Front matter (continued 8)

He then applied himself to securing the dogma of the Immaculate Conception of Mary. From Gaeta in 1849, while Mazzini and his colleagues ruled Rome and Antonelli struggled with the representatives of the rival Catholic Powers for his restoration, Pius had sent out some five hundred letters to the bishops of the world, inviting their opinion on the doctrine. It had long passed the stage of being a disputed academic thesis, and most of the replies were favourable. The Jesuits, who had become the special protagonists of the doctrine, fostered the native piety of the Pope, and on December 8, 1854, it became a dogma of the Church.[356]

In 1857 made a tour of the Italian provinces. His chief purpose was to visit the Holy House of Loretto, but the intriguers of the Quirinal used the opportunity to enhance the Pope's illusion that only a few negligible fanatics quarrelled with the Papal government. In the previous year the diplomatists assembled at the Congress of Paris had censured that government in the most violent terms and demanded reform. It is hardly likely that their comments were put before the Pope, and care was taken that his reception in the provinces should flatter his genial love of popularity. Inconvenient petitioners were refused access to him, and the clergy and more devout laity greeted him with applause. Gregorovius, who was then in Rome, notes in his Diary that Pius returned to the Quirinal full of joy; and a few years later the inhabitants of these provinces would vote, by an overwhelming majority, for the abolition of the Papal government.

In the following year the graver development of Italian politics began. Napoleon III., whose protection of the corrupt Papal system had infuriated the Liberals, met Cavour secretly at Plombières and agreed, in case of attack by Austria, to help the King of Sardinia in his ambition; his reward would be the provinces of Nice and Savoy. The attempt by Orsini in the following January to assassinate Napoleon did not help the diplomatists of the Vatican, as Cavour plausibly urged that the tyranny of the Papal States was responsible for the rebels who were scattered over Europe, and the struggle for the unity of Italy went on from year to year. The war between Sardinia and Austria broke out in the spring of 1859, and Austria was defeated at Magenta and retired from the Legations. These provinces were resolutely opposed to a return of clerical government, and Cavour, whose monarch was not yet prepared for war on the Papacy, sent one representative after another to persuade the Pope to permit the appointment of lay rulers of Parma, Modena, Tuscany, and Romagna, under his suzerainty. Antonelli and Pius refused to make the least concession to the rebels, nor were the provincials disposed to assent to such a settlement. After some months of insurgence and bloody repression, a plebiscite was organized in the Legations (March 11, 1860) and an overwhelming majority voted for incorporation in the kingdom of Sardinia. In spite of the Pope's fulminations, Sardinia accepted the vote, and Napoleon received Nice and Savoy as the price of his acquiescence.

Dismayed and perplexed by the futility of his appeals to the Catholic Powers and of the spiritual censures at his disposal, the Pope now invited volunteers, and crowds of undisciplined Irish and French Catholics came to swell the little Papal army and fall with truculent piety on the rebellious districts. Garibaldi, on the other hand, forced the halting designs of Cavour, and, with the cry of "Rome or Death," flung his irregular troops into the struggle. After a vain effort at peaceful settlement, Cavour, "in the interest of humanity," sent the Sardinian regulars into the Papal States, and the Pope's forces were destroyed in September at Castel Fidardo (in sight of the Holy House of Loretto) and Ancona. A plebiscite was organized in Umbria and the Marches, and there is no serious ground to question that the figures published express the sentiment of the provinces. In Umbria 99,075 voted for Victor Emmanuel and 380 for the Pope: in the Marches 133,783 voted for Sardinia and 1212 for Rome. A large allowance for abstentions does not alter the significance of these figures.

Pius still protected, by a conviction that the plebiscite had been fraudulent, his illusion that only a disreputable minority resented his beneficent government, and the diplomacy of the Quirinal during the next ten years was the least enlightened that could have been devised for securing the slender remaining territory. Many cardinals, and even Antonelli, came to see that a recognition of Victor Emmanuel as King of Italy would be the wiser course, but Pius, supported by the Jesuits (who had founded their Civiltà Cattolica, as an organ of Papal sentiment, in 1850), obstinately refused to temporize. He would have no negotiation with "the robbers," the excommunicated rebels against God. He retained—or the French troops still retained for him—only Rome and the Roman district, and proclaimed that he relied on Catholic Europe to restore his full rights. Years were spent in vain efforts to induce him to surrender his temporal power, or to recognize Victor Emmanuel as his "Vicar" in the kingdom of Italy, and in the meantime the Italian aspiration for Rome as a capital grew stronger, and the Pope's obstinate retention of his temporal possessions was easily represented in an unfavourable light throughout Europe. The cardinals were not indifferent to the offer of 10,000 scudi a year and seats in the Italian Senate; and Antonelli was won by a promise of 3,000,000 scudi and rich gifts for his family. There can be little doubt that the rapid development of anti-clericalism in Italy during the sixties, and the growing disdain of Rome in England and France, would have been materially checked if the Pope had been more sagacious. He dreamed that the Catholic world still shared the crusading fervour of the Middle Ages, and he was insensible of the selfish motives of France, Naples, and Austria.

In the midst of the negotiations he committed the grave blunder of issuing his Encyclical Quanta Cura (December 8, 1864) with the famous accompanying Syllabus, or list of eighty condemned propositions. There is no need to analyze here that mediæval indictment of the modern spirit. Many of the propositions are now commonplaces in the mind of every educated Catholic, and it is precisely their boast that—to use some of the condemned words—the Catholic Church may be reconciled with "progress, liberty, and the new civilization." The pages of the Civiltà Cattolica sufficiently indicate who were the Pope's unhappy inspirers. In brief, the document convinced Europe that Rome insisted on being driven off the path of progress at the point of the bayonet, and in 1866 the French evacuated Rome, leaving the Pope only 2000 mercenary soldiers, who were to don his uniform. When Garibaldi made his third impulsive inroad—the second, in 1862, had been arrested by the Piedmontese—in October, 1867, the French arrested him, but the war of 1870 gave Italy its opportunity. On September 20, 1870, the Italian troops entered the breach in the Roman walls, and the long and romantic story of the temporal power of the Popes was over. By the Law of Guarantees (May 15, 1871) Italy granted the Pope sovereign rights, with an annual income of 3,250,000 lire and an extension of extraterritorial rights to certain Roman palaces. By a final error Pius refused to acknowledge his position, set up the melodramatic fiction of "the Prisoner of the Vatican," and, by forbidding Catholics to take part in the elections of the new kingdom, allowed Italy to drift farther and farther away from his spiritual control.[357]

Meantime the famous Vatican Council had crowned his more purely ecclesiastical work. The idea of summoning the whole Christian world to a second and greater Trent, of healing religious dissensions and uniting religious forces against modernism, had dazzled the imagination of the Pope at Gaeta. His advisers encouraged him, and in 1865 he appointed a commission to discuss the subject. In 1867, when his heart was uplifted by the great gathering at Rome for the celebration of the (supposed) eighteenth centenary of the martyrdom of St. Peter, he announced the council, and in the following year (June 28, 1868) the Bull Æterni Patris invited all Christians—heretic and schismatic, as well as orthodox—to the Vatican Council of 1869. It was opened on December 8th, when 719 members assembled from the Catholic world.

The great issue—the one issue that may be discussed here—was the question of defining the infallibility of the Pope. Here again the Jesuits ardently supported the wish of Pius IX., and a struggle had taken place in the Catholic world for some years. It was known that such devout and influential priests as Newman in England, Bishop Dupanloup and Archbishop Darboy in France, and Bishop Ketteler and Cardinal Schwarzenberg and Döllinger in Germany, opposed the definition, and the greatest care was taken in selecting members of the council whose position did not make them entitled to sit in it. When Newman was proposed from England, Manning (an enthusiastic supporter of the Papal policy) and the Jesuits defeated the project, as Purcell has since established in his life of Manning. When, however, the seven hundred members of the council had assembled, it was realized that between one hundred and fifty and two hundred voters regarded a definition of infallibility as inopportune, and the procedure and control of the council were diplomatically arranged. What Newman called "the aggressive, insolent faction" of the Infallibilists strained every nerve to destroy the opposition. They drew up a petition to the Pope, and Pius was deeply annoyed to find that little over four hundred names appeared at its foot; and of the signatories the majority were prelates who lived at Rome in dependence on the Quirinal.

But the familiar story need not be told again in detail. The debates were prolonged into the broiling summer, in spite of the remonstrances of the northerners, and the Pope's indignation at the minority was freely expressed. When, on July 13th, the vote was taken, 451 voted "Aye," 62 voted a qualified "Aye" (Placet juxta modum), and 88 voted in opposition. Pius wavered, and was disposed to listen to counsels of compromise, but the majority pressed, and the stormy debate continued. The Inopportunists were reduced to silence, and at the final vote, on July 18th, only two voted against the project; though many abstained from voting. Time has thrown a strange light on that historic struggle. On the one hand, it has transpired that the definition was drawn up in such terms that the controversialist could plausibly accommodate it with the known blunders of earlier Popes, and few followed the spirited revolt of Döllinger: on the other hand, the Papacy has from that day to this made no use of its infallibility, in an age of perplexing doubts, and the ardour of the Infallibilists has cooled.

During the following years the Pope sank once more into depression as the situation in Italy engendered grave troubles. Bible Societies and Protestant churches appeared in Italy, even in Rome, and Pius vainly denounced the monstrosity. Bishops dare not apply to the Italian government for their appointments, and had to remain without incomes and palaces. The Jesuits were expelled, and in 1872 a law of dissolution menaced the 8151 members of religious houses in Rome and the provinces. Bavaria refused to publish the Bull Pastor Æternus, and its struggle with the Church extended to Prussia and culminated in the long and bitter Kulturkampf (1872-1887). In France the anti-clerical Liberals gained from year to year on the Catholic reaction which had followed the Commune of 1871, and Gambetta's battle-cry rallied the old forces in alarming numbers. In 1876 (November 6th) Antonelli died, and the grave scandal which disclosed his irregularities gave joy to the enemies of the Papacy. A last gleam of consolation came to the Pope in 1877, when the Catholic world held a magnificent celebration, on June 3d, of his episcopal jubilee. But the aged Pope saw no retreat of the disastrous forces he had encountered, and, after the longest and most calamitous rule in Papal history, he died on February 7, 1878.

Little need be added in regard to his relations with other countries than France and Italy. The record is one of both successes and failures which were misunderstood at Rome: to the modern historian it is the record of the lapse of millions from the Roman allegiance. In the United States forty-four new dioceses were established between 1847 and 1877, yet the American prelates of the time bitterly lament the loss of hundreds of thousands of scattered Catholic immigrants. In England the Romeward movement within the English Church came to an end long before the death of Pius, and the Church made no numerical progress in excess of births and immigration. In Holland the hierarchy was peacefully restored, but in Switzerland there was such tension that the Internuncio was expelled in 1874. Russia severed relations with Rome in 1860: Württemberg (1861) and Baden (1859) signed Concordats with Rome, but found it impossible to maintain them: and the new German Empire was, as I said previously, involved by Bismarck and Falk in a bitter struggle with Rome.

