PART II. DR. COVEL’S DIARY. (continued 2)

[Dr. Covel’s Diary is here very obscure, and evidently intended for notes, which he himself only could understand.]

Copy of the Kaimacham’s to our King at my lord’s audience.

Directed thus:

To the glorious amongst the princes and lords of the Nation of the Messiah, Ld. of Honour, Charles the 2d, King of England, whose end be Happy.

To the Glorious amongst the Princes and great Lds. of Jesus, the supreme judge of the Nation of the Messiah, and governour of all the Nazareen affaires, Lord of honour, greatnesse, and respect, who is solicitous of honour, Charles the 2d, King of England, whose end God conclude with all happinesse and grandeur.

We signify unto you the purest sincere friendship of my most potent, great, and Majestick master, the Imperiall Lord of the pure Ottoman faith, which is our duty to doe (according to the office we hold in the high port) with all diligence and respect, because of the sincere peace that is between the two kingdomes, being desir’d friendly and with honour, we signify and sincerely relate how that the choice amongst the nobles of the people of the Messiah, Sr. Dan. Harvey (whose end be happy), your Ambassador sent to reside at the high port, being arriv’d at the Imperiall City frequented by all princes and great lords, we receiv’d by his hands your most courteous letter, and, according to custome, he came to the Imperiall Camp to have his audience; and, after the Imperiall manner, having been honour’d and received, he presented at the Imperiall throne your letter, and the translation of it, the sence whereof was well comprehended by our high Emperour, and the presents well accepted by his Imperiall Majesty, who has sent by his Imperiall letter an answer, hoping that the antient sincere friendship shall be alwayes continued on our part. My most honour’d friend then departed to renew the Imperiall capitulations; but the most honour’d and happy great Vizier being come to the Imperiall stirrop about the affaires of the camp, it was defer’d until his arrival. Then, if it please God, the happy and supreme vizier arriving, be assured he will not fail to renew them. Hoping from your friendship a continuation of the good correspondency and augmentation of the confederacy day by day, I remain with the desires of the same.

Dated in the garrison’d City of Salonica.

July 30th. Γεράσιμος μητροπολίτης Τουρνόβου for 20 purses of money bought the patriarch’s place. Dionysius, Drista, etc., fled to the French Embassadores.

The G. Signor’s letter after my Lord’s Audience.

Directed thus:

The Imperiall letter to the Glorious and great Prince of the Nation of Jesus, Ruler of Nazarene people, our friend Charles the 2d, whose end be happy.

To the glorious amongst the great Princes of Jesus, and reverenc’t amongst the high potentates of the people of the Messiah, sole director of the great affaires of the Nazarene nation, Lord of the limits of respect and honour, of greatnesse and of fame, Charles the 2d, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, our friend, whose end we wish may be happy.

Our sublime, high, and Imperiall signet arriving, you will understand how that the most respected amongst the nobles of the peoples of the Messiah, your Ambassador Sir Dan. Harvey, whose end be fortunate, did arrive with your letters at our happy port, and, according to the antient custome, our most honourable Viziers did bring him before our noble Throne. Being come unto us, he did consigne your Royal letter, which was received with all respect and honour, translated, and presented at our noble Throne; the tenour whereof was observed and pleasing to us. We received also your presents with satisfaction, and his requests and demands, whilst they are conforme unto our noble lawes, and correspond to the friendship between us, shall be consider’d, and for the time to come, you not permitting anything in the prejudice of the former peace on the part of our Imperiall majesty, there shall not be suffer’d any thing in prejudice of the same sworne league, which shall be undoubtedly alwayes preserv’d, and to conclude we wish you all health.

* * * * *

The Turkes at Biram, and at all victoryes and births of the princes, make great mirth. It happen’d the Sultana was deliver’d of a second son this last Ramas, Decemb. 1673. The mirth was put of till the Biram, and then it was doubled; all were mad for 3 nights and three dayes, every shop open and drest up with laurell flowers, etc., many candle machines with pretty figures, puppet playes, dancing, etc.; the Janisary’s chambers was the finest sight. Almost in every shop was 1, 2, or more of these old mysticall figures of health. Whether it is of any meaning among them, or only taken up by chance, I could not be informed. In many of them was a sphere of 2 or three circles; if it signify anything of antient superstition, it must be endlesse or everlasting health.

1674.

Jan. 6th. Usually about 12 tide, beastly boisterous weather; few vessels at sea. 20th, we were kindly entertained at the Dervises; they play’d to us; the old supravisor beat the Tambur (the antient Tympanum); their tones were very passionate; the rest devoutly attentive. Many of them have a great 6 or 8 square Agat (with a hole in the middle) at their girdle. He (whome I ask’t about it) told me that stone foretold the sicknesse of their friends by growing pale on the edges, and their death by growing pale towards the hole in the middle; he said it sweats against poison, etc. I remember two Kalenderis aboard the Viner had each such a one; they had the caps of a wandring Dervise, but in all things else like the habit of the Kalenderi, in Mr. Ricaut, he makes them Santons, but in good earnest they are meer Tomes of Bedlam. One had a horne tyed about his shoulders (like a wild goates, but longer); he blew it like our sow gelders, high to low. He had a great hand jar, a terrible crab-tree truncheon, a leather kind of petticoat about his middle, naked above and beneath. It was then in May or June. He had a course Arnout Jamurluck.[239] He drank wine (like a fish water) which we gave him to blow his horne.

Mart. 26, ’74. Our King’s letter for the G. S. directed to the most High and Mighty Emperour Sultan Mahomet Ilam, chief Lord and Commander of the Mussulman Kingdome, sole and supreme monarch of the Eastern Empire.

To the Vizier, thus directed to the high and excellent Lord the Vizier Arem.

Voyage to Smyrna with Sir Daniel Harvey’s Body, who died Aug. 28th, 1673.

Apr. 10, 1674. At 8 at night we weigh’d (being upon the Dogger), and next day 3½ in afternoon we came to Anchor at the Asia side over against the little conduit within shot of that most innermost castle. We went on shoar and dispatcht our business with the Aga there. My Ld. had sent each of them a vest of cloth; we had our audience without the castle, in a house on purpose, by the draw bridge. Our Jew Druggerman, 10 or 12 dayes before, had shew’d some strangers up and down without the Castle, and at last, venturing to peep in, was catch’t and soundly drubb’d. Notwithstanding this, I went round about the outside and past it.

Several guns on the ground play up and down the Hellespont; on that side are 14 port holes, where lye great guns chamber’d to shoot stone shot, very big, near 2 foot diameter, all fixt and immovable, and therefore to be charged only without. They will fling a shot crosse the Hellespont with ease. In the night they have lights on either side, and watch if any ship steals down; just as they eclips those lights, they can see them and so fire upon them. Bellonius makes it but ¼ mile over; it is near a mile at least. I was not on the other side Castle, but I counted just 23 gun holes and thre sally ports between them; it seem’d a farre bigger castle than Abidos above said.

12. By reason of our present, with leave, we weigh’d at 10 o’clock, and within lesse then an houre we passt the other outward castles, but at too great a distance to say any more then that they are fairer and greater, and built according to modern formes. At night we reacht the N. end of Mitilene about 8 o’clock.

14. At 4½ in the morning within sight of the Centurion and Smyrna Castle. At 10 we anchor’d, and went on board. Capt. Wild thence to the Advice frigot (then there in port), thence to Smyrna.

26th. Put my dear Lord Harvey’s body on board the Centurion.[240] The great Cabin was hang’d and the floor cover’d with mourning; round about were fasten’d scutchions; the Steerage was hang’d likewise. My Lord’s body was taken of the Dogger into the Centurion’s long boat, there cover’d with a rich velvet Pal, bordered with white Sarsenet and satin. At the Head of the Corps was fixt a Hatchment, my Lord’s armes, in a square frame standing on one of the corners. At the head of the boat was his six trumpeters and his drummer. The Advise’s long boat tow’d it forward, and in it was his 6 Trumpeters likewise, and his drum, all sounding a dead march, went slowly forward in a round; the Consul’s (Mr. Ricaut’s) boat followed; after that many of the festoons in other boates. At its reception into the Centurion there was 3 voleyes of small shot and 30 Guns fired. The Advice fired 28; all the General ships and others in port fired, some 12, some 14, some 16 guns. Worthy Capt. Hill, who brought him out, fired every minute all the while we were going on the Dogger. The Body was put down into the hold, and a Cenotaph stood in the great cabbin, cover’d with the pall. The great Scutcheon displayed at the head six great tapers burning by in six great silver candlesticks. I gave away about 40 dwt. weights among the officers of the Centur., and sent a cask of 19 Meters of wine among the Seamen. We din’d aboard, treated civilly. The Consul brought flasques of Smyrna wine; Mr. Temple brought 20 flasques, and several fresh provisions. At 6 at night we all returned to Smyrna.

22. Parted from Mr. Temple’s seate at 21st, midnight, or towards one o’clock this morn. Got on board the Mary and Martha by 6. Out of the sandhead, lay becalmed all that day and night over against the w. end of long Island.

29th, Wednesday. Ashoar at Tenedos; gave the Aga of the Castle 1 oak case.

All the Greeks live the N.E. end of the Town. They goe in the streets cover’d with a petticoat over their head, gather’d in to a button above; their gown without a wast, hang’d on with two latchets on either side, girdle above their brests. A bullock there for 4½, kil’d, drest, cut out in the street in ½ an hour. Holy fountain at the N.E. end. No church, but several Papasses say masse in a little hole in a stinking house, which the padres make a Tavern about 8 yards square; the V.M. in a little hole, etc.

