Chapter XI · (continued 2)

“I have been avenging myself for the political anger I have aroused in the house by writing my Tory democratic electoral address, and by threatening to date it from Castle Howard.

“21st July.—A bright day at last, and the place has changed as if by magic, for it is dependent on the sun for its charms. Mrs. Howard took me for a drive of four hours, visiting village parsons, in pursuance of a scheme she has for giving holidays in the country to three or four hundred girls from Leeds. While in the carriage I read her my address, and she was so angry I thought she would have stopped the carriage and put me down to walk home. Old Lady Stanley, her mother, came in the evening; she is a valiant old lady, and fought the cause of the School Board at dinner and the cause of Gladstone and her party, which she loves above principle.

“22nd July.—Back to London. Sheykh Jemal-ed-Din is expected in James Street, and I went down at once to the India Office where I was fortunate enough to find Randolph just coming from the House. I met him at the door of the Office and walked with him up to his room. He looked fagged and ill and complained of the stairs, though in truth it was only one flight and not a steep one. He promised to meet Jemal-ed-Din at my house to-morrow at half-past ten, and I explained to him exactly who he was, with the history of his doings in Egypt and India. ‘He is in the black book,’ I said, ‘of every one here, and an enemy of England. But if he was not he would be of no use to us.’ I asked him about the Civil Service examinations for India in reference to a report in yesterday’s ‘Pall Mall’ of his having decided to take the matter up. But he told me this was not true; he intended to meddle very little with details, but to push on a general inquiry into the state of the Indian Government. ‘Everything here,’ he said, ‘is at a deadlock, owing to the uncertainty of Afghanistan and Egypt.’ I did not stay with him for more than a few minutes for he seemed quite exhausted.

“23rd July.—Jemal-ed-Din arrived in the night, and at half-past ten punctually Randolph came to James Street; he was all right again and in his usual spirits. Before introducing the Afghan I read Randolph over my Electoral Address, of which he highly approved, correcting only a few words, that is to say, making me leave out the qualifications about the South of England in speaking of my belief in Tory popularity, and the allusion to Lord Salisbury having made ‘an alliance with the Irish leaders.’ He was also doubtful about my saying anything regarding an Irish Parliament. All the rest he approved, and said it was original and good. He said he was in favour of import duties on manufactured goods. I asked him whether he had any special scheme himself for ameliorating the condition of the poor, and he said ‘No, but Lord Salisbury has.’

“Then I showed him Pollen’s letter, communicating Lord Ripon’s message about agricultural banks in India and the Oxford examinations. He said that I might tell Lord Ripon that he was favourable about both matters, and especially about the agricultural banks, and that if he would draw him up a scheme on paper he would support it. But he had not the necessary knowledge on either subject to push it without assistance, nor the time to get the questions up. He seemed pleased at Lord Ripon’s having communicated with him. I also mentioned the case of Suchait Singh and the Pundit of Vizianagram, and he told me to send the details to Moore, his secretary. About Lepel Griffin he said he could not quarrel with him, but he was writing to him by this mail, and would suggest to him that he should make me some apology.