The relations with Catholic countries were little more satisfactory. Sardinia had mortally offended the Quirinal long before the struggle for Italian unity began: by a long series of anti-clerical measures it abolished tithes, laicised education and marriage, expelled the religious orders and confiscated their property, gave freedom of worship to Protestants, and dealt summarily with hostile bishops. Austria had signed in 1855 (August 18th) a Concordat which was favourable to the Church, but the young Francis Joseph, whose education had been carefully directed in the clerical interest, was forced by the storm of opposition to deviate from it. It was abolished in 1870, and four years later laws were passed which the Vatican regarded as anti-clerical. Spain maintained, through its various revolutions, a consistent docility, and was the only country on which the dying eyes of the Pope could dwell with satisfaction. It contracted a favourable Concordat on March 16, 1851, which was supplemented in 1859. Portugal signed a favourable Concordat in 1857. In Latin America on the other hand, the Church suffered grave reverses. Costa Rica and Guatemala (1852), Haiti (1860), Nicaragua (1861), and San Salvador, Honduras, Venezuela, and Ecuador (1862) signed satisfactory Concordats, but Colombia, Mexico, Brazil, Uruguay, and Argentina entered upon anti-clerical ways, and the spirit of revolt against the clergy was spreading throughout Southern and Central America. Not since the days of Leo X. had the Church suffered such grave and widespread defection.

In estimating the character of Pius IX. and his relation to these losses the modern historian has little difficulty. The exaggerations of both his critics and his panegyrists are patent. He was a sincerely religious and zealous man, but the hope once entertained of his canonization (or, at least, beatification) was as absurd as the malevolent attacks on his character from the other side. His intellectual quality must be similarly judged: he had little penetration, no breadth of mind, no power to read aright the symptoms of his age. In considering the fatal obstinacy with which he refused all accommodation in regard to his temporal power, we must carefully bear in mind his religious views, and not merely dwell on his slight capacity for diplomacy or statesmanship. So grave a surrender could not be commended by a few years of revolution except to a man of greater insight and foresight than Pius IX. In sum, he would in years of peace and piety have made an excellent and undistinguished steward of the Papal heritage, but he was very far from having the greatness of mind which the circumstances of the Church required, and the vast organization over which he so long presided emerged still further weakened from its second historical crisis. It had fought Protestantism and lost: it had fought Democracy and Progress and lost. It remained for a wiser Pope to initiate the policy of accommodation.

FOOTNOTES:

CHAPTER XX

LEO XIII.

When Leo XIII. mounted the Pontifical throne, the Papacy had had three quarters of a century of disastrous experience of the reactionary policy. The Restoration of 1815 had seemed to inaugurate for Rome a new period of prosperity. The touching experiences of Pius VII. and the widely recognized need of combating by religious influence the new spirit of revolt disposed the monarchs of Europe, and a large part of their subjects, to regard the successor of Peter with respect. He had been their ally in resisting Napoleon: he was their ally in restoring feudalism. England moderated its rude tradition of "the Scarlet Woman." The Tsar of the Russias felt that Romanism was a large element in the spiritual renaissance he contemplated. Louis XVIII. remembered how altar and throne had fallen together. Ferdinand of Spain drowned the revolt in blood. Austria reconsidered its Febronianism. Italy seemed incapable of rebellion.

But the revolutionary wave had retired only to come back with greater effect, and from 1830 to 1850 the face of Europe was transformed. The Popes almost alone defied the spirit to which monarchs bowed, and they stood almost alone amid their ruins. England returned to its disdain: Russia and Switzerland angrily broke off relations with the Vatican: Germany was engaged in what the Vatican regarded as a formidable effort to crush Catholicism in the new Empire. Austria was sullen and weakened. France was rapidly passing into its third and final revolt against Catholicism. Spain was forced into an alliance with the growing Liberals against the Carlists. Italy was overwhelmingly opposed to the Papacy on what the Papacy declared to be a sacred and vital issue, and was honeycombed with Rationalism. Belgium was almost dominated by a Liberal middle class. The South American republics were falling away in succession. The two most profoundly Catholic peoples, Ireland and Poland, were ruined, and their children were scattered and seduced. Thus would any penetrating cardinal have interpreted the situation of the Church in 1878; yet, if his penetration were great enough, he would see that there was a tendency among this Liberal middle class, which now dominated Europe, to seek once more an alliance with religion against the deeper social heresies which were appearing. Would the new Pope prove subtle enough to grasp that opportunity and save the Church? His "infallibility" would avail little: he would be unwise to emphasize it. He must be a diplomatist and a rhetorician.

The new Pope, Leo XIII., was nearly sixty-eight years old, and had had a better education in the history of the nineteenth century than most of the Italian cardinals had. Gioacchino Vincenzo Raffaele Luigi Pecci was born on March 2, 1810, at Carpineto. His first lesson, in the country mansion, would be to hear his father. Colonel Pecci, and his very pious mother, a Tertiary of the Franciscan Order, talk of the Napoleonic nightmare that had just passed away. From the age of eight to fourteen he was under the care of the Jesuits at Viterbo, and, as it was represented to him that the younger sons in so large a family had to look to the Church for their income, after some hesitation, he allowed them to tonsure him, at the age of eleven.[358] In 1824 his mother died, and he went to study, still under the Jesuits, at the Collegio Romano at Rome. He had conspicuous ability and high character, and besides improving his Latin—he already wrote Latin poems—he studied philosophy, mathematics, chemistry, and astronomy. He attracted attention, as clever boys attract the attention of the clergy, and was directed toward the clerical career. He must enter the "Academy for Noble Ecclesiastics," said one prelate; and, with the aid of his brothers, he drew up a genealogical tree to prove that his father, the easy-going colonel of Carpineto, was descended from the mediæval Pecci of Siena. The Academy did not pronounce his proof valid—the connexion is probable enough—but, on his merits, and in view of his important patrons, admitted him among the nobles of Anagni (1831).

Joachim—he had called himself Vincenzo until 1832—took a degree in theology, and told his brothers that he was going to illumine their ancient family. He still loved to take a flintlock musket over the hills during his holidays, but he indulged in no dissipations and became pale and thin over the books which were to help his ambition. His father died in 1836, and it is in his naïve letters to his brothers that we discover the human elements ignored by his eloquent biographers.[359] He begins to follow politics, in the most ardent Papal spirit. Cardinal Pacca, the intransigeant, recommended the pale, slim young cleric to Gregory XVI., and in 1837 he was appointed domestic prelate. Cardinal Sala also befriended the young Monsignore, and he went from one small office to another. Sala pointed out that for further advancement he must become a priest, and he became a priest (December 31, 1837); but his letters make it clear that he entered the priesthood in a mood of such exalted piety that Sala feared he was about to quit the world and become a Jesuit.

About a month after his ordination (February 2, 1838) he was appointed Apostolic Delegate (Civil Governor) of Benevento, where the brigandage which disgraced the Papal States was particularly rabid. In three years, with the aid of a skilful chief of police, he almost suppressed brigandage and smuggling, and did much for the province. His progress was not so heroically triumphant as the biographers represent. In his letters to his brothers he complains that his predecessor has robbed the treasury and they must help him: that his ninety-seven ducats a month do not enable him to have the fine horses and carriage he needs: and, later (in 1839), that the clerics at Rome are plotting to cheat him of the higher promotion which he deserves. In 1841 the Pope transferred him to Perugia, and he did good work in reforming education, founding a bank for small traders, and so on.

In January, 1843, his real education began. He was appointed Nuncio at Brussels and was made titular Archbishop of Damietta. Able as he was, the promotion to so important an office was premature. Of French (or any languages but Latin and Italian) he knew not a syllable until he set out, and with the modern thought which was then current in Brussels he was acquainted only by means of the version of it given by Pius IX. in the Syllabus, of which he fully approved. His handsome presence and amiable ways carried him far. There is an almost boyish expression on his face at this period: on the long, thin, smiling face and bright eyes and soft sensuous mouth. King Leopold, a Protestant, liked him, and allowed the young archbishop to attract him to religious functions and persuade him of the importance of religion in appeasing social ambitions. Pecci, in turn, could not contemplate the gas-lit streets, the railways, the postal system, etc., of Belgium, without realizing that the Papal States would have to admit something of this modern thought. But he was for a safe modernism, consistent with the Quanta Cura and the Syllabus. He was suave to all: even to the rebellious Gioberti, who was then giving Italian lessons in Brussels. To this period of his career belongs the good story of a naughty Liberal marquis, who ventured to offer him a pinch of snuff from a box which was adorned with a nude Venus, and the Archbishop is said to have taken it and asked: "Madame la marquise?" Secretly, however, he urged the Catholics to organize a struggle against the Liberals. The Liberals wanted a compromise on the school-question, and, when the Nuncio assisted in defeating it, the Premier Deschamps wrote contemptuously to Rome that they would like a Nuncio who was a "statesman." As, about the same time, the bishopric of Perugia fell vacant and the Perugians asked for their former Delegate, Gregory recalled Pecci. His disappointment—which he plainly expresses in his letters—was softened only by the Pope's assurance that the transfer would be regarded as "equal to promotion to a nunciature of the first class"; in other words, he remained on the path to the cardinalate, as he desired.[360]

From Brussels he brought a warm testimonial written by King Leopold, and he spent a month in London (where he had an interview with the Queen) and some weeks in Paris. He reached Rome in May (1846), to find Gregory dying, and he witnessed the election of Pius IX., and, at Perugia, applauded the early "liberalism" of the Pope. Perugia had a large share of the advanced thinkers who now overran Italy, and the Bishop would assuredly become more closely acquainted with their ideas. From his later encyclicals, however, one must suppose that he never made a profound study of their claims, either on the intellectual or the social side. Of philosophy he had only the mediæval version given him in the Collegio Romano and the Sapienza, and of economics or sociology he knew nothing. Such science as he knew—the elements of chemistry and astronomy—was easily reconcilable with religion, and this gave him an apparently liberal attitude toward science. On the other hand, he had genuine sympathies and he felt that the new aspirations of the working class were not to be met with a sheer rebuff.[361] The ideas of Gioberti and Ventura appealed to him. Even when Gioberti had fallen out of favour at the Quirinal, Archbishop Pecci, when he passed through Perugia in 1848, gave him hospitality in his palace. Henri des Houx affirms that he heard on good authority that for this Pius IX. suspended the Archbishop from pontifical duties for several weeks. Later, he incurred suspicion by permitting a memorial service at the death of Cavour. It is admitted by the leading Catholic biographers that he was in bad odour at the Quirinal. The promised cardinal's hat was withheld for eight years[362] and his great ability was wasted on a provincial bishopric. The slight is ascribed to the jealousy of Cardinal Antonelli, and his advance after the Secretary's death confirms the suspicion.

