Footnotes

Hawkins having returned to England, soon after made preparations for a second voyage. "In his passage he fell in with the Minion man of war, which accompanied him to the Coast of Africa. After his arrival he began as formerly to traffic with the Negroes, endeavouring by persuasions and prospects of reward, to induce them to go along with him—but now they were more reserved and jealous of his designs, and as none of their neighbours had returned, they were apprehensive he had killed and eat them. The crew of the man of war observing the Africans backward and suspicious, began to laugh at his gentle and dilatory methods of proceeding, and proposed having immediate recourse to force and compulsion—but Hawkins considered it as cruel and unjust, and tried by persuasions, promises and threats, to prevail on them to desist from a purpose so unwarrantable and barbarous. In vain did he urge his authority and instructions from the Queen: the bold and headstrong sailors would hear of no restraints. Drunkenness and avarice are deaf to the voice of humanity. They pursue their violent design, and, after several unsuccessful attacks, in which many of them lost their lives, the cargo was at length compleated by barbarity and force.

"Hence arose that horrid and inhuman practice of dragging Africans into slavery, which has since been so pursued, in defiance of every principle of justice and religion. Had Negroes been brought from the flames, to which in some countries they were devoted on their falling prisoners of war, and in others, sacrificed at the funeral obsequies of the great and powerful among themselves; in short had they by this traffic been delivered from torture or death, European merchants might have some excuse to plead in its vindication. But according to the common mode in which it has been conducted, we must confess it a difficult matter to conceive a single argument in its defence. And though policy has given countenance and sanction to the trade, yet every candid and impartial man must confess, that it is atrocious and unjustifiable in every light in which it can be viewed, and turns merchants into a band of robbers, and trade into atrocious acts of fraud and violence." Historical Account of South-Carolina and Georgia. Anonymous. London printed in 1779—page 20, &c.

"The number of Negroe slaves bartered for in one year (viz. 1768), on the Coast of Africa from Cape Blanco, to Rio Congo, amounted to 104,000 souls, whereof more than half (viz. 53,000) were shipped on account of British merchants, and 6,300 on the account of British Americans." The Law of Retribution by Granville Sharpe, Esq. page 147. note.

The same writer refers the origin of vassalage in England, principally to the wars between the British, Saxon, Danish, and Norman nations, contending for the sovereignty of that country, in opposition to the opinion of judge Fitzherbert, who supposes villeinage to have commenced at the conquest. Ib. 27, 28. And this he proves from Spelman and other antiquaries. Ib. The writ de nativo habendo, by which the lord was enabled to recover his villein that had absconded from him, creates a presumption that all the natives of England were at some period reduced to a state of villeinage, the word nativus, which signified a villein, most clearly designating the person meant thereby to be a native: this etymon is obvious, as well from the import of the word nativus, as from the history of the more remote ages of Britain. Sir Edward Coke's Etymology, "quia plerumque nascuntur servi," is one of those puerile conceits, which so frequently occur in his works, and are unworthy of so great a man.

Barrington in his observations upon magna carta c. 4. observes, that the villeins who held by servile tenures were considered as so many negroes on a sugar plantation; the words "liber homo," in magna carta, c. 14. with all deference to sir Edward Coke, who says they mean a free-holder, I understand as meaning a free man,[Liber homo, &c. the title of freeman was formerly confined to the nobility and gentry who were descended of free ancestors.—Burgh's Political Disquisitions, vol. iii. p. 400, who cites Spelman's Glossary, voc. Liber homo.] as contradistinguished from a villein: for in the very next sentence the words "et villanus alterius quam noster," occur. Villeins must certainly have been numerous at that day, to have obtained a place in the Great Charter. It is no less an evidence that their condition was in a state of melioration.

In Poland, at this day, the peasants seem to be in an absolute state of slavery, or at least of villeinage, to the nobility, who are the land-holders.

1699, c. 12. title only retained. Edit. of 1733, p. 113

1701, c. 5. the same, 116

1704, c. 4. the same, 122

1705, c. 1. the same, 126

1710, c. 1. the same, 239

1712, c. 3. the same, 282

1723, c. 1. repealed by proclamation, 333

1727, c. 1. enacted with a suspending clause, and the royal assent refused, 376

1732, c. 3. printed at large, 469

1734, c. 3. printed at large in Sessions Acts.

1736, c. 1. the same.

1738, c. 6. the same.

1740, c. 2. the same.

1742, c. 2. the same.

From this period I have not been able to refer to the Sessions Acts.

1752, c. 1. printed at large in the edit. of 1769, 281

1754, c. 1. the same, 319

1755, c. 2. Sessions Acts. Ten per cent. in addition to all former duties.

1759, c. 1. printed at large, edition of 1769, 369

1763, c. 1. Journals of that session.

1766, c. 3, 4. printed at large, edit. of 1769, 461, 462

c. 15. additional duty, the title only is printed, being repealed by the crown, Ib. 473

1769, c. 7, 8, and 12. title only printed, edition of 1785, 6, 7

1772, c. 15. title only printed, Ibidem, 24

"The many instances of your majesty's benevolent intentions and more gracious disposition to promote the prosperity and happiness of your subjects in the colonies, encourages us to look up to the throne, and implore your majesty's paternal assistance in averting a calamity of a most alarming nature."

"The importation of slaves into the colonies from the coast of Africa hath long been considered as a trade of great inhumanity, and under its present encouragement, we have too much reason to fear will endanger the very existence of your majesty's American dominions."

