Chapter III · NOTES
Reading edition
44.1 3, 8.
Notes in this chapter
Note 1 · Messerschmidt, Die Hettiter, p. 9; Stanley Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 73.Note 2 · So Cook, op. cit., p. 73, who interprets her as Astarte.Note 3 · Winckler, Tel-El-Amarna Letters, 17.Note 4 · Vide Winckler, Mittheil des deutsch. Orientgesellsch., 1907, No. 35.Note 5 · Winckler, Die Völker Vorderasiens, p. 21; Messerschmidt, op. cit., p. 5; Kennedy, Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc., 1909, p. 1110, declares that theNote 6 · Vide Messerschmidt, p. 25 (plate); Von Oppenheim, Der Tel-Halaf und die verschleierte Gottin, p. 17, publishes a somewhat similar figure holNote 7 · Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’art, iv. p. 354 (fig.).Note 8 · Vide Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pl. lxiii.-lxxi.; Messerschmidt, op. cit., pp. 26-27.Note 9 · e.g. Outlines of Greek Religion, by R. Karsten, p. 6.Note 10 · Vide supra, p. 46; cf. E. Meyer, Das erste Auftreten der Arier in der Geschichte in Sitzungsb. d. konigl. Preuss. Akad. Wissensch., 1908, ppNote 11 · Vide supra, p. 43.Note 12 · Vide supra, p. 43.Note 13 · Vide Roscher, Lexikon, vol. iii. p. 48, s.v. “Nebo.”Note 14 · Vide Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 67 (Mitth. aus dem Orient. Sammlung. zu Berlin, Heft xi. p. 23).Note 15 · Monuments of Nineveh, i. p. 65 (Roscher, op. cit., ii. p. 2350).Note 16 · P. 43.Note 17 · Roscher, op. cit., vol. iv. p. 29.Note 18 · Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 254-255.Note 19 · Schrader, Keil. Bibl., ii. p. 141.Note 20 · Frag. Hist. Graec., ii. p. 496. Frag. 1, 3.Note 21 · Nineveh and Babylon, pl. vi. (Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 580).Note 22 · Layard, Nineveh and Babylon, fig. 2. Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 580.Note 23 · In the Amer. Journ. Archael., 1887, pp. 59-60, Frothingham cites examples from Assyrian cylinders of birds on pillars or altar with worshippNote 24 · Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 268.Note 25 · Vide chapter i. pp. 14-15.Note 26 · Langdon, Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms, p. 127.Note 27 · Schrader, Keilinsch. Bibl., ii. pp. 79, 83.Note 28 · Op. cit., p. xix.Note 29 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 159, n. 18. Compare with this the personification of abstract ideas; the children of Shamash are Justice (Kettu) and LNote 30 · Vide his article on “Eschmun-Asklepios,” in Orient. Stud. zu Th. Nöldeke am 70ten Geburtstag gewidmet: the proofs are doubtful, but snake-woNote 31 · Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, pp. 30-31.Note 32 · Praep. Ev., 1, 10, 31. Glaser, Mittheilungen uber einige Sabaeische Inschriften, p. 3-4, gives reasons for affirming the worship of black buNote 33 · Op. cit., p. 545.Note 34 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 223.Note 35 · Zimmern, Babyl. Hymn. w. Gebete, p. 11.Note 36 · C. I. Sem., 250.Note 37 · For references, vide my Cults of the Greek States, vol. ii., “Aphrodite,” R. 113a.Note 38 · Vide Head, Hist. Num., p. 586.Note 39 · Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’art, iv. fig. 329; cf. Garstang, op. cit., p. 256.Note 40 · Supra, p 43.Note 41 · Messerschmidt, op. cit., p. 23.Note 42 · Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc., 1909, p. 971.Note 43 · Luschan, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli, Heft iii. Taf. 42, 43; cf. Garstang, op. cit., p. 274.Note 44 · Vide Roscher, op. cit., iii., s.v. “Ramman.”Note 45 · Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit., iv. p. 549, fig. 276; cf. fig. 278.Note 46 · Op. cit., ii. pp. 642-644.Note 47 · Cumont, Voyage d’exploration dans le Pont, p. 139.Note 48 · Vide Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit., vol. iv. fig. 107; cf. the relief-figure of Cybele on a Phrygian rock-tomb, wearing on her head a polos, wNote 49 · Vide “Mycenaean Stone and Pillar-cult,” Hell. Journ., 1901.Note 50 · Evans, “Report of Excavations,” Ann. Brit. School, 1902-1903, p. 92, fig. 63.Note 51 · Ann. Brit. School, 1900-1901, p. 29, fig. 9.Note 52 · Published by Evans in Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 170, fig. 48.Note 53 · Vide Paribeni’s publication in the Monumenti Antichi della Accademia dei Lincei, 1908 (xix.), pp. 6-86, pls. i.-iii.Note 54 · Cf. Ann. Brit. School, 1900-1901, p. 59, fig. 38; young god with shield and spear and lioness or mastiff by his side, on clay seal impressioNote 55 · Ann. Brit. School, 1901-1902, p. 29.Note 56 · Op. cit., p. 98, fig. 56.Note 57 · Trans. Cong. Hist. Relig., ii. p. 155.Note 58 · P. 65.Note 59 · Op. cit., i. p. 254.Note 60 · Ann. Brit. School, 1900-1901, p. 29, n. 3.Note 61 · Ib., p. 98.Note 62 · Lucian, De Dea Syr., 34; cf. Diod. Sic. 2, 5. Dove with “Astarte” on coins of Askalon, autonomous and imperial, Head, Hist. Num., p. 679.Note 63 · According to Aelian, certain sparrows were sacred to Asklepios, and the Athenians put a man to death for slaying one (Var. Hist., v. 17). DiNote 64 · Ann. Brit. School, 1900-1901, p. 30; cf. the paper by M. Salomon Reinach, “Anthropologie,” vi., “La sculpture en Europe avant les influencesNote 65 · Evans in Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 169; Winter, Arch. Anz., 1890, p. 108.Note 66 · Hogarth, Hell. Journ., 1902, p. 92.Note 67 · Vide gem from Vapheio, published by Evans, Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 101, fig. 1; cf. p. 117, figs. 13, 14.Note 68 · Hogarth, op. cit., pp. 79, 91.Note 69 · Evans, Palace of Cnossus, p. 18, fig. 7a.Note 70 · Vide my Cults, iv. p. 115.Note 71 · Protrept., p. 34, P.Note 72 · Protrept., p. 34, P.; Aelian, Nat. An., xii. 5. Similarly, when Diodorus tells us that “the Syrians honoured doves as goddesses” (2, 5), theNote 73 · Op. cit., pp. 129-152.Note 74 · See my Cults, v. pp. 165, 167, R. 79.Note 75 · Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor, p. 99.Note 76 · Cults, iv. p. 115.Note 77 · This view of the passage is more probable than that which I have taken in Cults, i. p. 37 (R. 8, p. 141).Note 78 · Commentary on Pausanias, vol. iii. p. 55.Note 79 · Bull. Corr. Hell., 1899, p. 635 (plate).Note 80 · Archiv. für Religionswissenschaft, 1904, “Sociologic hypotheses concerning the position of women in ancient religion.”Note 81 · Vide supra, p. 43.Note 82 · Vide Jastrow, op. cit., i. p. 216.Note 83 · Zimmern, Bab. Hymn. u. Gebete, p. 20.Note 84 · Ib., p. 24.Note 85 · A. Jeremias in Roscher’s Lexikon, vol. iii. p. 62, s.v. “Nebo.”Note 86 · Zeitschr. f. Assyriologie, 1890, p. 72.Note 87 · Jastrow, op. cit., vol. i. p. 525; cf. the inscription of the last of the Babylonian kings, Nabuna’id, who prays to Ningal, the mother of thNote 88 · Der Alte Orient (1904), p. 20.Note 89 · Weber, op. cit., p. 19.Note 90 · C. I. Sem., 2, 1, n. 2, 113.Note 91 · Sanda, Der Alte Orient, “Die Aramäer,” p. 24.Note 92 · Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 492.Note 93 · xxi. 29.Note 94 · Von Landau, Die phönizischen Inschriften, p. 13.Note 95 · C. I. Sem., 1, ii. ad init.Note 96 · Ib., 1, 7, p. 2.Note 97 · Von Landau, op. cit., p. 14.Note 98 · Adonis, Attis, Osiris, 2nd ed., p. 108; Garstang, op. cit., pl. lxv.Note 99 · Messerschmidt, Die Hettiter, pp. 27, 28.Note 100 · Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit., figs. 280, 281.Note 101 · Garstang, op. cit., pl. lxxiii. pp. 262-263, 267-268.Note 102 · Der Alte Orient, 1908; Der Tel-Halaf und die verschleierte Göttin, pp. 33, 36.Note 103 · Vide Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 73; Winckler, Tel-el-Amarna Tablets; Garstang, op. cit., p. 348.Note 104 · Published by Ramsay, Cities of St. Paul, p. 134, fig. 7.Note 105 · Garstang, op. cit., pp. 175-176, interprets the figure as a priest.Note 106 · Vide my Cults, vol. ii., Artemis-References, R. 79m.Note 107 · Adonis, etc., 2nd ed., p. 129.Note 108 · Religion of the Semites, p. 52.Note 109 · In lecture delivered in Oxford on “Apollo,” and published 1909; cf. his article in Hermes, 1903, p. 575.Note 110 · Cults, vol. ii., “Artemis” Coin-Pl. B, n. 28.Note 111 · Pp. 651, 652, 665.Note 112 · The inscriptions throwing light on the cult at Panamara are contained in Bull. Corr. Hell., 11, 12, 15 (years 1887, 1888, 1891); cf. the artNote 113 · Vide my Cults, vol. iv. p. 173; cf. ib., Apollo Geogr. Reg., s.v. “Phrygia,” p. 452, and R. 57.Note 114 · The type with many breasts might have been suggested by Babylonian symbolism, for the Goddess of Nineveh is spoken of as four-breasted (videNote 115 · Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 168.Note 116 · Vide op. cit., p. 108, fig. 4, and p. 175, fig. 51.Note 117 · Cults, vol. i. pp. 36-38; vol. iii. pp. 294-296.Note 118 · Cf. those cited in note 1 above, and the shield-bearing figure painted on the tomb of Milato in Crete (ib. p. 174).Note 119 · Mutter Erde, 1905.Note 120 · Vide my Cults, v. pp. 345-365.Note 121 · The Celtic question is more difficult: Prof. Rhys in his excellent paper on Celtic religion, read as a Presidential address at the Congress Note 122 · Herod., 1, 94; 4, 45 (note here the Thracian associations of Manes).Note 123 · The Romanised-Celtic cult of a vague group of “Sanctae Virgines,” attested by an inscription found near Lyons (Rhys, Hibbert Lectures, p. 10Note 124 · The warlike character of these Virgin Goddesses, Athena, Ishtar, might be explained on a sociologic hypothesis that would also account for ANote 125 · But in a recent paper (Athenische Mittheilungen, 1911, p. 27) Frickenhaus and Müller give reasons for dating the earliest Heraeum to the eigNote 126 · Bab. Hym. u. Gebet., p. 11.Note 127 · Jastrow, op. cit., p. 230.Note 128 · In Roscher’s Lexikon, ii. 2371; cf. ib., 2367.Note 129 · Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 364.Note 130 · Jeremias, op. cit., iii. p. 250.Note 131 · Langdon, Sum. Babyl. Psalms, p. 83.Note 132 · Roscher, Lexikon, p. 252.Note 133 · Jastrow, op. cit., p. 484.Note 134 · Roscher, Lexikon, iii., s.v. “Nebo.”Note 135 · As Jeremias supposes, Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 60.Note 136 · Vide Tiele, Histoire des anc. relig., p. 242.Note 137 · Vide Winckler, Himmels und Weltenbild der Babylonier, pp. 10-11. Jeremias, Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 58. But Jastrow, op. cit., p. 84, seemsNote 138 · Winckler, ib., p. 11.Note 139 · Roscher, Lexikon, iii. pp. 66-67.Note 140 · Langdon, Hymn xiii. p. 199.Note 141 · Ib., p. 221.Note 142 · Ib., p. 277.Note 143 · Ib., p. 223.Note 144 · Jastrow, op. cit., p. 55.Note 145 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 257.Note 146 · Pinches, Babylonian and Assyrian Religions, p. 104; cf. “Nidaba,” Jastrow, op. cit., p. 95, a goddess of agriculture.Note 147 · “Der Babylonische Gott Tamuz,” in Abh. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss., xxvii. (1909).Note 148 · Zimmern regards Dumuzi or Damuzi as shortened from Dumuzi-Abzu, but Jastrow (op. cit., p. 90) would keep the two names distinct, and interprNote 149 · Vide Zimmern in Sitzungsb. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss., 1907.Note 150 · Zimmern, ib., p. 208; cf. Langdon, op. cit., p. 307.Note 151 · Zimmern, Sitzungsb. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss., p. 220.Note 152 · Eus., Praep. Ev., 1, 9, 29.Note 153 · Ib., 1, 10, 6.Note 154 · Eus., Praep. Ev., 1, 10, 7.Note 155 · Rel. of Sem., pp. 96-100.Note 156 · Polyb., 7, 9 (the Carthaginian oath of alliance with Philip of Macedon).Note 157 · Garstang, op. cit., p. 348.Note 158 · Vide supra, p. 88.Note 159 · Vide my Cults, vol. iii. pp. 295-300.Note 160 · Vide Ramsay, Hell. Journ., v. p. 261; my Cults, iii. p. 299.Note 161 · Ramsay, ib., p. 242.Note 162 · Cults, vol. v. p. 296 (Dionysos, R. 63d).Note 163 · The axe, the thunder-fetish, is attached to her at times, either because it was the prevalent religious symbol in Crete or because of her unNote 164 · E.g. the “Tile-God,” the lord of foundations and tiles, mentioned in the inscription of Nabonid in Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. p. 101; but cf. JNote 165 · Vol. v. 417-420.Note 166 · For Sun-worship indicated by Minoan monuments vide Evans, Hell. Journ., 1901, pp. 172-173; on a stone at Tenos we find a curious inscriptionNote 167 · Vide Cults, v. pp. 450-453, for references.Note 168 · E.g. Plutarch, Vit. Agid., c. 11 (the Spartan ephors every nine years watch the sky, and if a star falls take it for a sign of some religiouNote 169 · Cults, vol. i., “Zeus,” R. 30.Note 170 · Ib., vol. v. p. 452, R. 41.Note 171 · Ib., p. 450, R. 24.Note 172 · Lakonische Kulte, p. 316.Note 173 · Müller, Frag. Hist. Gr., ii. 497.Note 174 · Vide Pinches, op. cit., p. 76.Note 175 · Jastrow, op. cit., p. 246.Note 176 · Id., p. 146.Note 177 · Id., p. 297.Note 178 · Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, p. 681.Note 179 · Vide Margoliouth, Life of Mahomet, pp. 7, 8.Note 180 · Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. 1, p. 87.Note 181 · King, Hammurabi, pl. 191, no. 97, col. ii.; Jeremias, in Roscher, Lexikon, iv. p. 29, s.v. “Ramman.”Note 182 · Jeremias, s.v. “Nebo,” in Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 62.Note 183 · Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 379.Note 184 · Schiel in Rev. de l’histoire des religions, 1897, p. 207.Note 185 · Jeremias, Bab. Assyr. Vorstellungen von dem Leben nach dem Tode, p. 91.Note 186 · Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 430.Note 187 · Jastrow, op. cit., vol. i. p. 34.Note 188 · Johns, Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, etc., p. 27.Note 189 · Reproduced on title-page of Winckler, Die Gesetze Hammurabi.Note 190 · Winckler, op. cit., p. 10.Note 191 · Ib., p. 39.Note 192 · Keilinschr. Bibl., ii. p. 47.Note 193 · Vide Knudtzon, Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott, p. 241.Note 194 · Vide Langdon, Expositor, 1909, p. 149; cf. Jeremias, s.v. “Nebo,” Roscher, op. cit., iii. p. 55.Note 195 · Jeremias, Die Cultus-tafel von Sippar.Note 196 · See Jeremias, Roscher, Lexikon, iii. pp. 62-63.Note 197 · Op. cit., p. 170.Note 198 · Op. cit., p. 223.Note 199 · K.A.T.3, pp. 639-640.Note 200 · Vide Hilprecht in Babyl. Exped. Univ. Pennsylv., vol. v. series D, pp. 24-29.Note 201 · Vide Langdon, Transactions of Congress of History of Religions, vol. i. p. 251.Note 202 · Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. 1, p. 97.Note 203 · Vide Frazer’s paragraph on the divine character of Semitic kings in Adonis, Attis, Osiris2, pp. 12-13.Note 204 · Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 492.Note 205 · Op. cit., p. 481.Note 206 · C. I. Sem. 1, 1, 1 (cf. “Die Phönizischen Inschriften,” by Freiherr von Landau, in Der Alte Orient, 1907, p. 13).Note 207 · Ezek. xxix. 2, 9; quoted by Frazer, supra.Note 208 · The same figure which I interpret as the priest-king occurs in other religious scenes of Hittite sculpture; the type might often have been uNote 209 · Op. cit., pp. 57-58.Note 210 · Strab., p. 535.Note 211 · Vide Ramsay, Hell. Journ., x. p. 158; cf. Hyginus, 191 (Midas Rex Mydonius filius matris Deae).Note 212 · Chil., 1, 473; vide Cook in Class. Rev., 1903, p. 408.Note 213 · Vide my Cults, v. pp. 350-354; Frazer, Journ. Philol., xiv. “The Prytaneum, Temple of Vesta.”Note 214 · C. D. Gray, The Samas Religious Texts (Brit. Mus.), Hymn 1.Note 215 · Keilinschr. Bibl., ii. p. 131.Note 216 · Cook, Religions of Ancient Palestine, p. 109.Note 217 · Jeremias, Hölle u. Paradies, p. 17.Note 218 · Sterrett, Epigraphical Journey, No. 65.Note 219 · Vide Cults, vol. v. p. 19.Note 220 · Vide Frazer, Psyche’s Task, pp. 18-30.Note 221 · Vide Winckler’s “Die Gesetze Hammurabi” in Der Alte Orient, 1906; an English version of the code in Johns’ Babylonian and Assyrian Laws and Note 222 · The son of the slain man could claim compensation for manslaughter. In an Assyrian document a slave-girl is handed over to the son at the grNote 223 · Vide Johns, op. cit., p. 77.Note 224 · Op. cit., p. 83.Note 225 · Op. cit., p. 85.Note 226 · Op. cit., p. 86.Note 227 · Op. cit., p. 90.Note 228 · Translated by Scheil in Rev. de l’hist. des Religions, 1897, p. 205.Note 229 · Zimmern in K.A.T.3, p. 455; cf. his Beiträge zur Kenntniss der Babyl. Religion, ii. p. 147, “for the House-God, the House-Goddess, for the HNote 230 · For exceptions, vide infra, pp. 213, 217.Note 231 · Vide Johns, op. cit., p. 133; quoting from paper by Dr. Pinches in Proceedings of the Victoria Institute, 1892-93, “Notes on some recent DisNote 232 · Johns, op. cit., p. 154, etc., treats Babylonian adoption wholly as a secular business based on secular feelings.Note 233 · Il., 18, 505.Note 234 · Od., 3, 215.Note 235 · Vide Cults, iv. pp. 201-202.Note 236 · Ib., p. 202.Note 237 · Ib., pp. 104-106.Note 238 · Vide my Cults, iii. pp. 80-81.Note 239 · Ib., pp. 53-55.Note 240 · Vide supra, pp. 129-131.Note 241 · Vide my Cults, v. p. 345.Note 242 · Evolution of Religion, pp. 139-152.Note 243 · Zimmern, Babylonische Hymnen und Gebete, p. 20.Note 244 · Pinches, op. cit., p. 77.Note 245 · Vide Jeremias, Bab. Assyr. Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem Tode, p. 68.Note 246 · Zimmern, K.A.T.3, pp. 433-434.Note 247 · Zimmern, op. cit., pp. 412, 587.Note 248 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 83.Note 249 · Roscher, Lexikon, vi. p. 47, s.v. “Ramman.”Note 250 · Certain other minor powers or daimones, such as the corn-deity, the Lord of Watercourses (Shuqamunu), may have remained purely “functional,”Note 251 · Ἀφροδίτη ἀνδροφόνος or ἀνόσιος, Cults, ii. p. 665, and Διόνυσος ἀνθρωπορραίστης, ib., v. p. 156.Note 252 · Zimmern, K.A.T.3, pp. 416-418; Jastrow, op. cit., pp. 297, 487.Note 253 · Weber, Dämonenbeschwörung bei den Babyloniern und Assyrern, p. 8.Note 254 · Il., 9, 312.Note 255 · Od., 22, 334.Note 256 · Il., 9, 63.Note 257 · Il., 15, 204.Note 258 · Od., 11, 280.Note 259 · Weber, op. cit., p. 8.Note 260 · Gray, Samaš Religious Texts (British Museum), Hymn 1.Note 261 · Zimmern, Babylonische Hymnen u. Gebete, p. 18.Note 262 · Weber, op. cit., p. 9.Note 263 · Zimmern, op. cit., p. 23.Note 264 · “I have sinned and am therefore ill,” is the conventional formula in the confessional exorcism (Zimmern, op. cit., p. 26).Note 265 · Zimmern, op. cit., pp. 23-24.Note 266 · Op. cit., pp. 28-30.Note 267 · Vide my Evolution of Religion, p. 128.Note 268 · Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 49.Note 269 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 269.Note 270 · Jastrow, op. cit., p. 536. For the idea of the goddess as the pleader for man before the high god, cf. the prayer of Ashurbanapal to Ninlil Note 271 · Zimmern, op. cit., p. 15; ib., p. 11.Note 272 · Jastrow, op. cit., p. 200.Note 273 · Il., 9, 497; cf. my Cults, i. pp. 72-73, 75-77.Note 274 · Vide Jeremias in Roscher’s Lexikon, ii. p. 2355.Note 275 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 225.Note 276 · Jastrow, op. cit., p. 490.Note 277 · Ib., p. 529.Note 278 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 3.Note 279 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 319.Note 280 · Cults, iii. p. 33.Note 281 · Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2354.Note 282 · Vide Jeremias, Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar, p. 29.Note 283 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 191.Note 284 · Ib., p. 193.Note 285 · Ib., p. 289.Note 286 · Ib., p. 3.Note 287 · Tabl. 9, 1, 11.Note 288 · Choix des textes religieux Assyriens Babyloniens, p. 270.Note 289 · Vide Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 423; but cf. his Beiträge zur Kenntniss d. Babyl. Relig., ii. p. 179, “trefflich ist die grosse Buhle die herrlichNote 290 · E.g. by Dhorme, op. cit.Note 291 · Keilinschr. Bibl., ii. p. 47.Note 292 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 11.Note 293 · Ib., p. 289.Note 294 · Jastrow, op. cit., 460.Note 295 · Only a late Greek inscription from Berytos designates Baal as the pure God θεῷ ἁγίῳ (Dittenberger, Orient. Graec. Inscr., 590).Note 296 · Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 482.Note 297 · Vide Weber, Arabien vor dem Islam, p. 18.Note 298 · Epiphanius, Panarium, 51; cf. my Cults, ii. 629.Note 299 · C. I. Sem., 1, 1, 195.Note 300 · De Civ. Dei, 2, 4; cf. Roscher, Lexikon, i., s.v. “Caelestis.” C.I.L., 8, 9796.Note 301 · Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit., iv. fig. 280.Note 302 · Year 1909.Note 303 · Vide Cults, iii. pp. 305-306; Sir William Ramsay, in Amer. Journ. Arch., 1887, p. 348, expressed his belief in the prevalence of the cult ofNote 304 · The fact that a part of her temple at Kyzikos was called Παρθενών does not indicate a virgin-goddess. M. Reinach is, in my opinion, right inNote 305 · Cults, vol. i., “Athena,” R. 66.Note 306 · A different view of the whole question might be presented if I was dealing here with the evidence gleaned from the period just before ChristNote 307 · Cults, iii. p. 206.Note 308 · 8, 44, 5.Note 309 · Langdon, op. cit., pp. 1, 7.Note 310 · Vide Langdon, op. cit., p. 225.Note 311 · Vide Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2348.Note 312 · Vide Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 401.Note 313 · Even the Pythian Apollo, in our earliest record of his oracle, is only the voice of “the counsels of God” (cf. Hom. Od., 8, 79).Note 314 · Weber, Dämonenbeschwörung bei den Babyloniern und Assyrern, p. 7.Note 315 · Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2355, quoting Hymn iv. R. 29, 1.Note 316 · Dhorme, Choix, etc., p. 25, l. 39.Note 317 · E.g. Langdon, op. cit., pp. 39-41; cf. p. xix.Note 318 · Zimmern, Babyl. Hymne u. Gebete, p. 8.Note 319 · Dhorme, Choix, etc., p. 343.Note 320 · Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2367 (iv. R. 26, n. 4).Note 321 · Langdon, op. cit., pp. 39, 99.Note 322 · Vide my essays in Evolution of Religion, pp. 184-192.Note 323 · Langdon, op. cit., p. 129.Note 324 · Dhorme, op. cit., p. 5, l. 7.Note 325 · Jeremias, Hölle und Paradies, p. 12; Roscher, Lexikon, s.v. “Ninib,” iii. p. 368.Note 326 · Vide infra, pp. 291-293.Note 327 · Evolution of Religion, pp. 186, 187.Note 328 · Zimmern, K.A.T.3, pp. 490, 491, 497.Note 329 · Pp. 52-100; cf. Pinches, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 30, etc.; Zimmern, op. cit., 488-506.Note 330 · Il., 14, 246, 302.Note 331 · E.g., vide A. Lang, Myth Ritual and Religion, pp. 182, 198, 203; cf. Macdonell, Vedic Mythology, pp. 13, 14; Golther, Handbuch der German. MNote 332 · Macdonell, op. cit., pp. 12, 13.Note 333 · Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 497.Note 334 · Vide A. Lang, Myth Ritual and Religion, ii. pp. 29, 30.Note 335 · Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 498; cf. King, op. cit., pp. 84-86.Note 336 · Vide Strab., p. 626; others placed it in the volcanic region of Lydia (ib., p. 579).Note 337 · Cf. King, op. cit., pp. 101, 102 (plate); and Zimmern, K.A.T.3, pp. 502, 503, n. 2.Note 338 · Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 497.Note 339 · King, op. cit., pp. 88-91; Zimmern, op. cit., p. 498 (b).Note 340 · Ad Ov. Metam., 1, 34 (the authenticity of the Lactantius passage is doubted; vide Bapp in Roscher’s Lexikon, iii. p. 3044).Note 341 · The first is specially Babylonian, the second in Esarhaddon’s inscriptions (vide Jastrow, op. cit., pp. 248, 249).Note 342 · “La Trinité Carthaginoise” in Gazette Archéol., 1879-1880.Note 343 · Evans, in Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 140.Note 344 · Vide, however, Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 419, who tries to derive the Christian Trinity ultimately from Babylon.Note 345 · Vide Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 67, s.v. “Nebo.”Note 346 · Vide Cults, v. p. 431.Note 347 · Vide op. cit., vol. iii. pp. 284-285.Note 348 · Vide op. cit., vol. i. pp. 84, 85.Note 349 · Made by Weber in Arabien vor dem Islam, p. 19.Note 350 · Vide Pinches, op. cit., p. 118; Jastrow, op. cit., p. 203, n. 1.Note 351 · Quoted by Jeremias in his article on “Nebo” in Roscher, Lexikon, iii. p. 49.Note 352 · It is interesting to note the cult of the supreme god under the title of Μέγιστος in the remote district and city of Boulis, which excited tNote 353 · Vide Langdon, Transactions of Congress of Rel., 1908, i. p. 254.Note 354 · Zimmern, Babylon. Hymn. u. Gebete, p. 27.Note 355 · Langdon, Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms, p. 269.Note 356 · Keilinschr. Bibl. (Schrader), vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 69.Note 357 · iv. R. 3, 5; quoted by Jeremias in Bab. Assyr. Vorstell. vom Leben nach dem Tode.Note 358 · Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. 2, p. 11.Note 359 · In Aesch. Agam., l. 70, the words οὔτε δακρύων are spurious, as I have argued in Class. Review, 1897, p. 293.Note 360 · We might perhaps infer their recognition from the occasional use of the word δεισιδαίμων in a partly good sense, e.g. Aristot. Pol., 5, 11, Note 361 · Nebukadnezar (of all people) calls himself more than once “the humble, the submissive,” e.g. Keilinschr. Bibl., iii. p. 63.Note 362 · We find the phrase δοῦλος ὑμέτερος also in the Greek magic papyri, but these are charged with the Oriental spirit; Kenyon, Greek Pap., i. p.Note 363 · C. I. Sem., 1, No. 122.Note 364 · These facts are collected and exposed in a valuable article by Perdrizet in Archiv. für Relig. Wissensch., 1911, pp. 54-129; cf. Revue des ÉNote 365 · Vide O. Weber, Arabien vor dem Islam, p. 21.Note 366 · Dittenberg, Orient. Graec. Inscr., 619 (= Lebas-Waddington, Inscr., iii. 2393); the reading here is Θεὸν Αὐμόν, probably a mistake for ΑὐμοῦNote 367 · Vide Roscher’s Lexikon, ii. p. 2752.Note 368 · Vide ib., iii. p. 1496.Note 369 · Cults, vol. i., “Athena,” R. 96b (Paus., 1, 42, 4); as regards “Apollo Sarpedonios” we are uncertain whether the title was not merely local-Note 370 · Langdon, op. cit., pp. 309, 321; cf. the lines in the hymn, p. 335: “I am the child who upon the flood was cast out—Damu, who on the flood wNote 371 · Bergk’s Lyr. Graec., iii. p. 654.Note 372 · Pp. 222-223.Note 373 · Vide supra, p. 42.Note 374 · Keilinschr. Bibl., ii. p. 191.Note 375 · Keil. Bibl., ii. p. 11.Note 376 · Ib., p. 69.Note 377 · Ib., p. 257.Note 378 · Keil. Bibl., ii. pp. 133-134.Note 379 · Ib., pp. 203, 207.Note 380 · Ib., p. 205.Note 381 · We note the indication of a cruel human sacrifice—consecration of a child to a god or goddess by fire—as a legal punishment for reopening adNote 382 · Vide Dr. Langdon’s paper on “Babylonian Eschatology;” in Essays in Modern Theology (papers offered to Professor Briggs, 1911), p. 139.Note 383 · Vide Jeremias, Hölle und Paradies, p. 30; cf. King, Bab. Rel., p. 46—formula for laying a troubled and dangerous ghost—“let him depart into Note 384 · The “waters of death” figure in the Epic of Gilgamesh, e.g. King, op. cit., p. 169.Note 385 · Vide inscr. of Sargon II. in Keil. Bibl., ii. 2, pp. 75-77, 79: “Ea, Sin, Shamash, Nabu, Ramman, Ninib, and their benign spouses, who were rNote 386 · Passage in “The Descent of Ishtar,” Jeremias, op. cit., p. 20.Note 387 · King, op. cit., pp. 45-46.Note 388 · Vide Langdon, op. cit.Note 389 · Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 36.Note 390 · Vide Langdon, op. cit.Note 391 · Vide Prof. Margoliouth’s article on “Ancestor-worship” in Hastings’ Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics.Note 392 · King’s translation in Babyl. Relig., pp. 48-49. Cf. Jeremias, Hölle u. Paradies, p. 12.Note 393 · Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 35.Note 394 · E.g. Eur. Troad., 1085, σὺ μὲν φθίμενος ἀλαίνεις ἄθαπτος, ἄνυδρος.Note 395 · Langdon, op. cit.Note 396 · King, op. cit., p. 176.Note 397 · Thureau-Dangin, Les cylindres de Goudéa, p. 57: Les héros morts leur bouche auprès d’une fontaine il plaça.Note 398 · Winckler, op. cit., p. 41.Note 399 · Jeremias, op. cit., p. 15.Note 400 · E.g. Peiser, Sketch of Babylonian Society, in the Smithsonian Institute, 1898, p. 586, speaks as if it was ancestor-worship that held the BaNote 401 · Vide my article on “Hero-worship” in Hibbert Journal, 1909, p. 417.Note 402 · V. Landau, Phönizische Inschr., p. 15.Note 403 · Jeremias, Hölle u. Paradies, p. 37.Note 404 · It would be idle for my purpose to distinguish between the so-called “Achaean” and “Pelasgian” elements in the Homeric Νέκυια; even if the lNote 405 · Hesiod, Ἔργ. 110-170 (the men of the golden and the silver ages and the heroes).Note 406 · Vide Zimmern in K.A.T.3, pp. 636-639; Jeremias, Hölle u. Paradies, p. 25; cf. his Die Babyl. Assyr. Vorstellungen rom. Leben nach dem Tode.Note 407 · Vide supra, p. 160.Note 408 · Zimmern, op. cit., p. 520; King, op. cit., p. 188.Note 409 · King, op. cit., p. 138.Note 410 · Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 493.Note 411 · Cf. Keil. Bibl., ii. 109; Jeremias, Hölle u. Paradies, pp. 13-14.Note 412 · Jastrow, op. cit., pp. 472-473.Note 413 · Ib., p. 473.Note 414 · Ib., p. 472.Note 415 · Zimmern in Sitzungsber. d. Kön. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss. 1907, “Sumerisch-Babylonische Tanzlieder,” p. 220.Note 416 · Vide Jeremias in his article on “Nergal” in Roscher’s Lexikon, iii. p. 251.Note 417 · It is doubtful if any argument can be based on the name Ningzu, occasionally found as the name of the consort of Ereshkigal (Zimmern, K.A.T.Note 418 · Only in the story of Adapa he appears as one of the warders of the gates of heaven (Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 521).Note 419 · The story of Aphrodite descending into Hades to seek Adonis is much later than the period with which we are dealing. Nergal’s descent to satNote 420 · Cook, The Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 17.Note 421 · Researches in Sinai, p. 72, etc., 186: he would carry back the foundation to the fourth millennium B.C.Note 422 · Vide Arch. Anzeig., 1909, p. 498.Note 423 · Vide Cults, iii. p. 299.Note 424 · Vide Hogarth’s evidence for the date of the earliest Artemision, Excavations at Ephesus, p. 244.Note 425 · Il., i. 38.Note 426 · Ib., vi. 269, 299-300.Note 427 · Ib., ii. 550.Note 428 · Ib., ix. 405.Note 429 · Vide Stengel, Griechische Sacral-Altertümer, p. 17.Note 430 · Vide Athen. Mittheil., 1911, pp. 27, 192.Note 431 · Vide Jeremias in Roscher, Lexikon, ii. p. 2347, s.v. “Marduk.”Note 432 · Something near to it would be found in the cult-phrase Ζεὺς Νᾶος of Dodona, which is a form commoner in the inscriptions than Ζεὺς Νάϊος, ifNote 433 · A disk on the top of a pole, vide Jastrow, Rel. Bab. Assyr., vol. i. p. 203.Note 434 · Cook, op. cit., p. 28.Note 435 · Religion of the Semites, pp. 185-195; “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” Hell. Journ., 1901. It is interesting to note that Baitylos, a name Note 436 · Vide Evans, op. cit., and Annual of British School, 1908, 1909.Note 437 · Vide my Cults, i. pp. 13-18, 102; ii. pp. 520, 670; iv. pp. 4, 149, 307; v. pp. 7, 240, 444.Note 438 · For the evidence of a pillar-cult of Apollo Agyieus and Karneios coming from the north, vide Cults, vol. iv. pp. 307-308.Note 439 · The pillars known as “Kudurru,” with emblems of the various divinities upon them, served merely as boundary-stones (vide Jastrow, op. cit., Note 440 · 6, 269.Note 441 · Cults, ii. 445.Note 442 · Op. cit., vol. v. p. 8.Note 443 · Arnob. Adv. Gent., 5, 19 (in the mysteries of the Cyprian Venus), “referunt phallos propitii numinis signa donatos.”Note 444 · Cook, Religion of Ancient Palestine, p. 28; cf. Corp. Inscr. Sem., i. 11. 6, inscription found in cave, dedicated perhaps by the hierodulai,Note 445 · Rel. of Sem., pp. 437-438.Note 446 · De Dea Syria, c. 16 and c. 28.Note 447 · Histoire de l’Art, iv. pl. viii, D.Note 448 · Jeremias, in his articles on “Izdubar” and “Nebo” in Roscher’s Lexikon, ii. p. 792 and iii. p. 65, concludes that a phallic emblem was emploNote 449 · Thureau-Dangin, Les Cylindres de Goudéa, p. 69.Note 450 · This may explain the double phrase, used concerning the institution and endowment of temple-rites in an inscription of the time of Tiglath-PNote 451 · Vide Robertson Smith, op. cit., p. 200.Note 452 · Vide Cults, i. p. 88; v. p. 199.Note 453 · Judges ix. 13; cf. Robertson Smith, op. cit., p. 203.Note 454 · Lagrange, Études sur les religions sémitiques, p. 506. This seems to agree with the statement in Diodorus (19, 94) that the Nabataeans tabooNote 455 · Gray, Shamash Religious Texts, p. 21.Note 456 · Dhorme, Choix, etc., p. 41, l. 136.Note 457 · Vide Cults, iii. p. 390, R. 57h.Note 458 · Ib., ii. p. 646.Note 459 · Robertson Smith, op. cit., pp. 272-273.Note 460 · Athenae. 376a (Cults, i. p. 141).Note 461 · Cults, ii. pp. 646-647.Note 462 · O. Weber, Dämonenbeschwörung, p. 29; his note on the passage “that the unclean beast is offered as a substitute for an unclean man” is not sNote 463 · Zimmern, K.A.T.3, pp. 409-410.Note 464 · Robertson Smith’s theory that the gift-sacrifice was a later degeneracy from the communion-type is unconvincing; vide specially an article bNote 465 · “Sacrificial Communion in Greek Religion,” in Hibbert Journal, 1904.Note 466 · E.g. Il., 1, 457-474; Od., 3, 1-41; 14, 426.Note 467 · Cf. Schol. Od., 3, 441 (who defines οὐλοχύται as barley and salt mixed with water or wine… καὶ ἔθυον αὐτὰ πρὸ τοῦ ἱερείου… κριθὰς δὲ ἐνέβαλοNote 468 · Vide Evans, “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” Hell. Journ., 1901, pp. 114-115.Note 469 · Od., 14, 426; cf. the custom reported from Arabia of mingling hair from the head of a worshipper with the paste from which an idol is made.Note 470 · Aristoph. Pax., 956.Note 471 · Athenae, p. 419, B.Note 472 · Vide Arch. Rel. Wiss., 1909, p. 467; Thomsen there explains it wholly from the idea of tabu.Note 473 · The common meal of the thiasotaï is often represented on later reliefs, vide Perdriyet, “Reliefs Mysiens,” Bull. Corr. Hell., 1899, p. 592.Note 474 · Vide Cults, i. pp. 56-58, 88-92.Note 475 · In my article on “Sacrificial Communion in Greek Religion,” Hibbert Journal, 1904, p. 320, I have been myself guilty of this, in quoting theNote 476 · Vide Cults, vol. i. p. 145.Note 477 · See Crusius’ article in Roscher’s Lexikon, s.v. “Harpalyke.”Note 478 · Vide Cults, v. pp. 161-172.Note 479 · Ib., v. p. 165.Note 480 · K.A.T.3, p. 596.Note 481 · Jeremias, Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar, p. 26.Note 482 · Zimmern, Beiträge zur Kennt. Bab. Rel., p. 15.Note 483 · Vide Frazer, Adonis-Attis-Osiris, p. 189; cf. “Communion in Greek Religion,” Hibbert Journ., 1904, p. 317.Note 484 · Jeremias, Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar, p. 28.Note 485 · Weber, Dämonenbeschwörung, etc., p. 29.Note 486 · iv. R2, pl. 26, No. 6; this is the inscription quoted by Prof. Sayce (vide infra, p. 182, n.) as a document proving human sacrifice. I owe tNote 487 · Jeremias, op. cit., p. 29.Note 488 · Renan’s thesis (C. I. Sem., i. p. 229) that the idea of sin, so dominant in the Hebrew and Phoenician sacrifice, was entirely lacking in theNote 489 · Cults, ii. p. 441.Note 490 · Vide K.A.T.3, pp. 434, 599, where Zimmern refers to the monuments published by Ménant, Pierres gravées, i. figs. 94, 95, 97, as possibly shoNote 491 · Babylonian and Assyrian Laws, p. 95.Note 492 · The excavations at Gezer have revealed almost certain evidence of the early practice of human sacrifice; a number of skeletons, one of a girNote 493 · Stengel, Die griechischen Kultusaltertümer, p. 89.Note 494 · K.A.T.3, p. 599.Note 495 · Jastrow, op. cit., i. p. 500.Note 496 · Might this be the meaning of a line in a hymn translated by Jastrow, op. cit., p. 549, “I turn myself to thee (O Goddess Gula), I have graspNote 497 · Zimmern’s Beiträge, etc., p. 99.Note 498 · On the famous bronze plaque of the Louvre (Jeremias, Hölle und Paradies, p. 28, Abb. 6) we see two representatives of Ea in the fish-skin ofNote 499 · Vide my Evolution of Religion, pp. 118-120.Note 500 · K.A.T.3, p. 49.Note 501 · 3, 300; 19, 265-267.Note 502 · Polybius, 3, 25, ἐγὼ μόνος ἐκπέσοιμι οὕτως ὡς ὅδε λίθος νῦν.Note 503 · Op. cit., ii. p. 217.Note 504 · According to Dr. Langdon (op. cit., p. xvi.), the wailing for Tammuz was developed in the early Sumerian period of the fourth millennium.Note 505 · Langdon, op. cit., 300-341; cf. Zimmern, “Sumerisch-Babylonische Tamuzlieder,” in Sitzungsber. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wissen., 1907, pp. 201-Note 506 · Vide supra, p. 105.Note 507 · Vide Langdon, op. cit., p. 501.Note 508 · Antiqu., 8, 5, 3; cf. Clem. Recogn., 10, 24; Baudissin in his Eschmun-Asklepios (Oriental. Stud. zu Nöldeke gewidmet, p. 752) thinks that thNote 509 · Perrot-Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art, iv. pl. viii.Note 510 · Rev. de Philol., 1893, p. 195.Note 511 · Vide Frazer, op. cit., pp. 98-99.Note 512 · K. O. Müller, Kleine Schriften, vol. ii. pp. 102-103.Note 513 · Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc., 1909, pp. 966, 971; the information about the true meaning of the ideogram I owe to Dr. Langdon.Note 514 · Vide supra, p. 91; cf. Cults, ii. pp. 644-649; iii. pp. 300-305.Note 515 · The Babylonian myths of Etana and Adapa, and their ascent to heaven, may have given the cue to the Phrygian stories of Ganymede and TantalosNote 516 · Dr. Frazer, in Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings (G. B., vol. ii. p. 45), quotes from N. Tsackni (La Russie Sectaire, p. 74) an example oNote 517 · Vide Cults, iii. pp. 300-301. Dr. Frazer’s theory is that the act of castration was performed in order to maintain the fruitfulness of the eNote 518 · Vide Cults, i. pp. 36-38.Note 519 · Vide Evolution of Religion, p. 62.Note 520 · Porph. Vit. Pyth., 17; cf. Callim. H. ad. Jov., 8; Diod. Sic., 3, 61; vide Cults, i. pp. 36-37.Note 521 · Vide A. Evans in Hell. Journ., xvii. 350.Note 522 · Vide Cults, vol. ii. p. 651; cf. Clem. Recogn., 10, 24, “sepulcrum Cypriae Veneris apud Cyprum.”Note 523 · Ib., pp. 651-652.Note 524 · Vide Cults, vol. ii. pp. 447, n. c., 478, 638, n. a.Note 525 · Aristot. Rhet., 2, 23.Note 526 · Athenae, p. 620 A (ζητεῖν αὐτὸν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας μετά τινος μεμελῳδημένου θρήνου καὶ ἀνακλήσεως); Pollux., 4, 54.Note 527 · Frazer, GB2, vol. ii. p. 106.Note 528 · Vide Thureau-Dangin, Vorderasiatische Bibliothek, i. p. 77.Note 529 · Weber, Arabien vor dem Islam, p. 19.Note 530 · Vide Evans in Hell. Journ., 1901, p. 176.Note 531 · Cults, i. pp. 184-191.Note 532 · Ib., iii. pp. 123-124.Note 533 · Ib., iii. p. 176; cf. vol. iv. p. 34 n. b.Note 534 · Ib., i. pp. 189-190.Note 535 · 1, 181.Note 536 · Vide, for instance, Dr. Langdon in the Expositor, 1909, p. 143.Note 537 · Winckler, Die Gesetze Hammurabi, p. 182.Note 538 · Vide Dieterich, Mithras-Liturgie, pp. 126-127; Reizenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterien-religionen.Note 539 · Vide Herzog’s Real-Encyclop., s.v. “Montanismus.”Note 540 · Jourdanet et Siméon transl. of Sahagun, pp. 147-148.Note 541 · Golther, Handbuch der Germanischen Mythologie, p. 229; cf. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 589.Note 542 · Pausan., 2, 33, 3; 9, 27, 6; cf. my article in Archiv. für Religionswiss., 1904, p. 74; E. Fehrle, Die Kultische Keuschheit im Alterthum, p.Note 543 · Paus., 3, 16, 1.Note 544 · Cults, v. pp. 217-219.Note 545 · Vide Cults, v. p. 109.Note 546 · Winckler, op. cit., p. 110; Johns, op. cit., p. 54.Note 547 · Code, § 182.Note 548 · Jastrow, op. cit., ii. 157.Note 549 · Vide Winckler’s interpretation of §§ 178, 180, 181; cf. also Zimmern in K.A.T.3, 423.Note 550 · 1, 199.Note 551 · E.g. Zimmern in K.A.T.3, p. 423.Note 552 · Verse 43.Note 553 · The first to insist emphatically on the necessity of their distinction was Mr. Hartland, in Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor,Note 554 · E.g. Hosea iv. 13; Deut. xxiii. 18; 1 Kings xiv. 24.Note 555 · Weber, Arabien vor dem Islam, p. 18.Note 556 · C. I. Sem., 1, 263.Note 557 · Strab., 272.Note 558 · Strab., 559.Note 559 · Pind. Frag., 87; Strab., 378; (Cults, ii. p. 746, R. 99g).Note 560 · Cities and Bishoprics, i. 94. In his comment he rightly points out that the woman is Lydian, as her name is not genuine Roman; but he is wroNote 561 · Et. Mag., s.v. Ἱκόνιον.Note 562 · De Dea Syr., 6; cf. Aug. De Civ. Dei, 4, 10: “cui (Veneri) etiam Phoenices donum dabant de prostitutione filiarum, antequam eas jungerent viNote 563 · See Frazer, op. cit., p. 33, n. 1, quoting Sozomen. Hist. Eccles., 5, 10, 7; Sokrates, Hist. Eccles., 1, 18, 7-9; Euseb. Vita Constantin., 3Note 564 · 18, 5.Note 565 · This is confirmed by the legend given by Apollodoros (Bibl., 3, 14, 3) that the daughters of Kinyras, owing to the wrath of Aphrodite, had sNote 566 · Justin, 21, 3; Athenaeus, 516 A, speaks vaguely, as if the women of the Lokri Epizephyrii were promiscuous prostitutes.Note 567 · Pp. 532-533.Note 568 · The lovers, Melanippos and Komaitho, sin in the temple of Artemis Triklaria of the Ionians in Achaia; the whole community is visited with thNote 569 · Antike Wald u. Feld Kulte, p. 285, etc.Note 570 · Why should not the priestess rather play the part of the goddess, and why, if we trust Plutarch (Vit. Artaxerx., 27), was the priestess of ANote 571 · Vol. i. pp. 94-96.Note 572 · Op. cit., p. 35, etc.Note 573 · Op. cit., p. 44.Note 574 · I pointed out this objection in an article in the Archiv. f. Relig. Wissensch., 1904, p. 81; Mr. S. Hartland has also, independently, develoNote 575 · Vol. ii. p. 446.Note 576 · Origin of Civilisation, pp. 535-537.Note 577 · Vide Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, p. 76.Note 578 · Mr. Hartland objects (loc. cit., p. 200) to this explanation on the ground that the stranger would dislike the danger as much as any one elsNote 579 · But vide Gennep, Les Rites de passage, p. 100.Note 580 · Cf. Arnob. Adv. Gent., 5, 19, with Firmic. Matern. De Error., 10, and Clemens, Protrept., c. 2, p. 12, Pott.Note 581 · 1, 199.Note 582 · The lady who there boasts of her prostitute-ancestresses describes them also as “of unwashed feet”; and this is a point of asceticism and hoNote 583 · Op. cit., p. 199.Note 584 · K.A.T.3, p. 423.Note 585 · Vide supra, p. 163. The writer of the late apocryphal document, “The Epistle of Jeremy,” makes it a reproach to the Babylonian cult that “woNote 586 · Vide Cults, iv. p. 301.Note 587 · Vide Inscription of Sippar in British Museum, concerning the re-establishment of cult of Shamash by King Nabupaladdin, 884-860 B.C. (JeremiaNote 588 · Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms, p. 75.Note 589 · Vide Langdon in Transactions of Congress for the History of Religions (1908), vol. i. p. 250.Note 590 · Vide Zeitung für Assyriologie, 1910, p. 157.Note 591 · Formula for driving out the demon of sickness, “Bread at his head place, rain-water at his feet place” (Langdon, ib. p. 252).Note 592 · Delitsch, Wörterbuch, i. 79-80.Note 593 · Zeit. für Assyr., 1910, p. 157.Note 594 · Vide Hippocrates (Littré), vi. 362; Stengel, Griechischer Kultusaltertümer (Iwan Müller’s Handbuch, p. 110).Note 595 · Referred to in the comedy of Eupolis called the “Baptai.”Note 596 · Jastrow, op. cit., p. 500.Note 597 · Op. cit., p. 297, 487; the priest-exorciser, the Ashipu, uses a brazier in the expulsion of demons.Note 598 · Vide Golther, Handbuch der Germanischen Mythologie, p. 580; cf. my Cults, v. p. 196.Note 599 · Cults, vol. v. pp. 383-384; cf. iv. p. 301.Note 600 · Cults, v. p. 356; cf. p. 363 (the purifying animal carried round the hearth).Note 601 · Eur. Herc. Fur., 928.Note 602 · Dio Chrys. Or., 48 (Dind., vol. ii. p. 144), περικαθήραντες τὴν πόλιν μὴ σκίλλῃ μηδὲ δαδί, πολὺ δὲ καθαρωτέρῳ χρήματι τῷ λόγῳ (cf. Lucian, MNote 603 · “To take fire and swear by God” is a formula that occurs in the third tablet of Surpu; vide Zimmern, Beiträge zur Kenntniss Babyl. Relig., pNote 604 · Salt used as a means of exorcism in Babylonia as early as the third millennium (vide Langdon, Transactions of Congress Hist. Relig., 1908, vNote 605 · Vide Thureau-Dangin, Cylindres de Goudéa, pp. 29, 93.Note 606 · Vide Evolution of Religion, pp. 113, 114, 117; Cults, v. p. 322 (Schol. Demosth., 22, p. 68).Note 607 · 5, 13, 6.Note 608 · Vide Cults, iii. pp. 303-304; Evolution of Religion, p. 121.Note 609 · Vide supra, p. 146.Note 610 · Vide Cults, iii. p. 167.Note 611 · Published in Zimmern’s Beiträge, p. 123; cf. Weber, Dämonenbeschwörung, pp. 17-19.Note 612 · Il., xvi. 228.Note 613 · Od., ii. 261.Note 614 · Il., i. 313.Note 615 · Od., xxii. 481: In the passage referred to above, Achilles uses sulphur to purify the cups.Note 616 · Od., xiii. 256-281: This is rightly pointed out by Stengel in his Griechische Kultusaltertümer, p. 107.Note 617 · Evolution of Religion, pp. 139-152; Cults, iv. pp. 295-306.Note 618 · Vide Cults, iv. pp. 144-147, 300: To suppose that Hellas learnt its cathartic rites from Lydia, because Herodotus (i. 35) tells us that in hNote 619 · Vide supra, pp. 176-178.Note 620 · Vide Cults, iv. pp. 268-284.Note 621 · For similar practices, vide Cults, pp. 415-417.Note 622 · Clem. Alex. Strom., p. 755, Pott.Note 623 · Paus., 9, 33, 4.Note 624 · For the facts vide Zimmern, K.A.T.3, p. 592.Note 625 · Works and Days, l. 824.Note 626 · Ib., l. 804.Note 627 · Expositor, 1909, p. 156.Note 628 · Vide Photius and Hesych., s.v. Μιαραὶ ἡμέραι.Note 629 · Hell., 1, 4, 12.Note 630 · Vide Cults, v. pp. 215-216.Note 631 · Cults, iv. p. 259.Note 632 · Vide supra, pp. 176-177.Note 633 · Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms, p. 196.Note 634 · King, Babylonian Religion, p. 196.Note 635 · Vide Fossey, La Magie Assyrienne, p. 96.Note 636 · Knudtzon, Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott, p. 78 (texts belonging to period of Asarhaddon, circ. 681).Note 637 · Zimmern, Beiträge, etc., p. 161.Note 638 · Zimmern, Beiträge, etc., p. 163.Note 639 · Fossey, op. cit., p. 399.Note 640 · iv. R. 56, 12; Fossey, op. cit., p. 401.Note 641 · Expositor, 1909, p. 150, giving text from iv. R. 40.Note 642 · Fossey, op. cit., p. 209.Note 643 · Zimmern, Beiträge, p. 173.Note 644 · Supra, p. 176.Note 645 · Zimmern, op. cit., p. 169.Note 646 · Zimmern, Beiträge, pp. 30-31; he mentions also the similar practice of tying up a sheepskin or a fillet of wool and throwing it into the firNote 647 · Zimmern, op. cit., p. 33: note magic use of knots in general, vide Frazer, G.B.2, vol. i. pp. 392-403; Archiv. für Religionsw., 1908, pp. 12Note 648 · W. Warde Fowler, The Religious Experiences of the Roman People, Gifford Lectures, p. 49.Note 649 · Vide supra, pp. 248-249; Cults, iv. p. 191.Note 650 · For the main facts relating to the Babylonian system and the “baru”-priests, vide Zimmern, Beiträge, etc., pp. 82-92; for the Hellenic, videNote 651 · The documentary evidence, from a very early period, is given by Zimmern, Beiträge, etc., pp. 85-97.Note 652 · L. 322: Clytemnestra speaks of pouring oil and vinegar into the same vessel and reproaching them for their unsociable behaviour.Note 653 · We have also one example of an oracle of Ishtar (in plain prose), Keil. Bibl., ii. p. 179.Note 654 · Zimmern, op. cit., p. 89.Note 655 · Cults, iii. p. 297.Note 656 · Lucian, De Dea Syr., 43.Note 657 · Cults, iii. p. 297.Note 658 · Vide Cults, iv. pp. 191-192; iii. p. 11.Note 659 · As regards the other Semitic stocks, the cumulative evidence of early inscriptions, literary records, and legends is sufficient proof that t