NOTES FOR THE JUGURTHINE WAR (continued 2)

[286] His desert—Industriam. That is, the efforts which he made to attain distinction.

[287] XCVII. When scarcely a tenth part of the day remained—Vix decimâ parte die reliquâ. A remarkably exact specification of the time.

[288] From various quarters—Ex multis. From his scouts, who came in from all sides.

[289] The Roman veterans, who were necessarily well experienced in war,—The reading of Cortius is, Romani veteres, novique, et ob ea scientes belli; which he explains by supposing that the new recruits were joined with the veterans, and that both united were consequently well skilled in war, citing, in support of his supposition, a passage in c. 87: Sic brevi spatio novi veteresqua coaluere, et virtus omnium aequalis facta. And Ascensius had previously given a similar explanation, quod etiam veterani adessent. But many later critics have not been induced to believe that Cortius's reading will bear any such interpretation; and accordingly Kritzius, Dietsch, and Orelli, have ejected novique; as indeed Ciaeconius and Ursinus had long before recommended. Muller, Burnouf, and Allen, retain it, adopting Cortius's interpretation. Gerlach also retains it, but not without hesitation. But it is very remarkable that it occurs in all the manuscripts but one, which has Romani veteres boni scientes erant ut quos locus, etc.

[290] Neque minus hostibus conturbatis. If the enemy had not been in as much disorder as himself, Marius would hardly have been able to effect his retreat.

[291] Pleno gradu.—"By the militaris gradus twenty miles were completed in five hours of a summer day; by the plénusus, which is quicker, twenty-four miles were traversed in the same time." Veget. i.9.

[292] XCIX. When the watches were changed—_Per vigilias: i. e. at the end of each watch, when the guards were relieved. "The nights, by the aid of a clepsydra, were divided into four watches, the termination of each being marked by the blast of a trumpet or horn. See Viget. in. 8: A tubicine omnes vigiliae committuntur; et finitis horis a cornicine revocantur." Kritzius He also refers to Liv. vii. 35; Lucan. viii. 24; Tacit. Hist. v. 22.

[293] Auxiliary cohorts—Cohortium. I have added the word auxiliary. That they were the cohorts of the auxiliaries or allies is apparent, as the word legionum follows. Kritzius indeed thinks otherwise, supposing that the cohorts had particular trumpeters, distinct from those of the whole legion. But for this notion there seems to be no sufficient ground. Sallust speaks of the cohortes sociorum, c. 58, and cohortes Ligurum, c. 100.

[294] Sally forth from the camp—Portis erumpere. Sallust uses the common phrase for issuing from the camp. It can hardly be supposed, that the Romans had formed a regular camp with gates during the short time that they had been upon the hill, especially as they had fled to it in great disorder.

[295] Stupor—Vecordia. A feeling that deprived them of all sense.

[296] C. in form of a square—Quadrato agmine. "A hollow square, with the baggage in the center; see Serv. ad Verg. Aen. xii.121. … Such an agmen Sallust, in c. 46, calls munitum, as it was prepared to defend itself against the enemy, from whatever quarter they might approach." Kritzius.

[297] Might be endured by them with cheerfulness Volentibus esset. A Greek phrase, Boulomenois eiae.

[298] Dread of shame—Pudore. Inducing each to have a regard to his character.

[299] CI. Trusting that one of them, assuredly, etc.—Ratua es omnibus aque aliquos ab tergo hostibus ventures. By aequo Sallust signifies that each of the four bodies would have an equal chance of coming on the rear of the Romans.

[300] In person and with his officers—Ipse aliique. "The alii, are the praefecti equitum, officers of the cavalry." Kritzius.

[301] Wheeled secretly about, with a few of his followers, to the infantry—Clam—ad pedites convertit. What infantry are meant, the commentators can not agree, nor is there any thing in the narrative on which a satisfactory decision can be founded. As the arrival of Bocchus is mentioned immediately before, Cortius supposes that the infantry of Bocchus are signified; and it may be so; but to whatever party the words wore addressed, they were intended to be heard by the Romans, or for what purpose were they spoken in Latin? Jugurtha may have spoken the words in both languages, and this, from what follows, would appear to have been the case, for both sides understood him. Quod ubi milites (evidently the Roman soldiers) accepere—simul barbari animos tollere, etc. The clam signifies that Jugurtha turned about, or wheeled off, so as to escape the notice of Marius, with whom he had been contending.