"We are sensible that some of your majesty's subjects of Great Britain may reap emoluments from this sort of traffic, but when we consider that it greatly retards the settlement of the colonies, with more useful inhabitants, and may, in time, have the most destructive influence, we presume to hope that the interest of a few be disregarded when placed in competition with the security and happiness of such numbers of your majesty's dutiful and loyal subjects."

"Deeply impressed with these sentiments, we most humbly beseech your majesty to remove all those restraints on your majesty's governors of this colony, which inhibit their assenting to such laws as might check so very pernicious a commerce." Journals of the House of Burgesses, page 131.

This petition produced no effect, as appears from the first clause of our constitution, where among other acts of misrule, "the inhuman use of the royal negative" in refusing us permission to exclude slaves from among us by law, is enumerated, among the reasons for separating from Great Britain.

"In the present case, it is not only the slave who is beneath his master, it is the Negroe who is beneath the white man. No act of enfranchisement can efface this unfortunate distinction." Chatelleux's Travels in America.

PRELIMINARY REMARKS.

1. The number of slaves in Virginia by the late census being found to be 292,427, they may now, in round numbers be estimated at 300,000.

2. Let it be supposed that the males and females are nearly or altogether equal in number.

3. According to Dr. Franklin, the people of America double their numbers in about twenty-eight years; and according to Mr. Jefferson, the negroes increase as fast as the whites, they will therefore double, at least every thirty years.

4. Let it be supposed that in thirty years one half of the present race of negroes will be extinct.

5. Let it be supposed that in forty-five years there will not remain more than one-fifth of the present race alive.

6. Let it be likewise supposed, that in sixty years the whole of the present race will be extinct.

7. For conciseness sake, let the present race be called ante-nati, those born after the adoption of the plan, post-nati.

FROM HENCE IT WILL FOLLOW,

1. That the present number of slaves being 300,000.

2. In thirty years their numbers will amount to 600,000.

3. But at that period as one half of them will be extinct, (rem. 4.) their numbers will stand thus:

Ante-nati, 150,000

Post-nati, 450,000

——— 600,000.

4. The mean increase of the post-nati for the next thirty years will therefore be 450000/30, annually, or 15,000.

5. If one half of these be males, who are still to remain slaves, there will in the first sixteen years, be born 120,000.

6. After the first sixteen years, the post-nati females will begin to breed; the proportion of males born to slavery in the next twelve years may be estimated at one-fourth of the whole number born after the commencement of that period. Their number will be 52,000.

7. The number of slaves living in Virginia at the end of thirty years from the adoption of the plan, will be,

ante-nati (prop. 3.) 150,000

Post-nati males born in the first 16 years, 120,000

Post-nati males born in the last 12 years, 52,500

——— 322,500.

8. The number of negroes at the same time will stand thus:

Slaves, 322,500

Post-nati free born, 277,500

——— 600,000.

9. After twenty-eight years from the first adoption, this plan of gradual emancipation will first begin to manifest its effects, by the complete emancipation of one twenty-eighth part of the post-nati free born during that period each succeeding year, for twenty-eight years more; their numbers will be, 277500/28, or 9,910.

These will be all females.

10. It being admitted that the negroes double every thirty years, the supposition that in forty-five years, their numbers will be half as many more as in thirty, will not be very erroneous, if so, the whole race of them at that period will be 900,000.

11. Their numbers will stand thus:

Ante-nati, 60,000

Post-nati, 840,000

——— 600,000.

12. After twenty-eight years are past, the number of slaves born must continually diminish. Suppose their number born in the last 17 years, to be one-fourth as many as those born in the preceding twelve years, they will be 52500/4, or 13,125.

13. The slaves in Virginia in forty-five years will then be,

ante-nati, 60,000

Post-nati males born in the first sixteen years, 120,000

Ditto, born in the next twelve years, 52,500

Ditto, born in the last seventeen years, 13,125

——— 245,625.

At this period the emancipation of males will begin.

14. But after twenty eight years it has been shewn that 9,910 negroes will annually arrive at the age of emancipation, their whole number in forty-five years will be 168,470.

15. The state of the negroes at the end of 45 years, will then be,

slaves, 245,625

Post-nati fully emancipated (females), 168,470

Post-nati not emancipated, 485,905

——— 900,000.

16. In sixty years the whole number of negroes will be 1,200,000.

17. At that period the whole of the present race will be extinct; and we may also infer that one half of those born in the first thirty years will be also extinct; the number of slaves born in that period has been shewn, (prop. 7.) to be 172,500, the number of these then living will be 172,500/2, or 86,250.

18. One half of the post-nati free born, during that period, being now fully emancipated, may be likewise presumed to be extinct; their numbers (prop. 8.) will be, 277,500/2, or 138,750.

19. The state of the negroes at the end of sixty years, will therefore be:

Slaves born during the first thirty years, 86,250

Ditto born after that period, 13,125

Post-nati fully emancipated, 138,750

Post-nati under 28 years of age, 961,875

——— 1,200,000.

20. At the end of ninety years the number of negroes will be 2,400,000.

21. Of this number, those only born after the first thirty years, being supposed to be living, the number of slaves (prop. 12) will then be reduced to 13,125.

22. And as the last mentioned number of slaves are supposed to be born within forty-five years, their whole number will be extinct in fifteen years more, that is, in one hundred and five years from the first adoption of the plan.

23. By prop. 19. it appears, that out of 1,200,000 negroes, there will then be 961,875 under the age of twenty-eight years, the period of emancipation.

24. We may therefore conclude, that from two-thirds to three-fourths of the whole number of blacks will always be liable to service.