2, Saturday, came to the custome house by 12 o’clock. Saluted the Seraglio with 7 guns. Deo laus et gloria ex grato corde.

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Apr. 1st was Maunday Thursday, to the Greek it is μεγάλη πέφτη.[241] At daybreak the Patriarch washt the disciples’ feet. A great waxe candle was brought before him (instead of a mace). He came to his throne in the ordinary habit. Every Greek (that makes it right) makes his crosse leisurely, ἐν τῷ ὀνὸμάτα τοῦ πάτρος[242] ✠ (the top of the brest), καὶ τοῦ ὓιου ✠ (the middle), καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνέυ (✠ on the right above the pap), ματος (on the left above the pap). All the Metropolites do it very gravely. There were, 1st (next to the preacher’s throne), Heraclea; 2d, Cyzikos; 3d, Νικομέδια; 4th, Chalcedon; 5th, Philippopoli, etc., etc. The patriarch came to his seat (whilst the choir sang the Gospel out of St. John 13). Then there were the 12 priests (all maryed), which came two and two, and bow’d to the ground, and kis’t the patriarch’s hand, retired back, ador’d again, and retired into the Sacristia. Then all array’d in priests’ cloathing proper, only upon everyone’s neck was the apostle wrought in gold, whom they represented. First came a miserable poor wretch (without a cape, etc.) to represent Judas; then a good stretch after followed all the rest, and seated themselves before the Patriarch, who was at the other end. Then the Patriarch vested himself in his robes, στοιχάριον,[243] with a hole on top like a surplice with sleeves, body to the ankles; sallow green (or yellow green) tuffetay, Ωράριον,[244] a broidered tippet, ἐπιμανίκιον,[245] embroyder’d sleeves (he crosses and kisses every vestment, and he was putting on this and forgot, then pul’d it of), ἐπιτρακχὴλιον,[246] embroyder’d kerchief put about his neck, Ζώνη his girdle (alla turkesa), ὑπογονάτιον,[247] a square embroyder’d handkerchief (foot and half square), with 4 tassels; it hang’d by his right side. Then his 2 deacons help him down (4 staires); he begin with Judas, and the Third deacon in the pulpit (reading the same Gospel) repeat to every washing, “He began to wash their feet,” etc.; he kneels down, and washes the right foot (which only is bare), his 2 deacons helping him with bason, Ewers, etc. Whilst the 3d Deacon is in the pulpit reading, he strips himself of all his robes (the στοιχάριον, ἐπιμανίκιον, ὡράριον, ὑπογονάτιον), but the ἐπιτραχὴλιον, and another lose vest, half slew’d[248] to draw the sleeves (with laces), set with 3 bells on each side, and two to each corner (likewise when he vested himself he put of his monkes hood), τὸ ἀπάνω καμηλαῦχον,[249] and divel’s cap (as the G. S. cal’d it) τὸ ἔσω καμηλαῦχον, and put on an embroyder’d crown set with diamonds and pretious stones, and quarter’d (with 4 glass diamonds and perls); upon the top a crosse emerald and sapphire. He puts on a blewish pestemal[250] before him, and a large Towel over his shoulder, with which, when he has wash’t the foot, he wipes, then kisses, and the person at same time kisses his crown. He proceeds (beginning at Judas) till he come to St. Peter 12; there begins a Dialogue; the Deacon go on to (Joh. 13); he asks: Lord, will you wash my feet, etc., the deacon only repeating the passing words; at last he wash him, too. Imediately all the rabble strive for the water to dip handkerchiefs in it, and a Greek answer’d me (as I ask’t) that it must be very pretious after so many good prayers. This done, the Patriarch returns to his seat, the deacon leisurely reading the same Gospel again. He re-vests himself, the 12 rise, and, reverencing 2 by 2, return to the Sacristia; after them the Patriarch, then there changing his clothes for his ordinary habit, he returns to his seat, and then the masse begins. When he went out of the church his 2 deacons bore up his traine, the candle going before him. He treated me at his lodge with coffee; invited me to dinner, but Draco and I would not stay. Many gatherings for Judas[251]; amongst the rest there were there the 4 treasurers of the Church, ὁὶ ἐπίτροποι τοῦ παγκυρὶου. There is a great chest, fair and rich, on the right hand coming in, called the παγκύριον. Draco’s brother-in-Law, who was at first a furrier, is the chief, worth, by common report, 600 purses of money (300,000 doll. = 75,000 lb.). The Prince of Moldavia owes him 80,000 doll.; Wallachia as much; the church as much; and every Metropolite something. He gave a silver broach for candles, worth at least 500 doll., to μεγάλη ἐκκλησία. He hath taken the debt of the Church upon himself, covenanting to be continued 4 or 5 year. Over against the Patriarch’s seat are two other of states just together: the first Moldavia, 2d Walachias; but they two never meet together, but dispute their superiority, and therefore alwayes one or both are absent. The Patriarch, when he blesses the people, or his own vests., etc., lays the thumb of his right hand crosse the ring finger, the fore finger streight, the middle finger bending; the mystery in it is I.C. X.C.[252] The people bow to the ground, then kiss the Patriarch’s hand, then retire backward, reverance a 2d time, then go away as they goe back; some tumble over the head of the others bowing behind them. Before the Patriarch came the priests were anointing poor slaves, which priests must alwayes be 7 in number, and pray’d over them. In the masse the bread and wine are caryed in procession alwayes before they be consecrated; the Patriarch comes down, and every Metropolite and all adore low to it as it passe by. When all is done the bread left upon the prothesis[253] (after the piece for the Sacrament is taken out as is comonly distributed) was given by the Patriarch himself, some in their mouths, some in their hands.

* * * * *

Mart. 23rd, 1676. Holy week. I was at the Sermon at St. Francesco’s; saw Demetrius Simon wash 12 of the fraternityes feet. The priest reads or sings the Gospell out of St. John 13, and he rose from his seat at the upper end of the stalls, and put of his vest, put on sackcloth, and gird himself with a pestemal put before him, and a towel on his shoulder, came down to the 12, who were sat on two formes in the chappell just before him, at these words, “He put water into a basin” (for the priest stayes till he may be ready), he puts water into a great basin. At those words, “Lord, not only my feet”, he comes to the first, and pourring a little water upon his right foot, washes it, wipes it with his towell on his left shoulder, then signing it with the crosse, kisses it, and they kisse his hands; this he doth to everyone, then returne to his stall, and puts off his sackcloth, and resumes his other clothes. Then they go to their prayers; a layman sayes and sings most of them; the Prior or sub-prior gives the benediction.

July 17th. There was an old Lady (daughter to a Sultana of some of the former emperours), commonly now called Sultana Sporca,[254] from her ill manner of life, for she kept about 30 women slaves of youth and greatest beauty she could provide, and these were all taught to tumble, dance, and sing, and act many tricks; and so, often going abroad to great Bassa’s houses to shew them sport, brought their old baw’d in a great revenue, every one presenting them liberally, and what they got she received. Amongst the rest she was possest of one of the greatest beauty that then was found (as was said), not onely in the Court, but the whole Empire, if not the world. When we were at Adrianople the Grand Signor sent to demand her for his own use; the Sultana denyed her, saying she had made her free, and that she could not now be used by them legally, but as his wife; thus she avoyded the G. Srs. importunety. Here about 10 dayes since she (continuing on the dancing trade) with her companions were at a great Bassa’s house to tumble and play tricks, and the Capitaine of the guards to the G. V.[255] (who had been with him, and fought valiantly in all his warres at Candia, etc., and was become his favourite) chanct to be there; and when the girl had done, he (which is unusuall for strangers) presented her 200 zechines, being smitten most desperately with her, and two dayes after sent to the Sultana, begging that she might come to his house, and he promised 2,000 zechines reward; they came, and after some houres sport he sent home all the slaves, but kept her all night, and next day conveighed her to a friend’s house in Stambal; she was thre dayes by Mr. Hyet’s house. The Sultana next morn made Answer to the G. S., telling him that the girl was really her slave, submitting herself to his mercy for having cheated him before, saying it was only because she was then too young for him, but now the captain had violently ravisht her. The G. S. was as much inflamed on the other side, partly with remembrance of former love, partly with madnesse that he lost one so sweet. He went immediately to the Viz., commanding him to look into the businesse as his; he cals the Captain, demands why he had done so, and where she was, etc. He denys all; says he abused her not, nor knew where she was. He sent to the Kaimachan of Stambol, and charged him privately to watch the Captain, etc. In the third night the Kaimachan took them both about 12 at clock in bed, or on a sofa together, brought them before the Grand Vizier. The Sultana (infinitely troubled) sent the Grand Signor word. The Captain told him she had been at 40 other houses as well as his, etc.; he was not afraid of death nor the sword (as he very well knew), and therefore valued not one straw what became of him; but all that he desired was that his Mistress should be spared, in whome he should live even when he was dead. G. S. sent word immediately to strike of his head, which was done (he was strangled: Soliman Basha saw him), and the body lay’d publickly open at the Tents, with the head under his arme all day (July 18), being pay day, for all the Janissaryes to behold it. He had been infinitely beloved by them and all the court, and 2,000 purses of money had been offer’d to save him, but all impossible; the girl was immediately taken into the Seraglio. I fancy this was at bottome onely a deep policy of the Grand Signior’s Vizier, “it is necessary that one die for the people.” People began to be mutinous and rebellious, and by the process of the story (for certainly the Vizier might have hinted something to the Captain when he set the Kaimachan to catch him, and have advised him to let the girl be forth coming under hand, making peace with the Sultana, etc.), some great example was to be made, which was on the Vizier’s own favourite, etc.; else I must count it a severe piece of justice upon the Captain, who dare do that against Law which the G. S. refrained from. The G. S. kept the law which the Captain dare break, yet he knew her to be a slave, which the G. S. knew not, and that might alleviate. The Sultana was punisht as well in losing her slave and future gain. Or, lastly, we may roll the exorbitancy of Princes last, who desire to engrosse all pleasure to themselves. This great Capt.’s death breads ill blood in many hearts: his good services in the Field of Mars might have interceded for one spasso (recreation) in the court of Venus.