It is, however, plain that Pecci was a most excellent Bishop, and that he was no more "Liberal" than Pius IX. in his first year. He strictly organized the work and education of the clergy, restored the seminary and built a College of St. Thomas, founded many schools, churches, and hospitals, brought Brothers of Mercy and nuns from Belgium, and opened a branch of the St. Vincent de Paul Society. He left a fine record of religious-social work, and the orthodox poor loved him. Yet we must set aside the exaggerations of biographers. Pecci cherished the purely Papal ideal and was out of touch with the majority of his people. In 1859, when a group of rebels set up a "Provisional Government" at Perugia, he nervously shut himself in his palace for two days and, without a protest, allowed the ferocious Swiss Guard sent by Antonelli to wear themselves out in an orgy of slaughter and pillage. A few months later Sardinia expelled the Papal troops, and, when a plebiscite was taken, 97,000 voted for incorporation in the kingdom of Sardinia, and only 386 voted against. The Archbishop protested emphatically and consistently against the seizure of the Pope's temporal power, and, when the hated laws of Sardinia were successively applied to Perugia (on civil marriage, the suppression of the religious orders, military service for clerics, etc.), he continued to protest in the warmest language. In 1862 he suspended three priests who adopted the Italian cause, and was cited before the civil tribunal; but the case was allowed to lapse. We know that he was carefully watched from the Quirinal, and that he had an informant of his own at the Curia,[363] but his pronouncements and letters make it abundantly clear that he never swerved from the strict Papal conception of contemporary thought and politics.

Antonelli died in December, 1876, and (as is ignored by most of his biographers) Pecci very shortly went to live at Rome—long before he was appointed Chamberlain. He had an able coadjutor in the bishopric, and he pleaded his age and increasing weakness. He lived in the modest Falconieri Palace, and trusted to get a suburbicarian bishopric. To his annoyance, two which fell vacant in the next few weeks were given by Pius to others, but at length, in August, the Pope appointed him Camerlengo (Chamberlain). In that capacity he had, the following February, to tap the dead Pope on the forehead with a hammer and to arrange the Conclave. He was not widely known at Rome, and few foresaw his elevation to the throne. It is, in fact, probable that Pius IX. had made him Camerlengo, not in order to exclude him from the Papacy, but because he was not likely to be required for it. Since Alexander VI. no Chamberlain had been elected Pope. There were, however, shrewd observers who predicted his rise, and little surprise was expressed when, after the third scrutiny, on February 20th, he secured forty-four out of the sixty-one votes. We may set aside romantic speculations about the Conclave. A few cardinals perceived that the Church needed in its ruler just such a combination of clear intelligence, broad knowledge, and diplomatic temper as Cardinal Pecci possessed, and he was sufficiently sound on Papal politics to disarm the more conservative. It is not impossible that waverers reflected as they gazed on the worn white frame of the cardinal, that, whatever policy he adopted, Leo XIII. would not long rule the Church.

The Liberal press had recalled his friendship with Gioberti and his permission of a service in memory of Cavour, but Leo quickly reassured the more rigid cardinals. The crowd gathered in the great square to receive the blessing of the new Pope, yet hour followed hour without his making an appearance. R. de Cesare shows that the Italian Government was prepared, not only to preserve order, but to render military honours if he appeared on the balcony. The intransigeant cardinals opposed it, and four hours later he gave the blessing inside St. Peter's. Similarly with his coronation. It is untrue that the Italian Government refused to take measures to preserve order if he were, as was usual, crowned in St. Peter's. On the advice of the more conservative cardinals he chose to be crowned in semi-privacy in the Sistine Chapel on March 3d.[364] Indeed when, on February 22d, he had been compelled to go to his late palace for his papers, he crossed Rome in the utmost secrecy. He would, like Pius, have "no truck with the robbers." To the Kaiser, the Tsar, and the Swiss President he had written on the day of his election to say that he looked forward to more friendly relations, but in his first Consistory, on March 28th, he assured the cardinals that there would be no reconciliation with Italy, and on April 28th he issued his first Encyclical, Inscrutabile, in which, besides asserting the claim of the temporal power, he described Europe, in more graceful terms than Pius, yet in the same spirit, as filled with a "pestilential virus" and nearing death unless it speedily took the antidote of Papal obedience. There was to be no truck with "the new civilization" also.

Yet Leo XIII. has passed into contemporary history as the great "reconciler of differences," in Carlyle's phrase: the man who, by a superb diplomacy and a fortunate conjunction of character and genius, rescued the Church from the dangerous position in which Pius IX. had left it and raised it to a higher level of prestige and power. The historian must make allowance for contemporary enthusiasm. Probably most rulers of ability and character have left that impression among the generation which witnessed their death. Leo, moreover, as befitted a temperate and high-minded man, excited no bitter opposition. All the current biographies of him are from Catholic pens: few of them even pretend to have the candour and balance of historical writers. Leo's story is still to be written. It suffices here to remark that the forces he most fiercely combated—Socialism and Rationalism—made during his Pontificate a progress out of all proportion to the increase of population: that the Church of Rome actually decreased, if we take account of the growth of population: and that "modernism" within the Church became the customary attitude of cultivated Catholics. Among the most potent facts of his Pontificate are the facts that France, to retain which he made grave sacrifices, was entirely lost to the Church: that Italy, which he defied, has established its position with absolute security and abandoned its creed to a remarkable extent: that Portugal, Spain, and Spanish-America have witnessed a similar spread of revolt: that in England, Germany, and America there has been no progress other than increase by births and immigration: that Leo's effort to check Socialism by a Christian social zeal failed and was almost abandoned by him in his later years: and that his attempt to impose St. Thomas of Aquinas on modern thought and his design of directing modern Scriptural research have only embarrassed the scholars of his Church. He was one of the great men of his great age, the ablest Pope in three hundred years: but he failed. He made no impression whatever on what he called the "diseases" of modern thought and life, and he left his Church numerically weaker—in proportion to the increase of population—than he found it.[365]

His policy in Italy is almost invariably described as being conciliatory without sacrificing the Papal claim. We cannot regard as entirely amiable a policy of reminding the Italian monarchy and statesmen, every few years, that they are sacrilegious and excommunicated thieves, and it is surely now clear that Leo erred in maintaining the attitude of Pius and forbidding Catholics to take part in the elections. The Catholic Encyclopædia imputes to him the remarkable expectation that the revolutionary elements in Italy would, if not checked by the Catholic vote, win power at the polls and the government would seek the aid of the Vatican; and the writer describes this as a miscalculation which Pius X. was obliged to correct.[366] Indeed the one wise move on the part of Leo XIII. in regard to Italy is either suppressed or discussed with strained scepticism by Catholic writers. During the first few years after his coronation Leo continued to protest against the wickedness of the world in general and of Italy in particular. In 1881 he had a singular and unpleasant proof of the resentment of Rome. On July 13th the remains of Pius IX. were transferred to the Church of St. Lawrence, where he wished to be buried, and, the government feeling that a public ceremony would lead to disorder, the translation was to be secret and nocturnal. But the "secret" was carefully divulged before the hour, and a vast crowd of the faithful assembled to do homage to the Papa-Re. The rougher anti-clericals were thus stimulated to make an unseemly protest, and Leo took occasion again to protest to the Catholic Powers that his position was intolerable.

On April 24, 1881, the Pope urged the Catholic Associations to enter the field of municipal politics, and in the following year he, in the Encyclical Etsi nos (February 5th), and on the occasion of the death of Garibaldi (June 2d), again made severe attacks upon Italy. The friction increased. In July (1882) Leo had to protest that bishops, not recognizing the government, received no incomes or palaces, and that monks and nuns who endeavoured to evade the law of suppression were hardly treated. Then a dismissed employee of the Vatican brought an action against the Pope in the Italian court, and though the action was dismissed, the court claimed jurisdiction, and Leo made a heated protest to France and Austria. In 1884 the Propaganda was compelled to invest its money in Italian funds, and the Pope, after the customary protest, set up a number of procurators in foreign countries to whom the faithful might send their offerings. In 1886 the anti-clerical campaign became more violent; tithes were abolished, and many Italian Catholics began to desire reconciliation. Italy entered into the Triple Alliance with Austria and Germany, and henceforward appeals to the "Catholic" Powers were obviously futile. France itself had by this time an anti-clerical government and majority, and German and Austrian Catholics bitterly resented the Italian attack on the Triple Alliance.

In February, 1887, Cardinal Jacobini, the Secretary of State, died, and Cardinal Rampolla entered upon his famous career. Leo openly directed the new Secretary to insist on the restoration of the temporal power, and ordered that the Rosary be recited nightly in the churches of Rome. But in the course of that year there was a change in the Vatican policy, though, since it was unsuccessful, it is usually concealed or called into question. Crispi himself revealed, a few years later, that there were negotiations for a settlement between the Vatican and the Quirinal, and that France, irritated by the Triple Alliance, threatened to put greater pressure on its Church unless the Pope withdrew from the negotiations.[367] Mgr. de T'Serclaes virtually admits the fact, and conjectures that Crispi wanted Italy to have a share in the approaching celebration of the Pope's Jubilee. We have no right to question Crispi's assurance that France intervened, and that the Vatican was willing to hear of compromise. The Papal authorities, however, concealed the unsuccessful offer and returned to the earlier attitude. The Pope's sacerdotal Jubilee was celebrated in 1888 with immense rejoicings, and the anti-clericals retorted with fresh legislation. In 1889 a statue of Giordano Bruno was erected at Rome. It is said that Leo XIII. spent the hours of the demonstration in tears at the foot of the altar, and that he had some idea of leaving Rome. The gates of the Vatican were carefully watched, and there was great excitement in Rome when it was announced that he had actually passed over a few yards of Roman territory—to visit the studio of a sculptor near the Vatican. But the Pope clung to his theory of being imprisoned in the Vatican, and the remaining years were like the earlier: anathema on one side, disdain and defiance on the other. When he died, the laity of Rome itself had become so largely anti-clerical that Catholic Deputies to the Chamber did not care to be seen going to mass, and in the north Socialism was advancing at a remarkable pace.

In Germany, on the other hand, Leo won considerable success, though his biographers describe it inaccurately. The Kulturkampf was at its height when Leo was elected, and he at once wrote a firm and courteous letter to the Emperor, trusting that peace would be restored. In his cold and ironical reply (evidently written by Bismarck) the Emperor observed that there would be peace when the Pope directed the clergy to obey the laws, and Leo retorted (April 17, 1878) that the laws were inconsistent with the Catholic conscience. But circumstances favoured the Pope. Two attempts were made to assassinate the Emperor, and he directed Bismarck to see that rebellious impulses in the young were checked by religious education. It seems clear that the Emperor had begun to dislike the struggle with the Church, and by this time Bismarck himself must have seen that persecution had led only to the better organization and greater energy of the Catholics, while his policy was threatened from another side by the rapid advance of Social Democracy. The Papal Nuncio at Munich, Mgr. Aloisi-Masella, was invited to Berlin. He was instructed from Rome to decline the invitation, and Bismarck arranged a "wayside inn" meeting at Kissingen. As Bismarck insisted on the government retaining a veto on all ecclesiastical appointments, the negotiations broke down, and little progress was made when they were resumed by the Vienna Nuncio and Prince von Reuss.