[302] By vigorously cutting down our infantry—Satis impigre occiso pedite nostro. "A ces mots il leur montra son épée teinte du sang des notres, dont il venait, en effet, de faire une assez cruelle boucherie." De Brosses. Of the other French translators, Beauzée and Le Brun render the passage in a similar way; Dotteville and Durean Delamalle, as well as all our English translators, take pedite as signifying only one soldier. Sir Henry Steuart even specifies that it was "a legionary soldier." The commentators, I should suppose, have all regarded the word as having a plural signification; none of them, except Burnouf, who expresses a needless doubt, say any thing on the point.

[303] The spectacle on the open plains was then frightful—Tum spectaculum horribile campis patentibus, etc. The idea of this passage was probably taken, as Ciacconius intimates, from a description in Xenophon, Agesil. ii. 12, 14, part of which is quoted by Longinus, Sect. 19, as an example of the effect produced by the omission of conjunctions: [Greek: Kai symbalontes tas aspidas eothounto, emachonto, apekteinon, apethnaeskon Epei ge maen elaexen hae machae, paraen dae theasasthai entha synepeson allaelois, taen men gaen aimati pe, ormenaen, nekrous de peimenous philious kai polemious met allaelon, aspidas de diatethrummenas, dorata syntethrausmena, egchoipidia gumna kouleon ta men chamai, ta d'en somasi, ta d'eti meta cheiras.] "Closing their shields together, they pushed, they fought, … But when the battle was over, you might have seen, where they had fought, the ground clotted with blood, the corpses of friends and enemies mingled together, and pierced shields, broken lances, and swords without their sheaths, strewed on the ground, sticking in the dead bodies, or still remaining in the hands that had wielded them when alive." Tacitus, Agric. c. 37. has copied this description of Sallust, as all the commentators have remarked: Tum vero patentibus locis grande et atrox spectaculum. Sequi, vulnerare, capere, atque eosdem, oblatis aliis, trucidare…. Passim, arma et corpora, et laceri artus, et cruenta humus. "The sight on the open field was then striking and horrible; they pursued, they inflicted wounds, they took … Every where were seen arms and corpses, mangled limbs, and the ground stained with blood."

[304] Besides, the Roman people, even from the very infancy—The reading of this passage, before the edition of Cortius, was this: Ad hoc, populo Romano jam a principio inopi melius visum amicos, quam servos, quaerere. Gruter proposed to read Ad hoc populo Romano inopi melius est visum, etc., whence Cortius made Ad hoc, populo Romano jam inopi visum, etc. But the Bipont editors, observing that inopi was not quite consistent with quaerere servos, altered the passage to Ad hoc, populo Romano jam à principio reipublicae melius visum, etc., which seems to be the best emendation that has been proposed, and which I have accordingly followed. Kritzius and Dietsch adopt it, except that they omit reipublicae, and put nothing in the place of inopi. Gerlach retains inopi, on the principle of "quo insolentius, eo verius," and it may, after all, be genuine. Cortius omitted melius on no authority but his own.

[305] Out of which he had forcibly driven Jugurtha—Unde ut Jugurtham expulerit [expulerat] There is here some obscurity. The manuscripts vary between expulerit and expulerat. Cortius, and Gerlaen in his second edition, adopt expulerat, which they of necessity refer to Marius; but to make Bocchus speak thus, is, as Kritzius says, to make him speak very foolishly and arrogantly. Kritzius himself, accordingly, adopts expulerit, and supposes that Bocchus invents a falsehood, in the belief that the Romans wouldhave no means of detecting it. But Bocchus may have spoken truth, referring, as Müller suggests, to some previous transactions between him and Jugurtha, to which Sallust does not elsewhere allude.

[306] In ill plight—Sine decore.

[307] For interested bounty—Largitio. "The word signifies liberal treatment of others with a view to our own interest; without any real goodwill." Müller. "He intends a severe stricture on his own age, and the manners of the Romans." Dietsch.

[308] About forty days. Waiting, apparently, for the return of Marius.

[309] CIV. Having failed in the object, etc.—Infecto, quo intenderat, negotio. Though this is the reading of most of the manuscripts, Kritzius, Müller, and Dietach, read confecto, as if Marius could not have failed in his attempt.

[310] Are always verging to opposite extremes.—Semper in adversa mutant. Rose renders this "are always changing, and constantly for the worse;" and most other translators have given something similar. But this is absurd; for every one sees that all changes in human affairs are not for the worse. Adversa is evidently to be taken in the sense which I have given.

[311] CV. At his discretion—Arbitratu. Kritzius observes that this word comprehends the notion of plenary powers to treat and decide: der mit unbeschränkter Vollmacht unterhandeln könnte.