July 19th. From St. Swithin’s day, 15th, the ayre was cloudy, and upon this day at even began a mist which daily increast to that thicknesse as no man could se 300 yards at sea, nor at land (unlesse on the hills) as far again. It was not a moist mist; it continued vehement till 28th, then dayly abated. The sun continually rose and set like blood; most part of this time the wind blew strong, which is more wonderfull; at other times it carying all mists away. It lay continually betwixt N.E. and N.W., yet more to the E., then the W.; all which make one conclude that this mist was brought and continued from the Palus Mœotis and Black Sea it self, and gave us a perfect taste of the Cimmeriæ tenebræ. The 29th and 30th days of June almost cleare.

* * * * *

Aug. 24th, ’76. The G. S.’s Tents. I have seen them and the rest at Adrianople and at Maidan[256] here several times. He hath but onely the three; the rest are little tents for his servants’ kitching. I saw the G. Srs. tent at the shew at Adrianople, which was much the same in make and dimentions, but this at Maidan being most perfectly set out with all its appertenances, take its description. First, then, there was a small stand about 8 foot square within, with a paire of small staires to mount it, was cover’d with reddish or inclining to purple cloth, with 4 golden balls at the corners and one at the top; the corners were to be lifted up, or, if he desired more fresco, the whole side, as all the rest could be quite taken away, the cloth being fasten’d above with loopes and buttons of wood. This Kiosk, or stand, they remove upon many occasions; he had a farre greater at Demirdesh[257] to see the horse races. This stood next the outward door of the tents, looking towards the place of execution, as likewise to the plain where the Janissaryes are pay’d, etc., and he is there present himself. At the sights at Adrianople there was another for the young prince.

The first tent is square, supported with 7 wood posts one way and 4 the other way; it was 15 strides long and 12 broad; the roof flat, kept streight with ropes; a large round flower in the middle. They have sides for this in cold weather, which they can open and shut at pleasure; on the outside upon every post stands a golden ball or flower-pot. The second tent is round, supported by one standing post in the middle, with golden ball or pot at the top, by which there is drawn upon a cord a curtain at pleasure crosse the tent, on the outside of which he gives audience to his own ministers of state, or makes his great divan, and sits in justice; on the in or back side he gives audience to Embassadores, or the like. The diameter of this tent (that is, from edge to edge of the fringe that hangs above as the eaves of an house) was 17 paces; that in Adrianople was 15, so that it is plain they are made of severall bignesses. The under sides of this likewise were to let down or up, take on or off, at pleasure, by such kind of loopes above and on the sides, the button being a piece of wood; the interstices between, if they were above, were cover’d with a fring, one within the other; without, if it was on the side to clasp the curtains together, one was made to lap over the other, so that they can shut a tent up most exceedingly close and warme. The third tent is his long tent, supported with three posts, and golden balls or pots; it was long (from the eves at one end to the other) 35 paces; at Adrianople, 37; by putting of it and extending it they may easily gain or loose a pace or two. At the middle post, to the outward side, was set a bed or broad couch, bolstered up at both ends, of twilt or ticking sattin; the coverings, silk, embroyder’d. At Adrianople it was ten times richer, with gold and pearls, for without doubt they have alwayes ready several coverings. The floor on this and the round tent is covered next the ground with a thick sort of course Yorkshire or Kidderminster woollen cloth, over which at severall times they spread carpets, or foot cloths of severall richnesse and value. At Adrianople I saw it once with Persian carpets; another time with sattin, embroyder’d with massy gold, as the floor likewise was where my Lord had his audience; the bolsters and cushions were suitable. Behind this was a partition wall made of canvas, the ground and the flowers of bits of cloth; the covering of all these tents was on the outside a pale green canvas; on the inside the ground satten flower’d with bits of divers colours, some satten, some fine cloth, and all the edges and seems were wrought with gold and silver twist. All the flowers and Kiosks, etc., wrought are fancyes not at all according to nature, and though all together showes very glorious and stately, yet in the particulars it is very bungling and blockish. They often bring in round bits of satten or cloath patch’t one upon the other in their fruits and flowers, and being of divers colours, represent so many Crescents. They make likewise the figures of some antick birds, few beasts, but no men. The panes of the inside are all arch’t as the wall tents belowe; at bottom a fring as on the side. The vallance was of the same make, and were of various sorts and fancyes in several tents of party colours. Passing through the Partition wall we came to the Gr. Sr. sleeping tent, or bedchamber, which they call oda[258]; it is square, with a ridge above like a house, which is supported with two long posts, four shorter being at the corners under the eves, which hang over like a pent-house, as the wals which were made lattice fashion, and richly gilded and painted, with doors to open on thre sides; it was about 12 or 13 foot square, for we were not suffer’d to enter neither here nor at Adrianople. When it is very hot these lattices alone are used; if it be cold it is wal’d round with red cloth lined with flower’d damask. We looked in; it is floored in like manner with the rest, sometimes richer, sometimes not; there is a bed stand crosse the door at upper end, bolster’d at each end; the bed stood plain, but they can set it out with severall adornments. Upon a settle or little stand by lay the Al Koran and a whimsicall coat of a great Santon[259] dervish, which was all cover’d with green silk; this was not there at Adrianople. The santones coat I saw taken out about ten dayes after; it was like a Taberd.[260] There are therefore three courts, as it were, all invironed with a wall tent, embattled like the walls of a City, which none else can have but himself; the flowers and corners are red canvas, the lists of white girt web, the ground green canvas; all in this fashion, but 4 have some severall fantasyes in some suits, which are not in other suits; yet the severall suits are uniforme to themselves. In the first court, therefore, stood the Kiosk, the square tent, round tent, and the Capagasi,[261] etc., and Long tent; in the 2d Court the odà, and many tents at distance two oghlans, or pages; and others in the third court were all other offices, Kitching, sherbets, etc. One side of this outward wall in the Maidan reached 400 paces; but that may alter, according to the ground on which they pitch it, which may be lesse, or far more, and the figure may alter; the foreside was about 100 paces. They have many bales of wall tents to adde upon occasion. We went in at a side door, having obtein’d first leave of the Capagasi; before the great or common door stood six Javelings, which, with horse-tayles about their upper end, and a golding globe at top, about 4 yards high, and just before them was pitch’t a round ordinary tent, where the hangman set, and all publick justice is done in the sight of the G. Sr., who stands in his little Kiosk.

Upon the right hand, going up from thence, stood the Mosäifs[262] tent with 3 horse tayles before it, as every vizier of the bench hathe; but they have but two great tents in their first court, to wit, the square and long one. Next to his was the Muftis,[263] then the two Cadeleskiers’,[264] all with but two tayles before them; then several bashes tents, then the vizier’s tents, in all things equall to the G. Sr.’s in pomp and fashion, onely his walls are plain (as the rest of the great men), without battlements, and the balls of gold are lesse. The bignesse likwise of his tents did not agree, though that may depend upon the pitching, for the square tent or portico was 12 paces long and 8 broad. These tents were canvas without and within the ground, but the flowers were bits of cloth, satten, painted and gilded leather, very little silver and gold about them. In the place of audience was a stool cover’d with purple velvet for Embassadores audience; befor his 3 tayles was also a round tent for Justice; there sit also his under officers, to write Ashrs.[265] One side of his tent reach’t down about 330 paces, the bredth at head was 80. Next, at a good distance, was the Vizier’s tent; a long one stood without, where he or his Hasnadar[266] gave audience to all that came. He has two courts within; one long tent for himself, with artificial gardens about it, and all his slaves and waiting servants in 7 or 8 more round about him; these in the first court. In the second his agà,[267] and other tents for other servants. I have been treated there several times by his sherbetjé basha,[268] who was my friend; his tent is full of fingians,[269] snowpit fountain water, etc., all ready coffee, etc. Never tasted such sherbert in my life. All these tents front to one center; in a circle in the midst are tents belonging to the Dafterdar,[270] where stood openly many, many sopets with money and treasure. Behind Kaseamstapha basha the G. Sr.’s son-in-law, Kaimachan of Adrianople. When we were there I was informed that they alwayes pitch’t in this form. Behind the vizier were all the other bashas, and many other officers and servants. When they are at war the Janissaryes are placed round on the outside.

Now, on the land by Chalcedon is built a lighthouse or Pharos, which they call (as likewise a little village by it) Pheneir, and Phenerè,[271] as at Pompey’s pillar, which I question not was erected for the same purpose. Coming from thence, on the shoar towardes the factory seraglio is a fair large fountain; just by it a garden new empaled, and enlarged much bigger then it was. A great kiosk in it, then ready furnish’t for the G. Sr.; under it, about 15 or 20 steps, is a fountain of delicate water, which the G. Sr. uses now daily. At Scutary there are very fine walks, all shaded with Cipresse (most), pine, firre, some oak, ash, Lotus, horse chesnut, cherry, beach, and other trees; there are new taken in two or three vinyards. There are several Arbors cover’d with vines of delicate grapes. The Bustange[272] invited us in, and treated us very civilly.