In the following year Falk, the framer of the famous May Laws, resigned, and the Vatican resumed its efforts. On February 24, 1880, the Pope informed the Archbishop of Cologne that the government might have a restricted veto on the ordinations of priests if it would grant an amnesty—eight out of twelve bishops were still in exile or prison—and modify the laws. Bismarck refused, but there was some relaxation of the laws. In 1881 several bishops were appointed, and in 1882 Bismarck voted funds for a German representative at the Vatican. It was, however, at once discovered that the bargain put the Pope in a dilemma. Bismarck demanded that Leo should direct the Alsatian clergy to submit, but, though the Pope promised that he would "see to it," he dared not interfere. In 1884 diplomatic relations were formally restored. Several bishops returned from exile, and episcopal incomes were restored; but the amnesty was not extended to the Archbishop of Cologne and the Archbishop of Gnesen and Posen, and Catholic students were not allowed to go to Louvain, Rome, or Innspruck.

In 1885 Bismarck made a further step by inviting the Pope to mediate between Germany and Spain in their quarrel for the possession of the Caroline Islands. It is said that Bismarck was entrapped into this by a Catholic journalist announcing that Spain was about to make the invitation. However that may be, the invitation flattered the Vatican, and the two rebellious archbishops were "persuaded" by the Pope to resign. The German Catholics were now beginning to murmur against the Pope, and the negotiations proceeded slowly, but in 1886 Bismarck bluntly denounced the May Laws, and it was proposed to modify them. Shortly afterwards, however, it appeared that the Pope had conveyed an impression that he would pay a high price (besides the veto on priests) for the surrender. The Centre Party opposed Bismarck's new law of military service, and he appealed to Rome. Rampolla, through the Bavarian Nuncio, directed the Catholic members to desist, but, to the equal dismay of the Chancellor and the Pope, they refused to obey and caused a dissolution of the Reichstag. Their leader, Baron Frankenstein, replied to the Bavarian Nuncio that they took orders from Rome only in ecclesiastical matters.[368] Bismarck, in his anger, got copies of the letters and published them. What followed we can only gather from the sequel. The Centre withdrew its opposition, the military law was passed, and the May Laws were modified. German Liberals beheld the strange spectacle of the Iron Chancellor, in the Reichstag, indignantly denying that the Pope was a "foreign power," who ought not to intervene in German affairs.

No further concessions were won from Germany—the Jesuits are still excluded—but since 1887 the Church in that country has enjoyed comparative peace and prosperity. William II. acceded to the throne in 1888, and from the first he insisted on friendly relations with Rome. On three occasions (1888, 1893, and 1903) he visited Leo at the Vatican. Bismarck retired in 1890, after a final defeat by the Centre Party. The money due to the bishops (whose incomes had been suspended) now amounted to more than £400,000, and Bismarck invited the Pope to compromise in regard to it. Leo refused; the government must settle the matter with the Catholics of Germany, he said. In the later debate in the Reichstag the Minister of Worship heatedly denounced the Pope for duplicity, but the Centre had its way and the whole sum was restored to the bishops. It is further claimed, though without documentary evidence, that the Emperor's visit to the Vatican in 1893 was for the purpose of urging the Pope to order the members of the Centre to support the new military laws. In the sequel the Catholic members were divided and the laws passed. But documents on these recent events will not reach the eye of this generation, and we cannot be sure how far the Kulturkampf was abandoned as a reward for Papal support of Germany's military policy. On the other hand, the alliance in hostility to Socialism has proved a failure. The Catholic vote at the polls fell, during Leo's Pontificate, from 27.9 per cent. of the total vote to 19.7 (in 1903): the Social Democratic vote increased nearly tenfold.[369]

In France the policy of the Pope was correct and particularly unsuccessful. A few years after the fall of the Papal States the number of professing Catholics in France arose to about thirty millions in a nation of thirty-six millions; and the sincerity of a very large proportion may be judged from the fact that nearly two thirds of the Papal income from Peter's Pence (which rose to nearly half a million sterling a year) came from French Catholics. Yet when Leo died, the professing Catholics had fallen to about six millions in a population of thirty-nine millions. We must beware of ascribing this failure to Leo XIII., though undoubtedly he never exhibited a sound knowledge or statesmanlike grasp of the situation in France. That country was developing along anti-clerical lines, and no Pope or prelate could have diverted it. Leo was absorbed in the superficial struggle of royalists and republicans until the serious development had proceeded too far. In the later seventies the anti-clericals began to assert their rapidly growing power and influence legislation. The Jesuits were again expelled, and education further withdrawn from Catholic control. The Pope followed the development in helpless concern until October 22, 1880, when, at the demand of the French faithful, he passed his censure. The Republican authorities paid no heed and in 1883 Leo sent a protest to President Grévy. In a cold and indifferent reply the President pointed out that the Catholic clergy could expect little favour from a Republican institution which they constantly attacked, and the Pope's attention was forcibly drawn to the royalist agitation which divided the Church and fed the anti-clerical campaign against it. We must conclude that Leo, like so many Catholics, miscalculated the recuperating power of royalism, besides fearing to offend a powerful section of the clergy and laity, as he still hesitated to direct Catholics to submit to the Republic. For a time he trusted that the democratic movement headed by the Comte de Mun would bring relief, but it increased the confusion, and on February 16, 1892, Leo issued his famous Encyclical, urging the French Catholics to submit to the Republic and assail only its anti-clerical laws. The royalists sulked: in one diocese the Peter's Pence offerings fell from £60,000 to £35,000. Even the Panama Scandal in 1893 failed to yield any advantage, and the Church completed its series of blunders by adopting the crusade against Dreyfus. In his later years Leo could but helplessly look on while Waldeck-Rousseau and Combes disestablished and debilitated the Church. Even within the Church he was compelled to witness an immense advance of the "Americanism" which he detested.[370]

In Belgium the political circumstances were more favourable to the plans of the Vatican. In the summer of 1879 the Liberals passed a law for the secularization of the elementary schools, and the Catholics complained that the Pope, who blamed the violence of their language, failed to discharge his office with due severity. In point of fact, Leo was working so diplomatically, assuring the King that the clergy must respect the civil authority and separately encouraging the clergy to resist "iniquitous" laws, that the government at length publicly taxed him with duplicity and withdrew its representative from Rome. In 1885, however, the Catholics returned to power, and, enjoying the advantage of a division of the hostile forces (Liberals and Socialists), established a lasting influence in the country.

Austria, on the other hand, proved unsatisfactory to the Vatican. From the day of its alliance with Italy the Roman officials looked with annoyance on Austria, and the consistent tone of Mgr. de T'Serclaes' references to it reflect the Vatican attitude. A letter which the Pope wrote to the bishops of Hungary in 1886, urging them to resist the new and unecclesiastical laws in regard to marriage and education, was construed as a wish to cause trouble in Austria, or between Austria and Italy, and the same murmurs arose when Leo urged the Austrian clergy to resist further Liberal laws in 1890. The laws were carried, and the protests of the Pope were disregarded. In Spain the Pope was more fortunate, as he curbed the disposition of the clergy to adopt the ill-fated Carlist cause.[371] Portugal remained outwardly faithful, and a Concordat granted by the King in 1886 permitted the Pope to effect a much needed reform in the ecclesiastical administration of India. Some advantages were won, also, in Switzerland, where the older hostility was checked, and the Church prospered.

The relations of the Vatican with Russia were singular, and gave rise to bitter complaint among the Catholic subjects of the Tsar. To the amiable letter in which Leo announced his election the Tsar gave a cold and discouraging reply. In 1879, however, the attempt on the Tsar's life gave Leo an opportunity to insinuate his belief that only Catholic influence could curb these criminal impulses; and when Alexander II was assassinated in 1883, he approached his successor with more success. In the succeeding years of diplomatic intercourse the repression of the Catholic Poles was partly relieved; but no concession was made when the Pope presented to the Tsar the petition of the Ruthenian Catholics in 1884, or when he deprecated the exile of the Bishop of Wilna in 1885. In 1888, however, Russia approached the Vatican through Vienna, and the negotiations have given rise to acute controversy. The Poles murmured that the Pope was disposed to betray their national interests in order to please France by obliging its virtual ally, Russia. How far the Pope was preparing to enforce on the Poles the Russian demands—for a more extensive use of the Russian language in Poland and for a surrender of the offspring of mixed marriages—and to what extent he realized the true designs of Russia, cannot be confidently determined. It is clear only that he meditated concession, and the suspicion that he thus sought a political advantage in France is not implausible.

A similar complaint arose among that other shattered Catholic nation, the Irish. The Parnellite movement of the eighties, it was said, was used by him as a means of accommodating and conciliating England; and there is little room for doubt that this design influenced his policy. It was one of the general lines of his campaign in Europe to persuade rulers that the power of his Church would be their greatest guarantee of docility. In 1881 he warned Archbishop McCabe that the disturbances of public order in Ireland were not to be favoured, and he made the hint more explicit in the following year. In 1883 he gravely disturbed the Irish Catholics by issuing a drastic condemnation of the Parnell Testimonial Fund and forbidding the clergy to work for it; while Errington was amiably received at the Vatican. The disturbance became graver, and in 1885 Leo summoned the Irish bishops to Rome. Even their representations failed to disturb his policy, and on April 13, 1888 (after a Roman envoy, Mgr. Persico, had been sent on the quaint mission of studying the situation in Ireland), a decree of the Holy Office condemned the "Plan of Campaign." So loud were the murmurs at this invasion of the political rights of the Irish that an Encyclical (Sæpe Nos) had to be dispatched on June 24 to secure the submission of the bishops. We may at least discover some penetration in the Pope's confidence that Ireland would not permanently resent the abuse of his authority.

The advantage gained in England was slight. The broad stream of immigration from Ireland since 1840, which had given the illusion of a rapid growth of Catholicism, and the more slender stream which is associated with the Oxford Movement, had materially lessened, and a period of loss had begun (in proportion to the increase of population). For nearly two decades the Pope was content with domestic measures like the regulation of the conflicts between monks and bishops (May 8, 1881) and the establishment of an hierarchy in India. On April 20, 1895, he took a bolder step, and in the Encyclical Ad Anglos invited the English people to renew their ancient allegiance to Rome. Undismayed by the absence of a response, he, on September 13, 1896, issued the famous Encyclical Apostolicæ Curæ, in which he assailed the validity of orders in the English Church. The brisk controversy which ensued does not concern us; but we may assume that, from the figures at the disposal of the Vatican, the Pope would sadly realize, when the century drew to a close, that the Catholic Church in England had not increased, beyond the natural growth by births and immigration, during his long and laborious Pontificate.

In the United States Leo had a thorny task. With his keen scent for Socialistic insurgence against constituted authority, he proposed, in 1887, to condemn the 730,000 American Catholic workers who were incorporated in the "Knights of Labour." Cardinal Gibbon defended them, and a grudging toleration was issued from Rome. In 1893 the Pope sought to improve his relations with the Republic by taking a handsome part in the fourth centenary of the discovery of America, but by that time a grave struggle had begun to rend the cosmopolitan Church in the States. Americans naturally resented the Germanism of the German Catholic schools, and in 1892 Archbishop Ireland consented to hand over to the School Board some of these elementary schools, on condition that the Catholic teachers were retained and hours were assigned for religious instruction. The Germans and the Ultramontanes raised the cry that Ireland and Gibbon were favouring the "godless schools" of the Republic, and denounced the plan to Rome. Again the Cardinal and the Archbishop won a grudging tolerari posse ("may be tolerated in the circumstances") but a fierce agitation went on in the American Church, and the Pope's representative, Mgr. Satolli, was vigorously opposed by the more American prelates.