[312] Presenting—Intendere. The critics are in doubt to what to refer this word; some have thought of understanding animum; Cortius, Wasse, and Müller, think it is meant only of the bows of the archers; Kritzius, Burnouf, and Allen, refer it, apparently with better judgment, to the arma and tela in general.

[313] CVI. To dispatch their supper—Coenatos esse. "The perfect is not without its force; it signifies that Sylla wished his orders to be performed with the greatest expedition." Kritzius. He orders them to have done supper.

[314] CVII. And blind parts of his body—Caecum corpus. Imitated from Xenephon, Cyrop. iii. 3, 45: [Greek: Moron gar to kratein boulomenous, ta tuphla, tou somatos, kai aopla, tauta enantia tattein tois polemiois pheugontas.] "It is folly for those that desire to conquer to turn the blind, unarmed, and handless parts of the body, to the enemy in flight."

[315] At being an instrument of his father's hostility—Quoniam hostilia faceret. "Since he wished to deceive the Romans by pretended friendship." Müller.

[316] CVIII. Of the family of Masinissa—Ex gente Masinissae. Massugrada was the son of Masinissa by a concubine.

[317] Faithful—Fidum. After this word, in the editions of Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Allen, and Dietsch, follows Romanis or esse Romanis. These critics defend Romanis on the plea that a dative is necessary after fidum, and that it was of importance, as Castilioneus observes that Dabar should be well disposed toward the Romans, and not have been corrupted, like many other courtiers of Bocchus, by the bribes of Jugurtha. Glarcanus, Badius Ascensius, the Bipont editors, and Burnouf, with, most of the translators, omit Romanis, and I have thought proper to imitate their example.

[318] Place, day, and hour—Diem, locum, tempus. Not only the day, but the time of the day.

[319] That he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate—Consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere. Kritzius justly observes that most editors, in interpreting this passage, have erroneously given to consulta the sense of consulenda; and that the sense is, "that all that he had arranged with Sylla before, remained unaltered, and that he was not drawn from his resolutions by the influence of Jugurtha."

[320] And that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador, as any restraint, etc.—Neu Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis licentius gereretur. There is some difficulty in this passage. Burnouf makes the nearest approach to a satisfactory explanation of it. "Sylla," says he, "was not to fear the envoy of Jugurtha, quo, on which account (equivalent to eoque, and on that account, i. e. on account of his freedom from apprehension) their common interests would be more freely arranged." Yet it appears from what follows that fear of Jugurtha's envoy could not be dismissed, and that there could be no freedom of discussion in his presence, as Sylla was to say but little before him, and to speak more at large at a private meeting. These considerations have induced Kritzius to suppose that the word remoto, or something similar, has been lost after quo. The Bipont editors inserted cautum esse before quo, which is without authority, and does not at all assist the sense.

[321] African duplicity—Punica fide. "Punica fides was a well-known proverbial expression for treachery and deceit. The origin of it is perhaps attributable not so much to fact, as to the implacable hatred of the Romans toward the Carthaginians." Burnouf.

[322] CIX. What answer should be returned by Bocchus—That is, in the presence of Aspar.

[323] Both then retired to their respective camps—Deinde ambo in sua castra digressi. Both, i. e. Bocchus and Sylla, not Aspar and Sylla, as Cortius imagines.

[324] CX. It will be a pleasure to me—Fuerit mihi. Some editions, as that of Langius, the Bipont, and Burnouf's, have fuerit mihi pretium. Something of the kind seems to be wanting. "Res in bonis numeranda fuerit mihi." Burnouf. Allen, who omits pretium, interprets, "Grata mihi egestas sit, quae ad tuam, amicitiam coufugiat;" but who can deduce this sense from the passage, unless he have pretium, or something similar, in his mind?

[325] CXI. That part of Numidia which he claimed—Numidiae partem quam nunc peteret. See the second note on c. 102. Bocchus continues, in his speech in the preceding chapter, to signify that a part of Numidia belonged to him.

[326] The ties of blood—Cognationem. To this blood-relationship between him and Jugurtha no allusion is elsewhere made.

[327] His resolution gave way—Lenitur. Cortius whom Gerlach and Müller follow, reads leniter, but, with Kritzius and Gerlach, I prefer the verb to the adverb; which, however, is found in the greater number of the manuscripts.

[328] CXII. Interests of both—Ambobus. Both himself and Jugurtha.

[329] CXIV. At that time— Eâ tempestate. "In many manuscripts is found ex eâ tempestate, by which the sense is wholly perverted. Sallust signifies that Marius did not continue always deserving of such honor; for, as is said in c. 63, 'he was afterward carried headlong by ambition.'" Kritzius.