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I was at the Dervises in Galata, which Dervise Mustapha the Näizam bashè, or head of the players of the pipe which they call Näi.[273] He hath been there 14 years, his pay is 45 aspers[274]; to the rest he payes 5, 6, 7, 8, or more, as they are deserving. They have 100 kilos of wheat per annum, 100 per annum vacoof,[275] 3,000 aspers per man; from the G. Sr., 10 sheep at little Beiram, 100 at Ramazam. They have usuall prayers in the houses, and he that is devout may pray all night long, fast, etc. There are 4 Tekyes[276] or monasteryes, of them here one, two Kasoumpasha, 3 Bisicktash, 4 Yenicapon; on Stambal side there are eighteen sorts of them. These founded first by Molàh Hunkyòr, Harset meulanàh, for he goeth by both these names. Heretofore they preach’t, danc’t, and piped every Tuesday and Friday. 3 lye here buryed: 1. Arzéh Mahmet effendi, a great benefactor to them; 2. Ismèl Effendi, who was once their sheik (or head, though it signifies prince) and benefactor; 3. Ismaèl Effendi, another benefactor, who built them 10 chambers, and left them 1,000 dollars. They let their neighbours be there buried for their money. Formerly, the Baltagee[277] of Galata seraglio were buryed there; now they have a corner apart. There Govisè Achmet is their Sheich now, who receives all the money, and hath himself 1½d. per day. Their musick is a Tambor, and a long week small lute with wire strings, to which they sound their Nai or pipe, whereof they have two sorts, a base and a treble; for the middle ones partake of that to which they are nearest. The little pipes have 7 holes on the upper side all in a row, and an eighth at the bottom, a little of one side, and just in the middle (measuring from that lowest eighth hole upwards) on the back is a 9th hole. Some of these are a foot and ½ long; some lesse, some more. The long pipe hath six holes, on one side three, and three at equal distances, and on the back side, just half way, there is a 7th hole. There is neither a fipple[278] above, nor noze[279] in the mouth, but the head is a horn sloped up and brought to a very fine edge, which leaning sidewayes to the mouth, gives the sound, as boyes (with us) used to whistle in acorn cups, this πλαγιαῦλος[280]; whence our flagiolet. Shepherds use smal pipes of wood with such mouths, and some I have seen of the wings and thigh bones of Crowes, Bustards, Pelicanes, etc.,[281] from whence of old were cal’d tibia. These dervish pipes are very dear, not one of twenty proving good and true. The smallest and deepest he ask 3 dollrs. for, and some of the largest he vallued at 20 dollrs. One (which had belong’d to the Convent these 300 yeares) he valued at 50 dollrs.; yet more for its sweetnesse, then antiquity. They play mournfull tones, but seldom any poynt of musick. They are all made of Indian canes, just such as we make our fishing-rods in England of; the workmanship and luck in proving good give them their price. At every joynt they are whipt with gut strings, more for ornament then strength. The present G. Sr. is much delighted with them.

We went to see the vaults under Sta. Sophia; they were full of water, then 17 ft. deep, and overhead from the water up to the top of the arch, about 2 yards and 6 inches. Every pillar is square 4½ feet, and distant one from another just 12 feet. The bricks very broad, thin, wel baked; not playstered within; the mortar very hard. They say it goes under Atmaidan[282]; we could not enter it. The wast water of the aquaeduct enters into it and out of it, passing through the Seraglio goes into sea by the dunghill. Severe punishment to have houses with offices into it, or throw any filth into it; the well of Sta. Sophia runs into it, and many wells in the Seraglio, etc.

An Account of our Journey to Adrianople, 1675.

You must note that in Turkey navigators reckon their way by houres, not by miles; however, I have made an estimate of every dayes journey both wayes, reckoning 3 miles to the hour, and, truely, I believe that our pace in generall did come pretty just to that proportion.

May 2d, 1675. To Ponte piccolo, hours 7½, miles 23. Upon a Sunday, after morning prayer and a sermon, we set out, being about 100 horsemen. My Ld. and Sr. Tho. Baines[283] road in a kind of double horse litter, used by the great men in Turkey, caryed by 4 mules, cover’d with fine wrought cloath. The name for this thing is a Takt-i-rovan, which is as much as a running seat (Takt, “seat”; reván, “current”) in Persian, from whence they have taken this state. There were four muliteers to attend upon it, and two Mestagées,[284] or fire caryers, to go before it; they carry upon a great staff, or short pole, an Iron made just like our beacons, into which, when evening is come, they put Pinus sylvestris, which they call Sheráh, or χερὰ, and being very fat and unctious, it flames and burnes well, and lasts long; but to supply their fire they have each man his bag full of shivers and splinters of the wood, with which they tend this fire. Wherever my Ld. (as the like is observed to the vizier, and all other great persons travayling) took up his lodging, so soon as it began to grow darke, they came and fixed these beacons, by irons sharpened on purpose at the lower end, just before his door (or tent, when he lay in one), and then began a short prayer for the Gr. Signor, the Embassador (or their patrone), and all the company, particularly naming every one, the Treasurer, Secretary, Papas (or chaplain), Turgemen, etc. This is the use of the Countrey, and if the grandees travayl in the night, or goe but a street’s length in their cityes, these Mestages goe before them instead of lanthorn men, or torches. I thought good to mention them thus fully here, because here it first occurres, and you will meet with them often in the insuing story. My Ld. had a coach also, which went by empty with six horses, postillions, trappings, etc., all alla Turchesca (as the fashion here); the coachman rides on one of the hinder horses, and not in the boxe, though sometime I have observed it. So likewise the chief Turgeman (or as we commonly call him, the Dragoman) had his coach and 4, large; all the principle attendants there had also their carts (or rather waggon coaches) with 4 wheels, and some two horses; some three horses all abreast. I fancy your Trigae[285] were such; for I have observed here many antient customs and fashions yet remaining. I, amongst the rest, was appointed to have one to carry my cloathes and other baggage, as likewise I had my servant, and a seis, or groom, to look after my horse. There were above 60 of these waggon coaches in all, with all this trayn, and about 20 or 30 strangers that went onely to set us out the Town. We left Pera, May 2d, and though our way from Stambul is direct and short, yet, we being on the other side of the water (the Sinus Ceratinus), we were forc’t to go about by the meadowes, where, by the help of two bridges, we past the two streames (or cornua) that meet to make up the creek that separates Pera from Stambal. Within 1½ h. we came to the first rivulet, cal’d of old Barbyses. About a mile further we passed the 2d rivulet, of old Cydarus; both are very accurately described, with all the little hills and valleys about them, by P. Gyllius, in his Bosp. Thrace, l. 2, c. 3, onely Barbyses hath a stronger current, especially in winter. I have been often times alla caccia from one end to the other of it. A mile further we came to the suburbs of Stambal, commonly called Job’s tomb, but it is the dormitorys or Mausoleums of severall Turkish princes, Viziers, warriors, and men of fame amongst them, one whereof was called Jüpe (as they now call Jacob, and the Armenians call him Agúp), which gave name to the place, and I veryly believe Gyllius, l. 2, c. 2, was either mistaken or misinformed when he calls him Aibabarius, for the Turkes call the place Aiübazár, which is the mercate place of Jüp (Bazár being in Turkish the Mercate place, as Balukbazár, etc., the fish mercate, etc.). I have been often there amongst the tombs. From Jüp bazár we came under Stambal walls, which are distant from thence about ½ mile, and, passing about a mile further, we came to Adrianople gate, from which we insisted on the direct great road, as followeth about three mile of; we crosse a little rill, not much worth your notice, but onely I resolved to set down every water run, that (if possible) I might give some light to your antient Geographers, our common maps (Ortelius, Ptolomy, Sansoin, etc.) being very false. We left two little Turkish townes on our right hand, Dav’d Basha (David Basha), a mile from Adrianople gate, and as much farther Hasnadarcui (Treasurer’s town); cui is a common termination, as ton, don, etc., with us, and signifyes a village or town. A little beyond the foresaid rill is a very large chinàr, or plane-tree, with a square green bank cast up about it, and a very noble fountain by. Here in sommer many come to take their spasso and recreation in the shade (which that tree casts), sitting upon carpet with tobacco, coffee, and pure water, etc. Three miles farther we cross two other little rills, which meeting together (and, as I suppose, with the former), make a large stream, which enters the sea between Stambol and Cape Stephano (the mouth being within 2 mile of this latter). About a mile farther is a brook (then it was dry) with a stone bridge of 6 arches, and a little farther a rivulet with a stone arch over it. I verily believe all these unite and enter the sea as above say’d, for all the way from the first to the last is low, flat ground, and these may very well meet there towards the sea; but I am convinct of it by reason I have been at Ponte piccolo by water many a time, and never observed any other outlet into the sea but in the place aforesaid. We come from Adrianople gate to Ponte piccolo in 4 hrs.; it must be about 12 miles.