In 1896 it was believed that Satolli was instrumental in securing the removal of Mgr. Keane from the rectorship of the Catholic University at Washington, and when an intriguing German professor was dismissed by the University authorities and Rome demanded his restoration. Cardinal Gibbon forced the Pope to withdraw the demand. The ultras then—with the persistent aid of the Jesuits and their Civiltà Cattolica at Rome—attacked a biography of Father Hecker, of which an American translation had been published with warm recommendations from Ireland and Gibbon. A Roman prelate authorized the printing of a scathing attack on the book, and, although Rampolla protested that neither he nor the Pope was involved in the authorization, the American prelates took up a menacing attitude. At this juncture Leo, whose repeated counsels to lay the strife had been disregarded, wrote his famous letter on Americanism to Cardinal Gibbon (January 22d, 1899). Piquant stories are told of the sentiments expressed by the American prelates, but these the historian cannot as yet control. The struggle ended in a compromise. The book was not condemned, but quietly withdrawn, and the American prelates generally disavowed the principles to which the Pope gave the name of Americanism.

These are but feeble summaries of the vast diplomatic activity which absorbed the long days of the venerable Pontiff, and one must leave almost unnoticed other important actions. In 1885 he negotiated with the Chinese government for the representative of the Celestial Empire at Rome, but the French, rightly suspecting an intrigue on the part of Germany to strengthen its influence in the Far East, forced him to desist. He had the satisfaction of closing a schism in the Armenian Church (1878), and secured favourable measures in some of the Balkan States and a few of the South American republics. He restored the Borgia Rooms in the Vatican (1897), created a modern observatory out of the old Gregorian observatory of the sixteenth century (1888), formed a Reference Library of 30,000 volumes at the Vatican, and opened the Vatican archives to scholars (1883).[372] Frail, worn to a pale shade of his former self, the devoted Pope maintained to the end his formidable struggle against a seceding world. Rising at six in the morning—often having summoned his secretary to the bedside during the night—he said his mass and heard a mass said by his chaplain. Then after a cup of chocolate or goat's milk, he began the long day's work with Rampolla, or impressed his innumerable visitors with his piercing dark eyes and translucent features. At two he dined—soup, eggs (rarely meat), and a little claret—and then, after a nap or a drive in the gardens, returned to work until his simple supper at ten. After that the journals of the world, carefully marked, were read to him; and the burning lamp told of his ceaseless thinking and praying until after midnight. Fortunately he did not, like so many Popes, lack financial resources. The Papal income before 1870 had been about £130,000, and the Italian government had offered to pay this. When Pius IX. refused the offer, his income was swollen by voluntary gifts to £400,000 a year, and he left nearly a million and a quarter sterling to his successor. In addition to this large income Leo received vast sums on the occasion of his Sacerdotal Jubilee in 1888 and his Episcopal Jubilee in 1893: the presents (besides Peter's Pence) in 1888 were valued at £2,000,000 by the Vatican authorities, and in 1893 the money offered amounted to £1,600,000.

The chief means by which the Pope created in his followers the illusion of triumphant statesmanship was the Encyclical. A most assiduous student of Latin from his boyhood, he raised the ecclesiastical tongue to a level it had rarely touched and impressed the world with his literary scholarship. A Roman prelate once described to me how he would linger over the composition, toying with his pen and saying to his secretary: "What is that word that Sallust uses?" His style was an attempt to combine the graceful lucidity of Sallust and the opulence of Cicero. The literary merit of his Encyclicals was so great that even generally informed men at times overlooked the inadequacy of their content: an inadequacy which is seen at once when we reflect that the great Encyclicals which dealt with the socio-political questions of the hour are not consulted by any non-Catholic authority on such questions. The attack upon Socialism which runs through his writings provoked only the smiles of his opponents and did not check the large secessions of French, German, and Italian Catholics to Socialism. A second principal theme was the duty of submission to authority, and the Pope's analysis of authority, on the basis of St. Thomas, belongs to the pre-scientific stage of sociology. A third general theme is that Catholicism made the civilization of Europe, and that that civilization is perishing because of its apostasy. In this argument the Pope not only gravely misunderstood the age in which he lived, but betrayed an historical conception of the social evolution of Europe which belongs essentially to the more backward seminaries.[373]

The chief Encyclicals, which were at one time claimed as masterly expositions of eternal principles, have already passed out of even Catholic circulation. Quod Apostolici (December 28, 1878) is a vigorous attack on Socialism, on familiar lines. Æterni Patris (August 4, 1879) imposed the philosophy of St. Thomas, the opportunist character of which the Pope never perceived, on the modern Catholic world.[374] Arcanum (February 14, 1880) asserted the strict Catholic ideal of indissoluble marriage, and had no influence on the increasing concession of divorce. Diuturnum (June 29, 1881), written after the assassination of the Tsar, argued that these outrages naturally followed the abandonment of the true faith; it did not include an examination of the cruelties of the Russian authorities. Humanum Genus (April 20, 1884) condemned Freemasonry. Immortale Dei (November 19, 1885) dealt, in Scholastic vein, with the constitution of States and the foundations of authority, and is a fine exposition of mediæval thought on the subject. In Plurimis (May 8, 1888) condemned slavery in Europe. Libertas (June 20, 1888) is another Scholastic dissertation on liberty, leading to an attack on the modern claims of freedom of thought, worship, and expression. Rerum Novarum (May 15, 1891) is the most famous of the Pope's utterances on social questions. The organization of the Catholic workers in Italy, France, and America, and the concern about the condition of the workers (really about the growth of Socialism) which Bismarck and William II. had hypocritically conveyed to the Pope, moved him to formulate his views on social questions. The only points of relative importance are that a Pope at last consented to bless the efforts of the workers to obtain better conditions (with strict regard to private property and submission to authority), and that he pleaded for a "sufficient wage"; but the seeming boldness of this latter truism was undone a few weeks later, when the Archbishop of Malines wrote to ask if an employer sinned against justice in giving a wage which would support the worker but not his family, and the Pope nervously directed Cardinal Zigliara to reply (anonymously) that such an employer would not sin against justice, though "possibly against charity and natural equity."[375] Providentissimus Deus (November 18, 1893), which sought to promote biblical studies, caused Catholic scholars to groan in despair; it proclaimed the inerrancy of the Old Testament.[376] Apostolicæ Curæ (September 13, 1896) condemned Anglican orders, and led to a prolonged controversy in England. Graves de communi (January 18, 1901) shows the later enfeeblement of the Pope's social zeal. He still approves Christian democracy, and demands justice in the industrial world, but he stresses alms-giving as a social solution and urges particular concentration on religious effort.[377]

The great Pope struggled on until his ninth decade of life had opened. He died on July 20, 1903, leaving his sternly contested inheritance to less skilful hands, marking, with his dying eyes, the onward progress of all the forces he had hailed as disastrous and the advance of "Americanism" (or Modernism) within the Church. His failure must not blind us to the greatness of his personality. He united intellectual breadth and penetration with a high character and a lofty devotion to his work. His weakness was the antiquated and restricted nature of his knowledge and his inheritance of an untenable position. The concessions he made to his age were too tardy, too grudging, and often too obviously opportunist. With equal readiness he wrote a letter of recommendation of a work of canon law (by Marianus de Luca) which advocated the execution of heretics, and he blessed the republics of France and America. But the great theme of his life was that civilization was perishing because it had shaken off the allegiance of Rome, and he lived to see the world "rounding onward to the light" and departing ever farther from its old traditions.

FOOTNOTES:

LIST OF THE POPES[378]

