de quo mihi spondet narrationem coram.—(L. Epp. iv. p. 71.)Note 94 · L. Epp. iv. p. 82.Note 95 · Nonnulli incommode commiscuerunt potestatem ecclesiasticam et potestatem gladii; et ex hac confusione, &c.—(Urkunden. Confes. Augs. i. p. 53Note 96 · Coacti sunt ostendere discrimen ecclesiasticæ potestatis et potestatis gladii.—(Ibid.)Note 97 · Politica administratio versatur enim circa alias res quam Evangelium; magistratus defendit non mentes sed corpora——et coercet homines gladioNote 98 · Non igitur commiscendæ sunt potestates ecclesiasticæ et civilis.—(Ibid.)Note 99 · Greek, πολιτευμα .—(Philip. iii. 20. Scott and Henry Comment.)Note 100 · Excludere a communione Ecclesiæ, sine vi humana sed verbo.—(Urkund. Confes. Augs. i. p. 544.)Note 101 · Nec catholicis episcopis consentiendum est, sicuti forte falluntur, aut contra canonicas Dei scripturas aliquid sentiunt—(Urkund. Confes. AuNote 102 · Mit grosser Stille und Ernst.—(Brüch's Apologie, p. 59.)Note 103 · Concessuros omnia quæ ad dignitatem Episcoporum stabiliendam pertinent.—(Corp. Ref. ii. p. 431.)Note 104 · Nullum detractavimus onus, quod sine scelere suspici posset.—(Ibid.)Note 105 · Solum verbum Dei condit articulos fidei.Note 106 · Satis attentus erat Cæsar. (Jonas in Corp. Ref. ii. p. 184.)Note 107 · Cum nostra confessio legeretur, obdormivit. (Brentius in Corp. Ref. ii. p. 245.)Note 108 · The Latin copy, deposited in the archives of the imperial house, should be found at Brussels; and the German copy, sent afterwards to the CoNote 109 · Gnedichlich vernohmen. (F. Urkunden, ii. p. 3.)Note 110 · Cum incredibili protestantium gaudio. (Seck. ii. p. 170.)Note 111 · Mihi vehementer placet vixisse in hanc horam. (L. Epp. iv. p. 71.)Note 112 · Grösser und höher Werk. (Mathesius, Hist. p. 93-98.)Note 113 · In still angeredet und gebethen. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 143.)Note 114 · Brücks Geschichte der Handl. in den Sachen des Glaubens zu Augsbourg. (Förstemann Archiv. p. 50.)Note 115 · Multi episcopi ad pacem sunt inclinati. (L. Epp. iv. p. 70.)Note 116 · Illa quæ recitata sunt, vera sunt, sunt pura veritas; non possumus inficiari. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 154.)Note 117 · So hab man Im vor nicht gesagt. (Mathes. Hist. p. 99.)Note 118 · Mit Propheten und Aposteln schriften——nicht. (Ibid.)Note 119 · Cæsar sibi fecit nostram confessionem reddi Italica et Gallica lingua. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 155.) The French translation will be found in FörsNote 120 · Perrumpet in omnes aulas Principum et Regum. (L. Epp. iv. p. 96.)Note 121 · Epistle to the Elector of Mentz. (Ibid. p. 74.)Note 122 · Igitur absolvo vos in nomine Domini ab isto conventu. (L. Epp. iv. p. 96.)Note 123 · Vellem ego sacrificium esse hujus novissimi concilii, sicut Johannes Huss Constantiæ. (Ibid. p. 110.)Note 124 · Sed catastrophen illi tragicam, nos comicam expectamus. (Ibid. p. 85.)Note 125 · Sic Satan chorda semper oberrat eadem, et mille-artifex ille non habet contra Christum, nisi unum illud elumbe robur. (Ibid. p. 100.)Note 126 · Sed quod unus monachus debeat nos reformare omnes. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 155.)Note 127 · Aus dem Loch und Winckel. (L. Opp. xx. p. 307.)Note 128 · Quotidie confluunt huc sophistæ ac monachi. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 141.)Note 129 · Nos hic soli ac deserti. (Ibid.)Note 130 · Nos, si pecuniam haberemus, facile religionem quam vellemus emturos ab Italis. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 156.)Note 131 · Heute vor dem morgenessen. (Ibid. p. 143.)Note 132 · Es sind unter uns Städten, viel practica und Selt Sames wesens. (Corp. Ref. ii p. 151.)Note 133 · Ohne Verletzung der gewissen gegen Gott. (F. Urkunden. ii. P. 6.)Note 134 · Adversarii nostri jam deliberant quid velint respondere. (Corp. Ref. ii. 26th June.)Note 135 · Rem agendam esse vi, non audiendam causam. (Ibid. p. 154.)Note 136 · Hi sunt duces, et quidem acerrimi alterius partis. (Ibid.)Note 137 · Omnes unus gubernat rusticus. (Corp. Ref. 26th June p. 176.)Note 138 · Cardinel, Churstusanen, Pracht und Küchen. (Brück Apol. p. 63.)Note 139 · Wir wokten antvorten mit einer Schrift mit Rubricken geschrieben. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 147.)Note 140 · Non venit in senatum. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 175.)Note 141 · Quidam etiam suos ineruditos et ineptos.Note 142 · See the document extracted from the archives of Bavaria in F. Urkunden. ii. p. 9.Note 143 · Konnen den Kaiser nicht uber Gott setzen. (L. Epp. iv. p. 83.)Note 144 · Romischen Kaiser, Vogt, Advocaten und Obristen Beschirmer der kirken. (F. Urkunden. ii. p. 10.)Note 145 · Tahiti for instance.Note 146 · Patres, Patres, Patres; Ecclesia, Ecclesia; usus, consuetudo, præterea e Scriptura nihil. (L. Epp. iv. p. 96.)Note 147 · Pronuntiabit Cæsar contra vos. (Ibid.)Note 148 · Quadam tristitia et quasi desesperatione vexatur. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 163.)Note 149 · Quid nobis sit sperandum in tantis odiis inimicorum. (Ibid. p. 146.)Note 150 · Legati Norinberg ad Senatum. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 161.)Note 151 · Melancthon ad Duc. Sax. Elect. (Ibid. p. 162.)Note 152 · Principes nostri miserunt nos ad R. D. V. (Ibid. p. 171.)Note 153 · Pervenerunt ad nos propositiones quædam Italicæ satis Lutheranæ. (Ibid. p. 163.)Note 154 · Istis Germanis asinis, nobis in hac parte obgannientibus. (Ibid.)Note 155 · Hispanici proceres præclare et sapienter responderunt Cæsari. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 179.)Note 156 · Ἡ ἁδελφἡ ἁυτοκρατορος studet nobis placare fratrem. (Ibid. p. 178.)Note 157 · See the Corp. Ref. ii. p. 168Note 158 · Dogma nullum habemus diversum ab Ecclesia Romana. (Ibid. p. 170.)Note 159 · Quam quia Ecclesiæ Romanæ dogmata summa constantia defendimus. (Ibid.)Note 160 · Vel si recusabitis nos in gratiam recipere. (Ibid.)Note 161 · At certe pro mea persona, ne pilum quidem cedam. (L. Epp. iv. p. 88.)Note 162 · Neque enim juvabimur ni deserti prius simus. (Ibid. p. 91.)Note 163 · Certe jamdudum coram vidissetis me. (Ibid. p. 98.)Note 164 · Ego multos prehensare soleo et Campegium etiam. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 193.)Note 165 · Propero enim ad Campegium. (Ibid. p. 174.)Note 166 · Se nihil posse decernere, nisi de voluntate principum Germaniæ. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 174.)Note 167 · Forte ad legatum veniebant Eccius et Cochlœus. (Ibid. p. 175)Note 168 · Nostra Confessio ad Romam per veredarios missa est. (Corp. Ref. ii. pp. 186, 219.)Note 169 · An plura velimus Cæsari præponere controversa quam fecerimus. (Ibid. p. 188.)Note 170 · Melancthonis Judicium. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 182.)Note 171 · Aus Gottes Wort, weiter bericht zu thun. (F. Urkundenbuch, ii. p. 19.)Note 172 · Bis die convenire dicuntur. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 472.)Note 173 · Eccius cum sua commanipulatione. (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 193.)Note 174 · Longum et plenum conviciis scriptum. (Ibid.)Note 175 · Adeo confusa, incondita, violenta, sanguinolenta et crudelis ut puduerint (Corp. Ref. ii. p. 198.)Note 176 · Hodie auctoribus ipsis Sophistis, a Cæsare rursus esse redditam ut emendetur et civilius componatur. (Ibid.)Note 177 · Nostra confessione ita stupidos, attonitos, et confusos. (Ibid.)Note 178 · Corp. Ref. ii. p. 206; F. Urkund. ii. p. 93.Note 179 · Mit reden und Gebehrden prächtig erzeigt. (Ibid. p. 207.)Note 180 · Minas diras promissis ingentibus adjiciens. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 484.)Note 181 · Venimus huc, ego pridie solemnitatis Divi Johannis, Capito die dominica sequente. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 472.)Note 182 · Rumor apud nos est, et te cum tuis Helvetiis comitia advolatarum. (Ibid. pp. 431, 467.)Note 183 · Ita latent ut non quibuslibet sui copiam faciant. (Corp. Ref. p. 196.)Note 184 · Capito et Bucarus adsunt. Id hodie certo comperi. (Ibid.)Note 185 · Cinglianæ civitates propriam Confessionem obtulerunt Cæsari. (Corp. Ref. p. 187.) This Confession will be found in Niemeyer, Collectio ConfeNote 186 · Ingenue ac fortiter; citra procaciam tamen et sannas, id fateri et dicere quod res est. (Zw. Epp. ii. p. 485.)Note 187 · See Niemeyer Coll. Conf. p. 16.Note 188 · Pedatum et mitratum genus Episcoporum, id esset in Ecclesia, quod gibbi et strumata in corpore. (Ibid.) Zwingle compares the bishops to the Note 189 · Dicas simpliciter mente captum esse. (Corp. Ref. p. 193.)Note 190 · Zwinglius mihi sane placet, et Bucerus. (L. Epp. iv. p. 110.)
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