Ponte piccolo is called by the Turkes K’ootchóok chekmejé (it is little chest or cabinet), by the Greeks μικρὸ χωριὸ, or little town. It is inhabited partly by Greekes, partly by Turkes, and is about the bignesse of Newmarket. It has one large street, through which lyes the road, in which are many shops of victuallers, Knackers, and makers of horse furniture, smiths, etc., all fitted for travaylers. There are severall (Chans, or caravanserais) stables, and lodgings for passengers: that is, roome and provisions for horses and mules, and by them room for men to lye down; but if you carry not your couches or quilts with you, you must take up your lodging upon the cold ground here, and everywhere else in Turkey upon the road; as likewise your victualls in some places may be had drest for you in such shops as I have mention’d, or else you must carry it with you, and cook it yourself, or live upon barly and chopt straw with your horse. Here our caterer (or purveyor) found very good fish of all sorts by reason of the sea and a lake being very nigh, but in other townes travaylers find nothing but leekes, garlick, onyons, bread, salt, pickled olives, cabbidge, cowcombers, melons, and the like, little bits of broyl’d flesse, which they call Kibób, but whole joynts nowhere, rice, pancakes, and severall kinds of pastery meates. We, being so many in number, had a man who alwayes went before to every Conáck, or stage, and brought in muttons, beafes, veales, and the like, what he could get, having two Chiaúses to assist him, else the people would in most places not afford us anything, the best Turkes, if they travayl alone, being content with the fare of the road above-named. At our entrance on the East side the town standes the Turke’s Mosché, and a college, or hospital, both built by one Abdisalláh (i.e., the Slave of God), Tefterdóre (Treasurer) to Sultan Solyman; (others say to Sultan Osman). There is there allowed maintenance for three learned men in the law, or Chiefes, at one dollar per diem, as likewise rice, butter, bread, etc., for them and twenty more students there under them, who have the salary of 18 Aspers per diem. There my Ld. and all us that belong’d to his court were lodged, and they, according to their statutes, at night came and brought us two or three great platters of their pottage (made of rice and onyons, etc.), and for everyone a loaf of their bread. Any great personage passing that way may lodge there, and cannot be denyed neither room nor this entertainment. They get well by it, for at parting every great man leaves some charity to them, as we also did. There is a pretty large court, as bigge as the second in Emanuell Coll., one story high, with cloysters and little chambers (with chimneys) round about, and a fountain in the middest. All passengers carry their own beds, or mats, or quilts to sleep on and set on, for, as is before said, you find room, but nothing but the bare wall besides. I and two or three companyons slept on carpets in the Cloysters, it being very hot weather; my Ld. and Sr. Tho. Baines had travayling beds to set up and take down upon all occasions. Our cookes and such like went allwayes before us, and in every Conack we had our provisions ready all the way against our coming in. At the end of the great street we past over a water and a moory ground by a long bridge and causeway, having a great lake on the right hand and the Sea on the left, separated by a small peninsula of land. The bridge hath 12 arches: the first, Ponte piccolo, very large, next the Town over the chief stream; then two lesse at a good distance; then nine more as much farther. These last serve only to let the water passe that fall from the hills in winter, and would be prest up by the bridge and caseway, and so otherwise would endanger both. The bridge is stone, rayed (striped) with slight timbers on each side. It is about 312 of my paces long, broad enough for 3 carts to passe one by the other; to it is joyned the caseway of stone 462 of my paces, and at the bridge foot it is about 2½ foot high. I find this lake in Ortelius map of old Thrace to be cal’d Myrmex Lacus, but he hath not taken notice of a fresh water river that runs through it, which I have rowed up and down at least 5 or 6 miles. It runs with a small but very strong stream, so that at the mouth, where it empties itself into the sea, our boates from Stambol enter with great difficulty, as likewise it is very deep and very strong under the great Arch of the bridge, where, though the water continually sets out, yet the water in the lake tastes brackish. Up this fresh river, about 5 or 6 mile, is on the right hand a very high and steep mountain, with a most famous cave, which runs 10 or 12 mile underground, and is hewn in many places that two or three men may walk abreast at their full height.

May 3d. To Ponte grande 4¼ h., miles 13. Going from Ponte piccolo, so soon as you are of the caseway and past the moor you rise up an easy hill, at the foot of which, just by the corner of the lake, is a little village on your left hand call’d Coomcui, or Sand-town, from the sand hard by there in the lake; onely Greekes live in it, and have forgot the Greek name, or else it never had any. About a mile or two farther on the right hand, at the edge of the lake, is another, called by the Greekes Cabárana. Half way to Ponte grande you leave a little Greek town on the right hand hardly cal’d Ahúrcui; thence you descend a little but very steep valley, and in the bottome is a little river with a stone bridge of three arches. This valley is not much above one mile over, but is a very dangerous place for robberys and murders, and therefore is cal’d by the Turkes Aram-derry, or accursed valley. On the brow of the hill on the other side this valley stands a very fine but little queach[286] of popalar, cipresse, and some elme and willow trees very thick to-gether; it is paled in very high, like one of our parkes. In the midst of it is a seraglio of the G. Signor’s, where formerly they came in summer for pleasure. Under the pales, upon the road, is a couple of clear and very large fountaines with severall cisternes, where some few comrades of us made a halt and took a dram of the bottle. Ponte grande is cal’d by the Turkes Buyoók-checmedje (or great-chest, abusing the word checkmése for a wooden bridge, as both these and the other bridges at Ponte piccolo at first were of wood), in Greek μεγάλο χωριὸ, or great town. The inhabitants are most Turkes, some Jewes and Armenians, but more Greekes mixt with them. The road and the sea makes this Town, as well as Ponte piccolo, flourish. This is bigger then it; there is likewise good store of excellent fresh-water fish, as likewise of sea fish. On the west side the town lyes a great Lake which hath communication with the sea, and seemes to have been an arme of it antiently, but now cut of from it except in 4 places which we passe by bridges, now of late yeares made of stone, but there remain ruines of wood, which show them to have been of old of timber upon stone cheekes,[287] to draw up and down and move into the Lake, we passing them to the right hand. The water, when we past, was not very deep. These four bridges are joyned together by stone casewayes, which in winter, if more rain falls then is vented by the arches or covered with it, yet there being room for the water to play, all is with out danger or damage, the stones towards the lake being clenched with lead one to another. The first case-way from the street end is 60 paces, that bridge is 183 paces with 7 arches; 2d caseway, 39 paces; the bridge 166, with 7 arches; 3d caseway, 19 paces; the bridge 127 with 5 arches; 4th caseway, 14 paces; the bridge 233 with 9 arches; the last caseway about 30 paces—all soe wide as three carts may goe abreast. I am the more particular in these little things, that you may see the Turkes are neither niggards nor fooles in these public workes, for I assure you I never saw stronger work than among them; and some things are as fine and neat as we can possibly shew. There is a large river which enters this lake at the north, but runs not very swift. The Greekes call it now Μαυροπόταμι, the Black river; the Turkes very near the same, Kará-sou, Black water. Now judge you whether Athyrus runs here or no.[288] The sea comes up to the bridge; though it is very shallow, yet it is a pretty harbour for small vessells out a little farther between the two capes, and this little port addes to the greatnesse of this town above the other ponte, where there is none. My Ld. was Lodged on the side of the Lake, at the end of the Town; the weeds and dead carcases, and other filth which they dayly cast in, in the hot weather, made so foul a stink as we were all almost stifled with it. Here are in the town many, many chanes,[289] besides where we lay, and several pretty large streets. For building, once for all I must tell you there is none all over Turkey but what is very mean and beggarly, and for the most part dark and sluttish: I except your Moschés, Seraglios, and publick buildings onely. Some great men of late (as this present Vizier now at Stamboul) have ventured upon great buildings for themselves, but it doth often prove their ruin; they becoming thereby suspected for becoming too great, and so the G. Signor cuts them of and seizes their possessions.

May 3d. To Selibria h. 5¾, miles 17. Going from Ponte grande, so soon as we had past the bridges and began to rise up the hill, there we past two little townes, both inhabited by Greekes; one on the right hand called Πλάγια, the other on the left, by the sea, called Καλικράρια. We called at these by reason of the fame of good wine there, which we found true. About 6 or 7 miles from thence, on the left hand, stands a little town on a promontory looking into the sea; the name I could not learn. About a mile farther we passe a little rill, and a mile beyond that (which is about half way to Selibria), we go by a little ruinated town, just in the very sea, the road lying upon the sand; the town stands to the right hand, in Turkish Koombúrgás, or sand-burough[290]; in Greek Κουμιὸ, a word corrupted from the Turkish Koóm, which is sand. We had very good wine there, especially a small sort of claret. There hath been formerly a little castle or fort there, but all the great stones are picked out and carryed to Stambol. The Valedéh-Jámisi and Valedéh-Chane,[291] i.e., the Q. Mother’s Mosch, and the Publick Chane or Hostelry, was built with part of them. As once for all, I must tell you that round Stambol for many miles the Turkes have taken almost all the fair stone they could find to rayse their buildings in the City, so that little is to be expected of inscriptions or monuments of antiquity; especially in Thrace, or anywhere near the shore of the Propontis, from whence caryage by sea is easy. Nothing remaining in a manner but the inward part of the walls of old buildings; the Maidan,[292] the case or outside of it was of good stone, being pull’d down and disposed of. This hath been a pretty town, but now it is nothing by its situation. About 2 miles from hence we passe another, a pretty mercate towne, and rich by reason of the road, and a little port for small boates. It is cal’d in Turkish Bogáthos[293]; the inhabitants are most Greekes, but in the great street are many Turkes. There is yet standing a little tower with very thick walls, which is now turned into a granary. About three miles from thence we enter into a Moorish ground, which we passe by. A caseway and bridges of stone, of one arch apiece, over as many little streames, deep, but very narrow, which uniting hard by, enter the sea (which is all the way in sight to our left hand), in one pretty large channell; it being the onely stream that deserves the name of a river from Ponte-grande to Heraclea (Erekli).