Peter 67

Linus 67-79

Anacletus 79-90

Clement 90-99

Evaristus 99-107

Alexander I. 107-116

Sixtus I. 116-125

Telesphorus 125-136

Hyginus 136-140

Pius I. 140-154

Anicetus 154-165

Soter 165-174

Eleutherius 174-189

Victor 189-198

Zephyrinus 198-217

Callistus I. 217-222

Urban I. 222-230

Pontianus 230-235

Anterus 235-236

Fabian 236-250

Corneliu 251-253

Lucius I. 253-254

Stephen I. 254-257

Sixtus II. 257-258

Dionysius 259-268

Felix I. 269-274

Eutychian 275-283

Caius 283-296

Marcellinus 296-304

Marcellus 308-309

Eusebius 309

Melchiades 311-314

Silvester I. 314-335

Marcus 336

Julius I. 337-352

Liberius 352-366

Damasus I. 366-384

Siricius 384-398

Anastasius I. 398-401

Innocent I. 402-417

Zozimus 417-418

Boniface I. 418-422

Celestine I. 422-432

Sixtus III. 432-440

Leo I. 440-461

Hilarius 461-468

Simplicius 468-483

Felix II. 483-492

Galasius I. 492-496

Anastasius II. 496-498

Symmachus 498-514

Hormisdas 514-523

John I. 523-526

Felix III. 526-530

Boniface II. 530-532

John II. 533-535

Agapetus I. 535-536

Silverius 536-538

Vigilius 538-555

Pelagius I. 556-561

John III. 561-574

Benedict I. 575-579

Pelagius II. 579-590

Gregory I. 590-604

Sabinianus 604-606

Boniface III. 607

Boniface IV. 608-615

Deusdedit 615-618

Boniface V. 619-625

Honorius I. 625-638

Severinus 638-640

John IV. 640-642

Theodore I. 642-649

Martin I. 649-655

Eugene I. 654-657

Vitalian 657-672

Adeodatus 672-676

Donus 676-678

Agatho 678-681

Leo II. 682-683

Benedict II. 684-685

John V. 685-686

Conon 686-687

Sergius I. 687-701

John VI. 701-705

John VII. 705-707

Sisinnius 708

Constantine 708-715

Gregory II. 715-731

Gregory III. 731-741

Zachary 741-752

Stephen II. 752

Stephen II. (III.) 752-757

Paul I. 757-767

Stephen III. (IV.) 768-772

Hadrian I. 772-795

Leo III. 795-816

Stephen IV. (V.) 816-817

Paschal I. 817-824

Eugene II. 824-827

Valentine 827

Gregory IV. 827-844

Sergius II. 844-847

Leo IV. 847-855

Benedict III. 855-858

Nicholas I. 858-867

Hadrian II. 867-872

John VIII. 872-882

Marinus I. (or Martin II.) 882-884

Hadrian III. 884-885

Stephen V. (VI.) 885-891

Formosus 891-896

Boniface VI. 896

Stephen VI. (VII.) 896-897

Romanus 897

Theodore II. 897

John IX. 898-900

Benedict IV. 900-903

Leo V. 903

Christopher 903-904

Sergius III. 904-911

Anastasius III. 911-913

Lando 913-914

John X. 914-928

Leo VI. 928

Stephen VII. (VIII.) 928-931

John XI. 931-936

Leo VII. 936-939

Stephen VIII. (IX.) 939-942

Marinus II. (Martin III.) 942-946

Agapetus II. 946-955

John XII. 955-964

Leo VIII. 963-965

Benedict V. 964-965

John XIII. 965-972

Benedict VI. 973-974

Benedict VII. 974-983

John XIV. 983-984

Boniface VII. 984-985

John XV. 985-986

Gregory V. 986-996

John XVI. 997-998

Silvester II. 999-1003

John XVII. 1003

John XVIII. 1003-1009

Sergius IV. 1009-1012

Benedict VIII. 1012-1024

John XIX. 1024-1032

Benedict IX. 1032-1045

Gregory VI. 1045-1046

Clement II. 1046-1047

Damasus II. 1048

Leo IX. 1049-1054

Victor II. 1055-1057

Stephen IX. (X.) 1057-1058

Benedict X. 1058-1059

Nicholas II. 1059-1061

Alexander II. 1061-1073

Gregory VII. 1073-1085

Victor III. 1087

Urban II. 1088-1099

Paschal II. 1099-1118

Gelasius II. 1118-1119

Callistus II. 1119-1124

Honorius II. 1124-1130

Innocent II. 1130-1143

Celestine II. 1143-1144

Lucius II. 1144-1145

Eugene III. 1145-1153

Anastasius IV. 1153-1154

Hadrian IV. 1154-1159

Alexander III. 1159-1181

Lucius III. 1181-1185

Urban III. 1185-1187

Gregory VIII. 1187

Clement III. 1187-1191

Celestine III. 1191-1198

Innocent III. 1198-1216

Honorius III. 1216-1227

Gregory IX. 1227-1241

Celestine IV. 1241

Innocent IV. 1243-1254

Alexander IV. 1254-1261

Urban IV. 1261-1264

Clement IV. 1265-1268

Gregory X. 1271-1276

Innocent V. 1276

Hadrian V. 1276

John XXI.[379] 1276-1277

Nicholas III. 1277-1280

Martin IV. 1281-1285

Honorius IV. 1285-1287

Nicholas IV. 1288-1292

Celestine V. 1294

Boniface VIII. 1294-1303

Benedict XI. 1303-1304

Clement V. 1305-1314

John XXII. 1316-1334

Benedict XII. 1334-1342

Clement VI. 1342-1352

Innocent VI. 1352-1362

Urban V. 1362-1370

Gregory XI. 1370-1378

Urban VI. 1378-1389

[Clement VII.] 1378-1394

Boniface IX. 1389-1404

[Benedict XIII.] 1394-1424

Innocent VII. 1404-1406

Gregory XII. 1406-1415

Alexander V. 1409-1410

John XXIII. 1410-1415

Martin V. 1417-1431

Eugene IV. 1431-1447

Nicholas V. 1447-1455

Callistus III. 1455-1458

Pius II. 1458-1464

Paul II. 1464-1471

Sixtus IV. 1471-1484

Innocent VIII. 1484-1492

Alexander VI. 1492-1503

Pius III. 1503

Julius II. 1503-1513

Leo X. 1513-1521

Hadrian VI. 1522-1523

Clement VII. 1523-1534

Paul III. 1534-1549

Julius III. 1550-1555

Marcellus II. 1555

Paul IV. 1555-1559

Pius IV. 1559-1565

Pius V. 1566-1572

Gregory XIII. 1572-1585

Sixtus V. 1585-1590

Urban VII. 1590

Gregory XIV. 1590-1591

Innocent IX. 1591

Clement VIII. 1592-1605

Leo XI. 1605

Paul V. 1605-1621

Gregory XV. 1621-1623

Urban VIII. 1623-1644

Innocent X. 1644-1655

Alexander VII. 1655-1667

Clement IX. 1667-1669

Clement X. 1670-1676

Innocent XI. 1676-1689

Alexander VIII. 1689-1691

Innocent XII. 1691-1700

Clement XI. 1700-1721

Innocent XIII. 1721-1724

Benedict XIII. 1724-1730

Clement XII. 1730-1740

Benedict XIV. 1740-1758

Clement XIII. 1758-1769

Clement XIV. 1769-1774

Pius VI. 1775-1799

Pius VII. 1800-1823

Leo XII. 1823-1829

Pius VIII. 1829-1830

Gregory XVI. 1831-1846

Pius IX. 1846-1878

Leo XIII. 1878-1903

Pius X. 1903-1914

Benedict XV. 1914-

FOOTNOTES:

INDEX

A Accolti, Cardinal, 317 Acquaviva, Cardinal, 356, 357 Acquaviva, General, 344 Acta S. Callisti,7, 17 Acta S. Silvestri, 87, 88 Ad Anglos, 435 Adelchis, 93 Adelperga, 94 Adriano da Corneto, 263 Æneas, Sylvius, 241, 243 Æterni Patris, 408, 440 Afiarta, Paul, 83, 84 African Church, Rome and the, 20, 40, 70 Agnes, the Empress, 145, 147, 150 Agnes de Meran, 188 Aistulph, 80-3 Albani, Cardinal, 357, 392 Alberic of Camerino, 131, 133, 139 Albert of Brandenburg, 304 Albigensians, massacre of the, 194-200 Alcuin, 78, 97 Alexander, II., 147, 149 Alexander, III., 173 Alexander V., 228 Alexander VI., 242-66 Alexander Severus, 16 Alexis, Comnenus, 193 Alfonso of Leon, 157 Alfonso II. of Naples, 254, 256, 259 Alidosi, Cardinal, 278 Allen, Cardinal, 246 Altheim, Synod of, 138 Ambrose, St., 30, 31, 35, 38 America, the Papacy and, 389, 411, 412, 436 Americanism, 432, 437 Ammianus Marcellinus, 24 Anastasius, 75, 102 Anatolius of Thessalonica, 41 Anselm of Baggio, 145 Anselm of Lucca, 147, 150, 152 Antiphonary, the, 62 Antonelli, Cardinal, 402-3, 407, 410 Apostolicæ Curæ, 436 Aretini, 275 Ariald, 145 Arianism, 19, 21, 31 Arichis, 92, 93, 94 Ariosto, 281, 301, 302 Arnold of Brescia, 174 Arnold of Citeaux, 195, 198, 199 Arnulph, 127 Arsenius, Legate, 109, 112, 126 Art in mediæval Rome, 266, 282-4 Astrology at Rome, 274 Attila, 50-1 Atto of Vercelli, 133 Austria expelled from Italy, 399, 405 Auxentius, 28, 37 Auxilius, 129 Avignon, the Popes at, 203-22 B Baglione, G., 274 Bajazet, the Sultan, 256 Baldwin of Flanders, 110, 192 Baluze, S., 205 Barbarossa, Frederic, 173 Barry, Dr. W., 129 Basil, St., 32 Basilica Julii, 24, 25 Basilica Liberii, 25 Basilica Sicinini, 25 Basle, Council of, 240 Beatific Vision, John XXII. and the, 219 Beatrice of Tuscany, 148, 163 Benedict III., 103, 107, 113 Benedict IX., 140, 143 Benedict X., 146 Benedict XI., 203 Benedict XIII., 227, 238 Benedict XIV., 353-67 Benedict of Soracte, 128, 130, 135 Benedictines, the, and the classics, 58 Bentivoglio, 274, 278 Benzo, Bishop, 142, 147 Berengar, King, 130, 134 Berengaria of Castile, 189 Bérenger, 144 Bernard, of Clairvaux, 172 Bernetti, Cardinal, 395 Bertha of Lorraine, 134 Bertinian Annals, the, 112 Bertrand de Goth, 207 Bertrand de Poyet, 216 Bibbiena, Cardinal, 287, 290, 303 Bible, early translation of the, 36 Bismarck and Leo XIII., 428-30 Bonaparte, Jerome, 379 Boniface I., 39 Boniface VIII., 203, 209 Boniface IX., 223, 224 Bonitho, Bishop, 142, 151, 164, 168 Book of Gomorrha, 144 Book of Pastoral Rule, 61 Borgia, Cæsar, 244, 258, 260, 263, 267, 272 Borgia, Jofre, 244, 256 Borgia, Juan, 244, 256, 258 Borgia, Lucretia, 244, 250, 254, 255, 260, 262 Borgia, Pedro Luis, 244 Borgia, Rodrigo, 261 Borgia Family, the, 242 Borgia Rooms, the, 438 Boris, King, 116 Bramante, 283 Breviary, reform of the, 358-9 Brosch, M., 246, 269 Brosses, President de, 353, 354 Bruce, Robert, 219 Brunetti, A., 398 Brunichildis, Gregory and, 71 Brussels, Leo XIII. at, 418-9 Bulgaria and the Papacy, 137, 191 Buoncompagni, Cardinal, 333, 334 Burchard, J., 245, 249, 262 C Cacault, 374 Cadalus, Bishop, 147 Cajetan, Legate, 307 Calandria, the, 303 Calixtus III., 242 Callistus, Pope, 6-18 Cambrai, League of, 276, 277 Canon of Scripture, early, 36, 55 Canossa, Henry IV. at, 163, 165-7 Capocci, Giovanni, 176, 177 Caprara, Cardinal, 376 Caraffa, Cardinal, 259 Carbonari, the, 388, 395 Cardinal, the title, 146 Cardinalate, reform of the, 339 Cardinals in the fifteenth century, 248 Carlism, the Vatican, 433 Carlomann, 84 Caroline Books, the, 97 Caroline Islands, the, 429 Carpophorus, 8 Carvajal, Cardinal, 275, 289 Cassiodorus, 58 Catacombs, the, 3, 26, 36 Cataldi, Mgr., 421 Cathari, the, 182 Catherine of Siena, 222 Cavour, 405, 406 Celestine I., 39 Celestine III., 174 Celibacy of the clergy, 145-6, 152, 155 Celidonius, 42 Cenci, 160 Censorship, early claims of, 55, 115 Cesena, massacre of, 222 Chabrol, Count de, 384 Chalcedon, Council of, 47-9, 74 Charlemagne, 84, 85-6, 90-97, 99, 101 Charles Martel, 79 Charles the Bald, 108, 109, 115, 116 Charles the Simple, 137 Charles II., 206 Charles V., 295, 297, 298, 307, 319-28 Charles VI., 362 Charles VIII., 256-8 Chigi, the banker, 302 China, Jesuits in, 364 China, Leo XIII., and, 457 Choiseul, 357, 360 Christianity, early condition of, 1-3 Christopher, Pope, 128 Cibò, Franceschetto, 248 Cibò, Innocenzo, 290 Civiltà Cattolica, the, 406 Clement I., 4, 5 Clement III., 169, 173 Clement IV., 209 Clement V., 203, 206, 217 Clement VI., 209, 221 Clement VII., 223, 311-2 Clement XI., 360 Clement XII., 354, 355, 357 Clement XIII., 368 Clement XIV., 368, 369 Colonna, M.A., 294 Commentary on the First Book of Kings, 63 Comminges, Count de, 190 Conciliar Movement, the, 227, 232, 240 Concordat with Napoleon, 374-6, 387 Conradin, 202 Consalvi, Cardinal, 371, 372, 375, 377, 387-9 Constance, Council of, 234-8, 240 Constance of Sicily, 180 Constantine, 21 Constantinople, Council of, 32, 33, 48, 49 Constantinople, Fall of, 241 Constantinople taken by the Latins, 193, 194 Constantius, 19, 23 Constanza of Aragon, 181 Contarini, Cardinal, 322 Conti family, the, 173 Conti, Ricardo, 177 Cornaro, Cardinal 302 Cornelius, Pope, 3 Costa, Cardinal, 259 Counter-Reformation, the, 310 Crespy, Peace of, 325 Crispi, 426 Crusade, the Fourth, 191-4 Culture, early decay of, 57, 62-3, 84 Cyprian, St., 20 Cyriacus, 75 Cyril of Alexandria, 39, 44 D D'Agnesi, Maria Gaetana, 358 Damasus, 21-37 D'Amboise, Cardinal, 268, 275 Damiani, Peter, 144, 145, 147, 151 Dammann, Dr. A., 165 Declaration of the Gallican Clergy, 352 Delarc, O., 142 Desiderius of Vienne, 62, 71 Deusdedit, Cardinal, 151 Dialogues of Gregory the Great, 59 Didier, Abbot, 149, 153, 169 Didier, King, 83-5, 90 Dietrich von Nieheim, 223, 225 Dio Cassius, 16 Dionysian Decretals, the, 120 Dioscorus of Alexandria, 44-6 Discipline of the early Church, 13 Divorce in the early Church, 29 Djem, Prince, 256, 257 Döllinger, Dr., 3, 8, 9, 13, 151, 409 Dominic St., 196, 201 Dominus ac Redemptor Noster, 369 Donation of Constantine, 87, 241 Dovizo, Bernardo, 287, 290 Duchesne, Mgr., 89, 130, 131 Dümmler, E., 129 Dupanloup, 409 E Eastern Church, Rome and the, 31-3, 44-50, 73-6, 105-6 Ebbo of Rheims, 113, 119 Edict of Milan, 21 Eginhard, 82, 99 Elizabeth of Spain, 363 Encyclicals of Leo XIII., 439, 440 Endre, Prince, of Hungary, 190 England and the Papacy, 58, 71, 94, 148, 185-8, 219, 229, 309, 312, 346, 363, 381, 411, 435-6 Ephesus, Council of, 46 Epigrams of Damasus, 36 Erigena, John Scotus, 115 Ethelbert, 72 Etsi Nos, 425 Eudocia, 105 Eudoxia, the Empress, 52 Eugenius IV., 240 Eulogius, 75 Eusebius, Pope, 20 Eusebius of Dorylæum, 48 Eustochium, Jerome's letter to, 34-5 Eutyches, 45, 46 Ex Quo Singulari, 365 Execrabilis, 210 Exsurge, Domine, 308 F Fantuzzian Fragment, the, 81, 88 Farnese, Alessandro, 316, 321, 325, 326 Farnese, Giulia, 249, 252, 253, 254 Farnese, Vittoria, 325 Febronianism, 362, 370 Fedele, P., 129 Felicia, daughter of Julius II., 271 Felix, Anti-Pope, 23, 24 Ferdinand of Spain, 275, 276, 291 Ferdinand VI., 361 Ferrante of Naples, 255 Ferrara and Julius II., 281 Fesch, Cardinal, 378 Flavian, 45-7 Flodoard, 131, 136 Fontana, 345 Forged Decretals, the, 104, 105, 117-22 Forgeries of Middle Ages, 87, 88 Formosus, 125, 127, 132 Foulques of Marseilles, 196, 198 France and the Papacy, 42, 71, 79-87, 97, 157, 188, 194-200, 219, 256-8, 276-8, 289, 304, 347, 360-1, 400-2, 431-2 France, Anatole, 2 Francis I., 292, 293, 295, 297, 317 Francis, St., 201, 202 Francis Joseph I., 412 Frankenstein, Baron, 429 Frankfort, Synod of, 97 Fratricelli, the, 214 Frederic the Great, 356, 364 Frederic of Saxony, 307, 308 Frederic of Sicily, 180, 182, 185 Freemasonry, Benedict XIV. and, 366 Friedrich of Tirol, 234, 236, 237 Fuscianus, 9 G Gabrielli, Cardinal, 382 Gaeta, flight to, 401 Galilei, Galileo, 352 Galla Placidia, 47 Garibaldi, 405, 406, 407 Gattina, Petrucelli della, 371, 393 "Gelasian Decree," the, 36, 37, 55 Gelasius I., 37, 55, 115 Gerbert, 139 Germany and the Papacy, 108-9, 158-69, 182-5, 215-8, 229, 411, 427-30 Gfrörer, 142 Ghibellines, the, 182, 216 Gibbon, Cardinal, 436, 437 Gioberti, 397, 418, 420 Giovio, Paolo, 291, 300 Gizzo, Cardinal, 399 Glaber, Raoul, 140 Godfrey of Tuscany 148 Grassis, P. de, 291 Gratian, the Emperor, 27, 38 Gratian, John, 140, 143 Great Schism, the, 221-3 Gregory I., 57-77 Gregory III., 79 Gregory VII., 141-70 Gregory X., 204 Gregory XI., 222 Gregory XII., 226, 227, 231 Gregory XIII., 332, 334 Gregory XVI., 392, 395, 396 Grévy, President, 432 Grisar, Father, 11, 18 Guelphs, the, 182 Guibert of Ravenna, 168 Guido of Spoleto, 127 Guiscard, Robert, 148, 155, 168, 169 Guise, Duke of, 347, 348, 349 Günther, 108, 109 Guy, the Cistercian, 195 H Hadrian I., 81, 83, 84-100 Hadrian II., 110, 118, 125, 126, 127 Hadrian IV., 174 Hadrian VI., 311 Hecker, Father, 437 Helletrude, 111 Henry III. (Germany), 143, 144 Henry IV. (Germany), 154, 158-69 Henry V. (Germany), 172 Henry VI. (Germany), 178, 179 Henry III. (France), 346, 347, 349 Henry IV. (France), 347, 348, 349, 350 Henry VIII. (England), 277, 279, 292, 293, 294, 309 Heribert of Vermandois, 137, 138 Herimann of Cologne, 138 Herlembald, 148, 159 Hermingard, 84 Hilary, St., and the Papacy, 42 Hildebrand. See Gregory VII. Hildeprand, 92, 93 Hildwin, 112 Hincmar of Rheims, 105, 111-13, 119, 120 Hippolytus, 7, 8, 11, 12, 17 Historia Augusta, the, 16 Hodgkin, Dr., 88, 90 Hohenstauffens, the, 182, 202 Honorius I., 79 Hontheim, Johann von, 370 Hormisdas, 55 Hrodgaud, 93 Hrzan, Cardinal, 372 Hübner, Baron de, 333, 343 Hucbert, 107 Hugh Candidus, Cardinal, 149, 159 Hugh of Provence, 138, 139 Hugues Géraud, 211, 212 Hungarians in Italy, the, 135 Huns, St. Leo and the, 50 Hus, John, 232, 235, 238 Hutten, Ulrich von, 305, 308 I Ignatius of Antioch, 4 Ignatius of Constantinople, 105-7 Ignatius of Loyola, 331, 333 Image-worship, quarrel about, 97 Immaculate Conception, the, 403-4 Index of Prohibited Books, the first, 55 Indulgences, origin of the Spanish, 192 Indulgences, traffic in, 225, 231, 284, 301, 305 Infallibility, struggle over, 409-10 Infessura, S., 245, 250 Ingeltrude, 107 Innocent I., 38, 39 Innocent III., 137, 141, 171-201 Innocent VII., 226 Inquisition, the, at Rome, 324, 331 Inscrutabile, 423 Interest Apostolicæ Sedis, 183 Investiture-struggle, the, 152, 172 Ireland, Archbishop, 436 Ireland, Leo XIII. and, 434-5 Irene, the Empress, 94, 96 Irmengard, 135 Isaac Comnenus, 193 Italy, Unification of, 405-7 J Jacobini, Cardinal, 426 Jacques de Via, 213 James III., 363 Jansenists, the, 360-1 Jean of Jandun, 215 Jerome, St., 22, 23, 27, 34, 36 Jerome of Prague, 