“Then we sent for Jemal-ed-Din, whom Randolph received with great politeness and made him sit by him on the sofa. They talked in French, but I soon perceived that Randolph knew very little of the language, and I had to translate for them. Randolph first asked about the Mahdi’s death, whether it was true, and Jemal-ed-Din said he thought not, but even if true it would make little difference, as the Soudanese would choose a successor. Randolph asked who that would be. Jemal-ed-Din: ‘It would not be Osman Digna, but one of the Mahdi’s companions, a man of religion; Osman Digna would be the General but not the Khalifa. All would be done as on the occasion of Mohammed’s death, when the most religious man was chosen.’ Randolph then asked about Afghanistan, what the Amir’s position was. And Jemal-ed-Din’s account was briefly this: Abd-el-Rahman, he said, was a good general but he was not a great politician, though neither was he a fool. He had the majority of the Afghans with him, but nothing would be easier than to get up revolts against him. The Afghans were simple-minded people—peuple naïf—ignorant of politics and always ready to fight. The Russians might make a revolt through Ishak Khan or a dozen others of the sons of Shere Ali and the princely house. Nothing would be easier. The Russians had no intention of fighting the Afghans this year, but would make friends with some of these princes and raise disturbances. They would represent themselves as allies against the English and would promise the provinces of Cashmere and Peshawar if India revolted. The Afghans would believe them. Randolph: ‘Do the Afghans hate us more than the Russians?’ Jemal-ed-Din: ‘The Russians have done no harm to the Afghans. The English have made three wars on them.’ Randolph: ‘But do not you consider that the Russians have done more harm to Islam than we have done?’ Jemal-ed-Din: ‘The Russians have swallowed up a few principalities, the Crimea, Circassia, and among the Turcomans, but England has destroyed the great empire at Delhi, it has invaded Egypt, the Soudan.’ Randolph: ‘It was the Mahrattas that destroyed the Mogul Empire.’ Jemal-ed-Din: ‘The Mahrattas came and went. Nadir Shah invaded India, but he was a Moslem. You remained and you destroyed the Empire. There are three reasons why the Mohammedans of India have hated you more than the Russians: Firstly, because you destroyed the Empire of Delhi; secondly, because you give no salaries to the imams and muezzins and keepers of the mosques, which the Russians are careful to do; and you have resigned the Wakaf property and do not repair the sacred buildings.’ Randolph: ‘We repair some of the mosques.’ Jemal-ed-Din: ‘Only when they are works of art, not for the sake of religion. And, thirdly, because you give no high offices of rank in the army to Mohammedans. The Russians do this.’ Randolph: ‘There are many Mohammedans in the highest offices in the Native States of India.’ Jemal-ed-Din: ‘The Native States are not British India. What the belly has not swallowed it does not digest.’ (Here we laughed.) Randolph: ‘Then you think England a greater danger to Mohammedans than Russia?’ Jemal-ed-Din: ‘I do not say so; I have spoken of the past. England has done more harm to us than Russia, but Russia is now more dangerous. If the Russians remain, I do not say at Penjdeh or Tulfikar or Merushak, but at Merv still five years, there will be no more Afghanistan and no more Persia and no more Anatolia and no more India. All will have been swallowed. They will leave Penjdeh and the rest, but it will matter nothing; they will remain in Merv.’ Randolph: ‘This is true. But what would you have us do?’ Jemal-ed-Din: ‘You must make an alliance with Islam, with the Afghans, the Persians, the Turks, the Egyptians, the Arabs; you must drive the Russians back out of Merv to the Caspian Sea. To make friends with the Mohammedans you must leave Egypt. There is no danger for Egypt from foreign nations. You hold Cyprus, you hold Aden, what do you fear? Nor from the Mahdi. With a Mohammedan government in Egypt the Mahdi is not a danger. Then you must make alliance with the Mohammedans, who would believe you their friend.’ Randolph: ‘Could we send troops or officers to Afghanistan to help the Afghans against Russia?’ Jemal-ed-Din: ‘If you send troops, as for instance to Candahar, even with the Amir’s consent, it will be the right of any Moslem to go to the top of a hill and raise a revolt against you. He would say you were come under pretence of a friendship to take possession; and all would believe him. You might, however, send officers, a few officers, for these could not take possession. They would be servants of the Amir. But remember, if the Russians stay five years at Merv it will be too late; you should attack them not through Afghanistan but by the other side; then the Mollahs would preach a jehad to join you against the Russians.’

“The conversation lasted about three-quarters of an hour, and Randolph then went away. He did not say much to Jemal-ed-Din, but to me he expressed himself, as I went with him to the door, much pleased with the Seyyid’s frankness and the justness of his views. He promised to send Wolff to see him. Also he recommended me to write to Lord Salisbury, asking to be supported in my claim to return to Egypt this autumn. I am cited to appear before a Court there (in connection with my property) in October, and this gives me a good excuse.

“I then saw Justin McCarthy at the House of Commons, and asked him about that portion of my Electoral Address which related to Ireland. He approved. Thence I went to Cardinal Manning, who warmly approved my address which I read to him. But he objected to my declaration in favour of an Irish Parliament, assuring me that the Irish did not want one. He had just seen six Irish bishops, who all declared this to be the case; he, the Cardinal, had written to Rome in this sense. He wanted local self government for Ireland,—not a Parliament which he considered would be a prelude to separation. He has given me a card of introduction to Canon McGrath of Camberwell, who will tell me what it is the Irish of Camberwell want.

“Partly on this account, partly through what Mr. Palmer, the secretary of the Camberwell Association told me, I altered this part of my programme, making it more vague and leaving out the word ‘parliament.’ Palmer came while we were at dinner, and frightened us by announcing that two new Conservative candidates had been started, and complaining that Randolph had not sent the letter he promised. It was almost time for the meeting, but I sent Hope to Randolph’s house and then to the House of Commons, where he saw him but could not get the letter from him, as he said my allusion to the Irish Parliament would be a Cabinet question. This very nearly upset our coach, but fortunately I had made my speech before Hope arrived at the meeting, and had won the confidence of the delegates. There was some close questioning about my Irish ideas, and I reduced my policy to one of ascertaining Irish wishes and giving Home Rule as far as possible in accordance with them. Also one old gentleman declared he could not be party to selecting a Roman Catholic. But the rest were strongly for me. We, that is the two other candidates, local people, and myself were turned out into the street for twenty minutes while the voting was going on (a rather ridiculous proceeding, during which we compared notes as to our chances), and at the end of it I was called back and was declared selected by sixteen to one. Three had not voted, having gone round the corner to allay thirst, but they were also held to be my supporters. So I may consider it a considerable triumph.”