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May 5th. To Ciorlúh (Chiorlóo we pronounce it), 8½ h., 25 mi.[294]

Going from Selibria,[295] we leave the Sea (having hitherto had it all the way on our left hand), and mount, arising well into a plain champion[296] country, as indeed all the way to Adrianople is champion. Scarce a tree, unless some few about Chiorlóo to be seen; by which you may imagine what brave hunting and hawking the G. Signors have there. Just under Selibria runs a small rill, which enlarges into a kind of pond at the very town, over which we past by a stone bridge of 4 arches; and about a quarter of a mile further we enter a moorish ground, in which is a very fair stone bridge of 32 arches, and with the ascents at each end it is about 450 paces. The water under it was little and did not run, which made me conclude the bridge built onely in case of land floods in winter time, which must needs be occasioned by rain from the neighbouring hills, they being steep and enclosing this flat ground on every side. I could perceive this overflowing water enter’d the Sea in one mouth with the little rill before mentioned; and besides this there is no other river near to Selibria. About 8 mile of from it by the sea side I crosst another little one as I came home. Out of this moor we rise (as is said) to the top of a hill, into a plain, which is a black spongy soil, and seemes to be very binding, for there we saw them at plow with 6, some 7, some 8 yoke of oxen in a plow; especially where they were new breaking up. The first town we came at was called Kinnekléh,[297] a little Turkish town in a very fertile playn. About half way we crost a little river, which enters the sea about 3 or 4 miles to the W. of Heraclea, or rather is that just now mentioned 8 mile from Selibria.

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Chiorlóo or Chiorlúh hath been a very large town, as it is yet most inhabited by Turkes, yet there are Armenians, Jewes, and Greekes too. It is not onely a great road town, but also a very great trade, and mercate is driven there for all sorts of commodityes. On the east side the town runs a great dry grasse, as big as the Divels ditch at Newmarket, in which are severall fountaines, yet standing, of excellent water. At the lower end (from the Town) it is crost with an aquaeduct of 96 paces long (the distance from edge to edge of the grass), with one onely little high arch in the midst. It is decay’d and dayly running to ruine, yet the earthern pipes on the top are yet whole, and the water runs still in them. It was a very antient way of conveighing water, and far beyond either wood or lead. I saw several old ones at Carthage, Ephesus, Smyrna, etc., which must needs some of them have lain in the ground thousands of yeares unperisht. I shall briefly give you this description: they make earthen trunks about foot and half (sometimes little more) long; one end is made with a shoulder, the other end with a female grove (to receive that end of a second trunk). Now to close each joynt they have an excellent mortar, which they call Lukiúm or Lookioóm; it is made of unslaked lime and beaten brick, most finely powdered and sifted, cotton wool very thinly pul’d and strew’d on, and then all slaked with linseed oyle and mixt together, then they reject whilst it is fresh made, otherwise it hardens immediately. Then care is to be taken that the trunkes be kept from force, and they will endure to eternity. Beneath this dry grasse to the North are many vinyards, fig trees, etc. There have been within this 20 yeares here in town above 400 Greek familyes, now they are shrank to near upon 100; yet they are forc’t to pay the same Harátch (pol money) and other dutyes (for the G. Signor’s lead cannot sink; he will lose nothing of what once is settled to him), which comes to 1,000 dollrs. per annum, just as they did before; which makes the poor creatures yearly break and run away. They have but one Church, a little poor thing, but kept spruce and neat, there belonging to it a Bp., 4 priests, and 2 deacons. I was there at Vespers with them, and found them extremely civil, and they shewed me all the town. Over their church door they have fixt a pittyfull marble stone, which they saved out of the ruines of an old castle that was here; it was all flead[298] to build the Turkish moschs, which are at least 12 in all.

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May 6th. To Karesterán[299] 6 h., miles 17. Going from Chiorloo, about a little mile, we passe a little river; over it was an old stone bridge, almost broken down, which have had 4 arches. Just half way to Karesterán we passe a good large river, though in sommer it is almost damn’d up with sand; there is a good large bridge over it of wood, but slight timbers in it. All the way it was still Champion ground, most like a black moorish soyl, yet I judged it lighter than that on the other side Ciorlóo, because we saw severall ploughs with but 4 oxen in them, and those yoaked all abreast. The town has its name from Karismack, i.e., to mingle or knead; for the least rayn (as we experienced when we were there) makes the spongy, soapy (fuller’s) earth just like past. Upon the S.E. side of the Town, about one quarter of a mile, runs a small river, but very strong stream; there is a bridge there with 8 arches and about 100 paces in length. The river may easily in many places be leapt over; yet in winter the water overflows farre. From a delicate cleer fountain on the same side the town beyond this river, upon the side of the hill (to our right hand, as we descend to come hither), is an Aquæduct brought, and in the valley are three steps or pyramids built to divide the water into severall trunks, as also to let the overplus run in winter, without prejudice to the course of the rest. Just about the spring growes infinite of excellent scordium,[300] which I have found an excellent preservative against the plague. Here is a very good Mosch here, and a large cháne. The town is enriched onely by travailers; at present it is but small, and built but in latter times out of the mines of Miso.

May 7th. To Bourgas[301] 4 h., miles 12. About 2 or 3 miles from Carestéran are several decay’d fountaines by the road side. At 4 mile is a very good fountain that runs plentifully, with cisternes for horses to drink. A little farther are several little rills, with one arch’t bridges over them, and hard by a pretty big river, but no bridge. Just half way on the left hand, on the very road, is raysed a good great hill, with a fossa[302] about it, and an entrance on the side next the road up to it. I take it to be a monument of the dead, slain in some battle fought upon these plaines. We have observed many such, as shall be say’d: it was an antient custome and right paid to kings (as about Gallopoly) and inferior persons. It is as high as Bartlow hills, but the fossa is in a manner fill’d up. From the top we counted 12 villages spread round about; it is seen almost to Burgas. Within two mile of Burgas the earth alters to a lighter kind of sandy soyl, yet Plowmen were there breaking up with 6 yoak of oxen in a plough.

Burgás is a pretty large market town. We passe over a pretty street or two; then came a most stately Cháne, having a fair square court and large fountain in the middest of it, and cloysters round about; then fine apartments able to hold well nigh 1,000 travaylers with their beasts. This is joyned to a very brave Mosch by a large Cupola crosse the main road, supported by 4 arches (28½ feet wide); the street passe under two, and the passage from the Cháne to the Mosch goes under the other. Entering into the Kháne (for you must pronounce it in the throat) sit many shopkeepers; amongst the rest, the finest Tobacco-pipe heads are sold there that are to be found in Turkey. The Town is all Turkish, and very populous for the bignesse. Mahomet, Vizierarém[303] to Sultan Solyman, had a son, Bassa of Morea; complaints were made of him at court. The G. Signor bid him advise his son to do better. He, without any more adoe, sent and took of his head and presented it to the G. S., who for his severe government in that point gave him all his son’s estate (which otherwise falls to the G. S.), with which he built several noble buildings, whereof this Kháne and Mosch are none of the least. On the W. side the Town (which we past the next day) runs a small river, on which stands a Turkish mill, driving 3 pair of quernes (each mill grinding 10 Kilos or bushels of wheat in 12 houres), and yet the water there is not so wide but I could easily step over it. They are Greekes that forme the mill, which belong to Ἁγιαβὰλὰκ, a little town (concerning which more presently) hard by. There is also just by this town a tile kill, formed by other Greekes of the same place; though the soyl all the way hither is black and spongy moorish ground, yet here is so good a naturall mixture of sand as to make most excellent tile. Over the river, going out of town, is a bridge of 4 arches, long in all 146 paces; the stream is nothing in sommer, but the Town standing in a kind of pan in winter, it must needs be great. The stone with which this bridge is built is such a porous kind of hard pumex as I never beheld; it seem’d to me to have been made of clay and pills of sand, which afterwards mouldring away might cause those eyes. Down the river hard by is a Turkish town cal’d Múctary.

May 8th. To Bobbás-cui 4½ h., miles 13. About a mile from Burgas, standing upon a little hill on the left hand, we saw ἁγιαβαλὰκ, a little Greek town (as is said), but very populous, there being now above 400 familyes in it, many of the men going out to work all the week (as before is intimated), and returning on Saturday, live very well, they being farre more industrious then any of the Greekes I ordinarily ever met with. About six mile of from Bobbas-cui we crossed a little brook; a mile and ½ farther another; as far again a third, with bridge, all almost dry. An old Turk took it from the Christians, and from him it is now so named, for bobbá[304] is the common name for Father, and is given to every old man in common discourse. He lyes buryed in St. Nicholas’ church, the one thing remaining of the Greekes memoriall or building here. It is made a place of prayer, and he is reckoned a great saint amongst the common people. When we went into it to see his tomb we met another old Turk, who had brought three candles, and presented them to an old woman that looks after it, and shews it to strangers. He said he had made a vow in distresse to do it. The old woman told us: Yes, my sons, when ever you are in danger pray to this good holy man, and he will infallibly help you. Oh, fye! sister, quoth the old Turk, do not so vainly commit sin, for he was a mortall man and a sinner as well as we. I know it, quoth the old wife, that onely God doth all, and he doth nothing; but God for his sake will the sooner hear us; and so ended that point of Turkish divinity. This Church is standing pretty intire. It is but little (as I above said, I guesse most others were), but very handsome, in the same forme almost with Sta. Sophia, with a great Cupola over the body of it; but the outward wall is scaloped. On the east side the town as we goe in runs a little pretty river just under this church, and hath a very well built stone bridge as ever I saw for the bignesse, of a very hard freestone. It is broad enough for 3 carts to goe abreast. It is 232 of my paces, beside the ascents at each end. It hath 6 little arches in the midst, and severall little flood-gates on each flank. All stones are rob’d here, likewise to build their Moschs, which here are 3 or 4, one very fine one. The town is a pretty large town, and will dayly increase. Ibrahim bassa (now General of the Turks’ army), in bringing an Aquæduct thither, the shafts were open’d not far of from the W. side the town.