232 Jesuits, the, 343, 352, 360, 364, 365, 369, 387-8, 399, 402-3 Jews, John XXII. and the, 219 Jews, the Papacy and the, 65 Jews, Sixtus V. and the, 343 John VIII., 125, 126, 133 John IX., 131 John X., 126-38 John XI., 128, 130, 131, 138 John XII., 139 John XXII., 205-20 John XXIII., 221-39 John of Bohemia, 218 John Capistrano, 241 John the Faster, 73-4 John Lackland and the Papacy, 185-8 John of Ravenna, 114 Joseph II., 355, 369, 370 Josephine, divorce of, 378, 383 Judith, 110 Julius II., 246, 247, 250, 255, 257, 268-84 Julius III., 331 K Kailo of Ravenna, 132 Keane, Mgr., 437 Kitto, E.J., 223, 235 Knights of Labour, the, 436 Kulturkampf, the, 427-30 L La Balue, Cardinal, 248 Ladislaus of Hungary, 157 Ladislaus of Naples, 223, 227 Lambert of Hersfeld, 164, 166 Lambruschini, Cardinal, 392 Landulph, 145 Lanfranc, 154, 156 Langton, Stephen, 186-7, 188 Languedoc, heresy in, 195 Lateran basilica, the, 20, 25, 56 Lateran Council, the Fourth, 200 Lateran Council, the Fifth, 280, 282, 303 League, the Catholic, 347, 348 Leo I., 39-54 Leo II., 79 Leo III., 101 Leo IV., 102 Leo V., 127 Leo IX., 144 Leo X., 248, 250, 287-309 Leo XII., 391 Leo XIII., 415-42 Leo the Isaurian, 53 Leonardo of Arezzo, 223, 227 Leonetti, A., 243 Leontia, the Empress, 76 L'Épinois, H. de, 243, 245 Leti, Gregorio, 333 Liber Pontificalis, the, 8, 11, 24, 80, 87-9 Liberius, 19, 22, 23 Liverani, P., 129, 132 Lollards, the, 232 Lombards, the, in Italy, 56, 66, 68, 79, 92-3 Lothair of Lorraine, 107, 109, 110 Lottery, the Papal, 357 Louis of Anjou, 228, 229, 230 Louis of Bavaria, 215, 216, 217 Louis II., 103, 107-9 Louis VIII., 188 Louis XII., 260, 261, 274, 277-8, 291 Louis XVIII., 414 Luchaire, Achille, 175 Luciferians, the, 30 Luitprand, Bishop, 130, 132, 136 Luitprand, King, 79 Lunéville, Treaty of, 374 Luther, Martin, 252, 299, 306-9 M Macarius, 30 Magic, John XXII. and, 212 Magna Charta denounced by Innocent III., 188 Magna Maralia, 59, 63 Malabar Rites, the, 364 Malatesta of Rimini, 230 Mandragola, 303 Manfred, 202 Manichæans, the, 41, 43 Manichæism, 195 Manning, Cardinal, 409 Marcia, 6 Marcian, 47, 50 Maria Theresa, 362 Marie of Brabant, 190 Markwald of Anweiler, 179, 180, 181 Marozia, 128-32, 135-6, 138, 139 Marriage, the Papacy and, 188, 189, 190 Marsiglio of Padua, 215 Martens, Dr. W., 142, 160 Martin I., 79 Martin V., 240 Martyrology, reform of the, 359 Mary Stuart, 346 Mathew, Dr., A.H., 142, 153, 167, 243 Mathilda of Tuscany, 148, 150, 155, 163, 165 Matteo Visconti, 216 Maurice, the Emperor, 68, 69, 73-6 Maury, Cardinal, 371 Maximilian, the Emperor, 273, 275, 276, 277, 294 Maximinus, 27 May Laws, the, 428, 429 Mazzini, 396, 398, 404 Medici, Catherine de', 347 Medici, Cosmo de', 239 Medici, Giuliano de', 290, 292 Medici, Giulio de', 290 Medici, Lorenzo de' (nephew of Leo X.), 290, 297, 298 Melchiades, 118 Menæchmi, the, 262 Mercier, Cardinal, 440 Michael, Angelo, 283, 301, 329 Michael de Cesena, 215 Michael the Drunkard, 105, 106 Michiel, Cardinal, 263 Militz, Karl von, 307 Milo, the Legate, 198 Miollis, General, 381 Mirandola, G.P. della, 304 Modernism, 432, 437, 442 Montfort, Simon de, 199, 200 Monti di Pietà, 303 Morality in the early Church, 33-5, 66 N Napoleon I. and the Papacy, 370, 374-88 Napoleon III., 400, 405 Nepotism at the Vatican, 174, 244-60, 271, 290, 291, 315, 316, 320, 331 Newman, Cardinal, 409 Nicæa, Council of, 96 Nicholas I., 102-23 Nicholas II., 146, 147 Nicholas V., 217, 241 Nicholas of Cusa, 241 Nielsen, Dr. F., 373, 393 Normans and the Papacy, 145, 147, 169 O Ockham, William of, 215 Offa, 94, 96 Olivarez, Count, 347 Organic Articles, the, 376, 377 Orsini, the, 174, 177 Orsini, Adriana, 249, 252 Orsini, Cardinal B., 263 Orsini, Giulia, 249, 252, 253, 254 Orsini, Laura, 253, 271 Orsini, Paolo, 334 Orsini, Virginio, 255 Otto I., 139 Otto of Brunswick, 182, 183, 184 Oxford Movement, the, 435 P Pacca, Cardinal, 381-2, 387 Pagi, 129 Pallavicino, Cardinal, 275 Pandolpho, the Legate, 187, 188 Papal supremacy, evolution of, 5, 30-1, 37, 39, 44, 48, 53 67, 74-6, 103 Parnellism 434-5 Paschasinus, 49 Pastor Æternus, 410 Pastoureaux, the, 219 Patarenes, the, 145, 148, 159 Patrimonies, the Papal, 64, 79 Paul at Rome, 4 Paul I., 83 Paul II., 246 Paul III., 252, 313-29, 363 Paul IV., 331 Pedro of Aragon, 190, 199 Pelagius, Pope, 58 Pepoli, Count, 338 Peretti, Alexander, 336 Peretti, Camilla, 334, 341 Peretti, Francesco, 334 Persecution, the Papacy and, 43, 70, 196 Persico, Mgr., 435 Perugino, 283 Peter at Rome, 4 Peter, brother of John X., 135 Peter of Carbara, 217 Petrarch, 211, 216 Petrucci, Cardinal, 295 Philip II., 186, 187, 188, 198 Philip III., 203, 207 Philip VI., 217, 220 Philip of Anjou, 202 Philip Neri, St., 333 Philip of Suabia, 179, 182-4 Phocas, the Emperor, 76 Photius, 105, 106 Pierleone, Cardinal, 183 Pierleone, Giovanni, 176, 177 Pierre de Castelnau, 195, 197 Pignatelli, Cardinal, 387 Pinturicchio, 266, 283 Pippin, Donation of, 80-3 Pirie-Gordon, C.H.C., 175 Pisa, Council of, 228, 229 Pisa, second Council of, 278, 279 Pius II., 243 Pius III., 268 Pius IV., 331 Pius V., 332, 334 Pius VI., 369, 372 Pius VII., 371-90 Pius VIII., 392 Pius IX., 393-413, 425 Plebiscites in Italy, 405, 406, 408 Pliny, 2 Poles, the Vatican, the, 434 Poli, Oddo, 177 Pontianus, 18 Pragmatic Sanction, the, 286, 294, 304 Primacy, idea of the, 6, 30, 37, 39, 40, 48 Priscillianists, the, 31 Pucci, Lorenzo, 290 Pulcheria, 46, 47 Q Quanta Cura, 407 Quiercey Donation, the, 81 R Rampolla, Cardinal, 426, 429 Raphael, 301 Ratherius, Bishop, 133 Ratisbon, Diet of, 322 Ravenna and the Papacy, 67, 68 Raymond of Toulouse, 196-9 Raynaldus, 243 Reformation, the, 286, 304-9, 312, 317-30 Reformation, foregleams of the, 215, 232, 241, 286 Reginald of Canterbury, 186 Renaissance, the, 241 Renier, the Cistercian, 195 Rerum Novarum, 441 Revolution, the French, 370, 372 Riario, Cardinal, 296 Riario, Pietro, 246 Richard the Lion-Heart, 185 Robert of Geneva, 222, 223 Robert of Naples, 216, 217 Romwald, 94-5 Roquain, F., 142, 151 Roscoe, W., 291 Rosmini, A., 400, 402 Rossi, G.B. de, 8, 9, 13 Rossi, Pellegrino, 400 Rothrad of Soissons, 111-12, 119 Rotrud, 96 Roy, Jules, 120, 121 Rudolph II., of Burgundy, 134 Rudolph of Suabia, 159, 163, 165, 167, 168 S Sabellius, 12 Sacramentary, the, 62 St. Bartholomew, Massacre of, 332 Sta. Maria Maggiore, 25 St. Peter's, building of, 274, 283 Sala, Cardinal, 417 Saldanha, Cardinal, 365 Sancho of Portugal, 190 Sanfedisti, the, 388, 396 Sangallo, 329 Sanseverino, Cardinal, 289 Sant' Angelo, Castle of, 60 Sanuto, M., 253, 291 Satolli, Mgr., 437 Sauli, Cardinal, 296 Savona, Pius VII. at, 383-5 Savonarola and Alexander VI., 264-5 Scatfgoch, Bishop, 364 Schmalkaldic League, the, 327, 328 Schwemer, R., 185 Sergius III., 125, 127, 128, 129, 131 Sergius IV., 139 Servatus Lupus, 118 Severus, Bishop, 68 Sforza, Cardinal Ascanio, 248, 250 Sforza, Giovanni, 254, 259 Sforza, Lodovico, 255, 258 Sigismund of Hungary, 229-30, 232-8 Silvester I., 20 Silvester II., 139, 143, 157 Simeon of Bulgaria, 137 Simony at Rome, 210, 224-5, 250, 268, 301 Sirianus, Pope, 37 Sixtus III., 39 Sixtus IV., 244, 246 Sixtus V., 332-50 Slaves, the Papacy and the, 65 Socialism and the Vatican, 424, 427, 428, 431, 441 Sollicitudo Omnium, 388 Solomon of Brittany, 119 Solomon of Hungary, 157 Spain and the Papacy, 70, 154, 157, 189-90, 260, 347-9, 361 Spina, Archbishop, 374 Spirituals, the, 214 Stephen I., 80 Stephen II., 80-2 Stephen III., 83 Stephen IV., 83 Stephen V., 101 Stephen VI., 125, 126, 127 Stephen X., 145, 146 Stephens, W.R.W., 142 Strozzi, the banker, 302 Stuarts, the Vatican and the, 363 Sulpicius Severus, 31 Syagrius, Bishop, 71 Syllabus, the, 407 T Talleyrand, 376, 380 Talleyrand-Périgord, Countess, 204 Talmud, condemnation of the, 219 Tancred of Sicily, 181 Tarasius, 96 Tassilo, 93 Tedald, 160 Templars, suppression of the, 203 Temporal power, beginning of the, 78-83, 86-90, 95 Tencin, Cardinal, 354, 355 Tertullian, 5, 13 Tetzel, 306 Teutonic Knights, the, 219 Theodora of Rome, 128, 129-32 Theodora, the Empress, 56 Theodoric, 55 Theodosius, 32, 33 Theophylactus, 128, 132 Theutberga, 107, 110 Thomas Aquinas, philosophy of, 440 Three Chapters, the, 67 Transtiberina, the, 1, 16 Trent, Council of, 323-8, 330, 331-2 Troslé, Council of, 133 Turribius of Astorga, 43 U Unigenitus, 360 Urban I., 11, 18 Urban II., 172 Urban VI., 222 Urban VIII., 352 Urbino, Duchy of, 294, 295, 298 Ursicinus, Anti-Pope, 25-7 V Valens, 31 Valenti, Cardinal, 357 Valentinian I., 27, 29, 37 Valentinian II., 38 Valla, Lorenzo, 241 Vandals, Leo and the, 51-2 Vannozza dei Catanei, 245 Vatican, the, 178 Vatican Council, the, 408-10 Vatican, early state of the, 1, 2 Vatican Library, the, 438 Venantius and Gregory the Great, 72 Venice and the Papacy, 272-3, 275-6 Ventura, P., 397 Victor I., 5, 9 Victor III., 140 Victor Emmanuel I., 406 Vienna Congress, the, 388 Villani, 208 Viventius, 25, 27 Voltaire, 356 Vulgarius, 129, 130 W Waldeck-Rousseau, 432 Waldrada, 107, 109, 110 Walpole, Horace, 356 Walter de Brienne, 181 Wenilo of Sens, 118 William II. and the Papacy, 430 William of Burgundy, 156 William the Conqueror, 148, 156 Wiseman, Cardinal, 379 Worms, Diet of, 308 Wulfad, 113 Wyclif, 232 X Ximenes, Cardinal, 301 Y York, Cardinal, 363 Young Italians, the, 395, 396 Z Zachary I., 79, 80 Zara, the taking of, 192, 193 Zelanti, the, 388 Zephyrin, Pope, 6, 10 Zigliara, Cardinal, 441 Zosimus, 39

The Censorship of the Church of Rome and its Influence upon the Production and the Distribution of Literature

A Study of the History of the Prohibitory and Expurgatory Indexes, together with some Consideration of the effects of Protestant Censorship and of Censorship by the State

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Author of "Twelve Years in a Monastery," "Modern Rationalism"

8^o. $3.50

It is curious that no writer addressing English-speaking readers, has ever attempted a systematic history of the Jesuits. Probably no religious body ever had so romantic a history, or inspired such deadly hatred. On the other hand, histories of the famous society are almost always too prejudiced, either for or against, to be reliable. Mr. McCabe has attempted in this book to give the facts impartially, and to enable the inquirer to form an intelligent idea of the history and character of the Jesuits from their foundation to the present day. Every phase of their remarkable story—including the activity of political Jesuits and their singular behavior on the foreign missions—is carefully studied, and the record of the Jesuits in England is very fully examined.

G.P. Putnam's Sons New York London