May 9th. To Háfsa,[305] 6 houres, miles 18. Going a little out of Bobbas-cui, on the left hand, is another great hill, cast up, I suppose, on the same account with that between Coresteran and Burgas, but not so big, nor so high. Upon the Top of it lyes now a very long Turkish tomb. That I may here tell you the difference, you must know that they never lay anything over their dead but the earth. All the sides of their tombs are good stone, but above nothing but earth, except in your Royall Mausoleum or those of great men. There they place a cænotaph over the grave, and a great candle at head and feet, and at the head the fashions of the cap he wore, by which is known whether he was a man of the law, or some civil magistrate, or souldjer or woman, etc.

About seven mile on the road we passe a little, little hamlet cal’d Coophátcui, or coophas-cui. About a mile and ½ from thence (I guesse it half way) we crost a little brook which ran plentifully, but as we return’d it was dry. When we came within 3 or 4 mile of Háfsa we saw the top of mount Rhodope, which lyeth beyond Adrianople to the west, as afterwards shall be sayd. This name is wrote severall wayes, but pronounced all alike. Here is a most noble Cháne, farre better then that at Burgas, and likewise a Cupola crosse the street, and a fair mosch annext in the same manner there described; but these two latter are as farre inferior as the other is superior. All were built by the same Mahomet Vizierarem, who built those at Burgas; thence they were made in the same fashion. He lyes buried at Jupe (before mention’d) in a fair mausoleum which I have seen; and it is reported of him that he repair’d all the publick bridges in the Turkes’ territoryes from Adrianople into the bounds of Persia; and built as many Moschs and Chánes as there are dayes in the year; and by this means continued Vizier 40 years, an unusual thing in this court, for it is a wonder in this present Kiuprili[306] not so much that he succeeded his father, as that he hath staid in so long.

May 10th. To Adrianople, houres 5½, miles 17. Khavsa lyes S.E. from Adrianople. Getting out of town (which stand low) we again saw upon the first hill Rhodope before us; at 8 miles end we passe a little brook; at 3 miles farther another. With in 2 miles, or little more, of Adrianople is a very good fountain, and fine Kiosk or summer-house by it. Hither comes severall great men in summer to take their pleasure. The city begins to appear about 4 or 5 mile of, and indeed it shews gloriously, as all their citys doe at a distance, but within they are very mean and beastly. The Moschs and Minarys (or steeples), which are very stately, especially Sultan Selim’s mosch,[307] which is the best here, of which more afterwards. The country (as is said) all the way perfect champion ground with pleasant easy hills and fruitful valleys; the soyle generally pretty good, but it is much neglected; and though I have all along mention’d several little villages, yet I assure you this part of Thrace (taken in the whole) is very little inhabited and lesse cultivated. About the townes and villages we saw good husbandry; but elsewhere, I am confident, above 2 thirds of the land lyes unoccupyed, and where they neither plough nor plant vineyards, they feed neither meat nor sheep, nor goat, nor anything else. In many, many miles riding we saw neither corn-field, nor pasture, nor flocks, nor herds, but onely wild neglected champion ground. I have a catalogue of many fine plants observed by the road, but I omitt that, and come now to tell you how we were receiv’d and brought into the city. About 6 mile of the city we were met with all the French and Dutch who, belonging to Pera with us, were then at Adrianople to see sights. At Soláck chesmi (or the Page’s fountain), which I just now mention’d, were provided 12 of the G. Signor’s horses for my Lord and his attendance to mount and ride into city with all; they were all admirable good ones, and set out as rich as was possible. I left my own and took one of them, whose bridle, saddle, great stirrups, breast plate, buttock cloth, etc., were either all of beaten gold and silver, or else most richly embroyder’d. My Lord’s horses furniture were set out with jewels and pearles most gloriously. There were groomes appointed to attend upon every horse. By that time we were mounted and got into the road and our ranks; we were met with the Capigé-pasha (the word signifys chief porter), whose office is much like our Master of the Ceremoneys, and the Chiau’s pasha (or head of the ciauses, who are like our purcevants or messengers of the green-cloth); these two were in their court vests (Capsitans) of clothe and gold and silver, with rich furres, and horses and furniture suitable. After them followed 70 chiauses in their habits, and severall cherbigées (colonels of the Janizaryes). We all made ... d till the ceremony of use and complement past; then we went into the city in this cavalcade; first the cherbigeés turned back, then the Chiauses, then the Capigé basha and Chiaus basha, then my Ld. (having the strangers that met us just before him), then all the English gentlemen, then the servants, then the torch-bearer with Sr. Tho. B., then the coach and 6 horse, then the other (Turgemans) coach; then all the Carts followed. My Ld. had three good horses (of the Companye), richly furnisht out, led by all the way from Pera. The first street was lined with Janissaryes. We were conducted with all this train to the house appointed for my Ld.’s lodgings, and that street had Janisaryes likewise on both sides. There the Turkes and strangers left us. The house we first were allotted was the damn’dest, confounded place that ever mortall man was put into; it was a Jewes house, not half big enough to hold half my Ld.’s family, a mere nest of fleas and cimici,[308] and rats and mice, and stench, surrounded with whole kennells of nasty, beastly Jewes. We made shift that night, and my Ld., sending to the Vizier, had another immediately, which proved very convenient; for here upon these occasions the G. Signor turnes out whome he please (of Jewes or Christians) out of their house, so that it is troublesome and dangerous to them for to have a good house, and in that end of the town there is none, being all Jewes, crowded two or three familyes into a house that hath not more roomes. If the old Jewes were such poisonous beasts, I must needs then allow their frequent washings, and think they needed not touch a dead body to be unclean, for they could not touch a living one without being so; but more of them anon.

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An Account of Occurrences at Adrianople, 1675.

May 17th. The Ragusæan Ambassador visited my Ld. His name was Márin Cabóga. The Turkes call this Embassador (alwayes one being at Court here) Dóbra Benedíct, which is as much as good Venetian. He was a lusty, gallant fellow, and I got a very familiar acquaintance with him, and found him merry, cunning in his businesse, but most strangely superstitious as to storyes of witches and such like. One day, being to visit him with a friend of mine, he fell into such discourse, and at last assur’d us that he had met with a Jew woman who, for certain, was a witch. We desir’d to see her. She was cal’d; and when she came, she would not owne any such thing as that she could raise the devil, but she would tell us many charms and tricks: one was, this Signor Cabóga some few dayes before had lost some money, and suspected one of his servants for it. She comes with an Old Testament in Heb[rew], and, tying a key in it at the 51st psalme, hang’d it upon her finger on one side, and upon the finger of another old hag (her camerade) on the other side. Then he began to think of one whom he suspected, and immediately he reads that psalm in any other language which he understand (as he did it in Latine); if the person be guilty, the Bible turnes and drops downe whilst he reads; if he be innocent, it hangs immoveable to the end of the psalme; then he thinks of another, and so begin again. This so possest him as would needs have them shew it us, affirming that when he thought of one person (whome he therefore concluded guilty) it never fail’d. To work go the old hags; he reads; down drops the book. We laught and desir’d we two might hold it upon our fingers (for I perceived the juggle most clearly: it falls with pressing the finger a little stronger then ordinary); he consented, and though he thought of the same person, the book hang’d cleverly to the end in despite of Mother Mumpus.[309] I bad him think of any other person in his mind, as myself, or friend, or the old woman, etc., and before he had gone half way I turned it with as much dexterity as if Mephistophilus himself had been in my Elbo. My gentleman was amazed, but these cunning Jades put a neat conceit in his head. He told us this trick would not do unlesse we were both of us clean; for, said he, it would not do with me at first, for, to tell you the truth, I had been with a prettie girl, but, so soon as I had confest myself, it never fail’d, so that all we could say (if we had 10,000 compurgators, it had been all one) would not persuade him but one of us, or both, had been dabling. I told him of our trick with the Sive, and shewed him the very cheat, both in that and in this, and, with much adoe, we convinct him a little. At last I understood indeed what kind of Conjurers these two women were: they were famous, truely, for raysing (or bringing up) little Devils, but they were all in the shape of pretty wenches. One I had the fortune to see, one as like Cis Archer[310] as if some kind spirit had really conveigh’d her own very self hither; and in troth it might be she, for these fairyes, I veryly believe, had flesh and bones. He often recounted to me the dreadful earthquake that happened at Ragusa in Easter week, 1666[311]; he, being himself in it, gave the greater light and credit to his businesse. He had kil’d a great man in a rencontre, and was imprisoned for it, and sentence past upon him to suffer death; he being at his prayers, expecting every moment to be cal’d forth to execution, was, at a suddain, tost from one side of the prison to the other, just under an arch, and that place from whence he was joulted was blown up into the Ayre, as if it had been done with gunpowder. After his fright was a little over, he got out, and in this sad juncture of affaires behaved himself so gallantly, as he was not onely pardon’d, but promoted, having been several times Ambassadore here before. The greatest part of the houses in the Town were shaken down, which was done at one blow, without any antecedaneous trembling or admonition; but after it follow’d a trembling, which ceased not perfectly in 4 yeares after. There were about 400 and odde noblemen before this accident, but not above 140 escaped; yet not one family of them was quite extinct. He onely was left of his. There are not above 18 familyes antient amongst them. From the harths that were in the houses over thrown broke out all over the town a most dreadfull fire, which continued 22 dayes; yet, notwithstanding it, and the other terrible shock of the Earthquake, nothing of their walls or fortifications, or any publick buildings, were harmed in the least, neither was one corn of powder fired, though all their magazines were then full. There was a poor woman servant after 15 dayes digg’d out alive; she had lived in a kitchen all that while, with a little dishwash and oatmeal left there by chance. He saw likewise a little child digd out hanging at the mother’s brest (who was dead) three whole dayes after this sad hap; the child is yet alive. He is a very short man, and behaved himself bravely against the Venetians, who afterwards assailed the town. They pay to the G. Signor a yearly tribute of 12,500 Hungars at 2½ dollars apiece, with a dazio (as the merchants call it); it is often more, as now one is valued at 2⅓ doll. Besides this tribute they are forced to make presents at severall times of great solemnityes, as now the G. Signor sent to them to come and honour the Circumcision of his son and marriage of his daughter. They were much confounded, not having any precedent left of what ever had been pay’d before; but the Chiá (or steward or deputy) to the Vizier favour’d them with a record of what they paid about 80 yeares since in Sultan Morat’s[312] time, which saved them much of what they intended to have given. I was very much obliged to him, for severall times he took me along with him to see sights, and to be treated by the Turks (as you shall hear anon), even to the envy of severall of our company.

May 19th. My Ld. had audience with the Vizier for the ceremony of it. It is the same with what is performed here at any audience with the Caimacham or Bostanje basha. We were conducted to his Pallace or Seraglio through the City. Two Chiauses (which by order waited upon my Ld. from Stambol continually till he return’d thither again) and all our janizaryes leading of us, and we all following on horseback, we were brought into a pretty large room with a soffá[313] (a square raysed about 1½ foot from the ground) covered with carpets very rich, and laid upon the 3 sides next the wall with narrow quilts, or little beds, and great bolsters round, all cover’d with cloth of gold. At audiences at Stambol we putt of our shoes, but here it would be an affront, as if we were afraid to spoil the Vizier’s goods; the like is before the G. Signor. My Lord was placed upon a low stool upon the sofá, and we all stood there close at his back. Round about us stood many Chiauses and other attendants. After about ½ of an houre’s stay in come the Vizier, and drops himselfe down upon the couch crosse-leg’d. My Ld.’s stool was put nearer to him. Just as he came in all the waiters cry’d: Whish, whish, etc., in token of silence (though I never saw such silence even to admiration (as hereafter shall be said) without this sign), and at his setting down they all give a great acclamation, as much as God blesse the G. Signor and him, etc. Being thus sat down, my Ld. deliver’d him the King’s letter, and told him that his maister commanded him to do soe, and, with all, to speak something more to him by word of mouth. Amongst other things, my Ld. urged very much the perpetuall friendship of the English, and that in the warres of Candia there appear’d not one English man against them amongst those many other strangers that sided with the Venetians; to which the Vizier answered it was true, he himselfe was witnesse to it. My Ld. thanked him for so speedy an audience. He smiled, and said it was a time of mirth, and the great matters were laid aside awhile, so as he had that leisure. My Lord wish’t it might ever be a time of mirth and joy to him. Many such complements past, though the Vizier was alwayes very brief and sparing in his words, whether out of a formall gravity, or the reall Turkish humour of taciturnity, I know not. He look’t very pleasantly, and, as we were inform’d, with an unusuall sweetnesse; though, at best, I assure you, I thought he had Majesty and state enough in his face all the time, being all the time of a very, very composed countenance, excepting once (as is above said) we fancy’d some shadow of a smile. He is but a little man, and goes (as I often afterwards saw him) a little lamely, and something stooping thereupon, which they say is from many issues which he hath about him for the Sciatica.[314] He hath a small round face, a little short thin black beard, little eyes, little mouth, without any wrinkles in his lips; a smooth round forehead and an erected brow, with thick, but very short, hair on it. He is pockbroaken much. In summe, he hath an acute but morale and serious look; and, if I can judge anything, I should think him a subtle cunning man, though I had never heard so much from the world. He is, they say, 44 years old, though, for my own part, I guesse him not above 40, if so much. He was then in a Chiauses Cap, but he hath severall, as I have seen him many times in them. At all audiences, from the G. Sr. himself to the Kaimacham of Stambol, we give presents, viz., vests of cloth, silk, cloth of gold, silver, velvet, etc., and in most places we receive vests from them, which are a peculiar sort of garment, onely to be then put on by us, and the maisters of state wear them upon peculiar occasions up and down the Court. They are made like our sophisters’[315] gown, without a cape. The stuff is of white silk, flower’d with great branches, sometimes half moones (and the like), yellow or tawny, all with very great weales[316]; and, according to the dignity of the persons, they are of cloth, of silver, or gold, or with more or less gold and silver wrought in the silk. There were give 16 amongst us. I sold mine for 6½ dollrs. My Ld.’s was worth 25 or 30; all the rest like mine, except the Treasurer’s, Secretary’s, and chief Dragoman’s, which were worth about 8 dollars a piece. I am confident this was a very antient custome, and is mean’d in scripture by changes of rayment, etc. We were with the vizier about ½ houre in all; my Ld. was with him in person not above ¼. After these little passes were over he rose up (the waiters making the same acclamations), and bowing a little to my Ld., past on, and we come out with my Ld. You must understand at all audiences (except with the G. Sr. himself, as you shall hear afterward) my Ld. is lead in and out by the Treasurer and Secretary: one on the right, the other on the left. The Cancellier to the Company, and one or two of the merchants, viz., Mr. Cook and Mr. Salter, were not vested, which you may imagine was taken amisse. My Ld. would have talked of keeping peace with Tripoli, Algiers, Tunis, etc., as likewise would have desired to treat by proxy or in private, but it was not then thought convenient.

May 23rd. The Resident (from the Emperor) of Germany visited my Lord.[317] There had been a little pico taken. When Count Leshley[318] came into town Embassador from the Emperor some time since, our Embassador was then in town, and sent his secretary and court to meet him. My Ld. expected that this resident should have done as much to him. But he excused it, assuring my Ld. that he was that day with all his court call’d about businesse before the Vizier, and so all disgust was past over. His name is Giovanni Christophoro, and sometimes he wrote it Chinsberg; a most ingenious, courteous person; and as wise and cunning a statesman. I was most infinitely obliged for his civility, being often with him, and alwayes treated like a prince. He is an excellent schollar; mathematicks and history, and all manner of Antiquitys are his chief delight. I shall have occasion to say more of him anon; yet I will not omit one strange thing now. We had been informed here by a very worthy gentleman that at Tocay in Hungary the vine (which make the best wine in the world, if you believe the Concil of Trent) very often bears grapes with the Acini, or stones, of massy gold. I, standing by my Ld., and by chance hearing him mention the wine of this place, desir’d my Ld. to mention this story to him, and I assure you he confirmed it to be very true, but in a more modest way then we had heard it recounted before: to wit, that the wine was very heavy, and sometimes here and there will certainly be found in the grapes a stone of pure gold, as he himself was presented with two or three such grapes; for it seemes they can know which are such grapes before they break them. Discoursing the point, he defended the possibility of it, asking how pearles sometimes are found in oysters, or little chalk stones in gouty men’s hands, etc. My Ld. return’d his visit two dayes after, and there remain’d a good correspondency betwixt them ever after.

May 25th. We went to see the cavalcade made in honour of the young prince Mustapha[319] before his circumcision. You must understand that when any great man’s son is to be circumcised, a day or two before he shall be cut he is caryed upon a horse up and down the town in triumph, richly clad, but accompanied with severall other poor youths or children, but finely drest, who count it an honour to be circumcised at such a time. There goe a great multitude with them, singing, dancing, shouting, and Turkish Musick playes all the way before him. This ceremony pay’d this day to the young prince was of this nature, but performed in a Royall manner; for all the Court of the G. Sigr. appeared, and we saw much of the Glory of the Empire. All the great officers of State, as likewise the Mustafaraca’s[320] (which are the Lancie sperrate, the G. Signor’s life gard, for I was well acquainted with one who was a Renegade) and other chief officers, had all chiaus caps, as the Vizier himself, etc. They were most excellently horsed, though now Amblers and middle-sized horse are all in fashion. Most were in rich furre vests, the outside cloth (it is a dishonor for great men to go without a furre vest, though it be in the heat of summer); some the outside silk, satin, velvet, cloth of gold and silver. The horse-trappings extream rich; the buttock cloth embroyder’d with gold, silver, pearles, etc., at the meanest wrought with silk; the saddles in like manner; the stirrups, many of silver, some guilded; the bridles plated with gold, or silver and bras; and many set with good stones and pearl, especially the peak on the forehead, and at each ear, etc., this in general.