A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE INDIANS, &c. (continued 2)

“Brothers, we desire you often to think upon the Great Spirit, and pray to him in your hearts, and then he will show you what is good and what is evil. And we want you to take up work like the white people, for your land is very good, and would produce a great deal of grain if properly managed—and if you get plenty of cattle and sheep, and swine, they will afford you plenty of meat, and be much more certain than the elk, the deer, and the bear. Then will your old men, your wives and your children be happy, and enjoy the comforts of life, and you can look on your flocks and your fields with contentment and pleasure.”

These Indians, in addition to the set of saw-mill irons before promised, were furnished with some axes, hoes, and a set of plough irons, to encourage them in farming.

A school was kept at Genesinguhta, this winter, by one of the Friends, where a number of children attended, and made some progress in learning—also a grown person who was debilitated in body, resided with Friends throughout the winter, and being able to converse a little in the English language, acquired so much learning as to enable him to read and write, and afterwards to procure a living, by trading among the Indians.

In the spring of 1800, the Indians appeared somewhat animated, and more of them made preparation for farming, by scattering more from their villages, fencing in lots and clearing land; but not yet having working animals to plough their ground, Friends ploughed some small lots for them, which operated as a stimulus to them; and one Indian took hold of the plough, and began to manage it himself, which was viewed as a matter of some surprise, and excited great curiosity in the beholders.

In the Fifth month, this spring, two of the Friends who had left the Oneida settlement the preceding winter, as before stated, being willing to spend some more time among the Indians, proceeded to Alleghany, to unite with Friends there in promoting the welfare of the natives.

Soon after their arrival, the Indians at Cattaraugus requested Friends at Alleghany to give them some advice and assistance, about planning a saw-mill. Accordingly two Friends proceeded to that settlement, and gave such advice on the occasion as seemed to be requisite; the millwrights having already arrived, and commenced the building of a saw-mill.

As these Indians will in the sequel constitute an interesting part of the narrative of this concern, it seems proper in this place to give a more particular account of their situation. The Senecas here possess a reservation of forty-two square miles, part of it bounded by lake Erie. It is generally composed of land of a superior quality. The bottoms along the Cattaraugus river produce black and white walnut and sugar maple of a superior size. The higher land, abounds with white oak, white pine, bass, poplar, hickory, and other timber. There are, also, exclusive of the Indians’ corn fields, large openings like natural meadows, containing many hundred acres of excellent land, covered with abundance of grass and herbage, affording abundance of food for cattle. The Senecas at this place were said to be about one hundred and sixty in number. Their houses were made in the usual Indian style, and covered with bark, and their situation, in general, as to habits and living, much similar to those at Alleghany, when Friends first settled among them. About a mile from the Seneca village was a town of the Delawares, (more frequently called Munsies) about one hundred and sixty in number, who lived on sufferance on the Seneca Indians’ land.

These Indians, as well as the Senecas, had a considerable number of cattle, some horses, and abundance of poultry and swine. They had small enclosures round their villages, in which they kept their stock during the corn season, and sometimes the poor animals had but a scanty supply of fodder, notwithstanding the abundance of grass on their lands, from which, for want of a little labour to fence off their corn lots, they had little or no benefit during the summer.

Previous to leaving them, the two Friends had an interview with a number of their chiefs, and principal men and women, in which they were encouraged to industry, and to put in practice their good resolutions. Being informed by one of the Friends present, that he was shortly going to leave their country and return to his friends, one of the chiefs replied, “You may tell your old friends, the Quakers at Philadelphia, when you go home, that we are exceedingly thankful for the kindness you have shown us, and the assistance you have already given us. We are now determined to follow your advice as far as we are able, and to spill all the whiskey traders bring among us for sale. You must not think we are offended at you for trying to make us sensible of our weaknesses; for even our young men and young women rejoice to hear it, and are in hopes their hands will grow stronger, that they may be able to overcome their weaknesses. We are determined to try to help ourselves, and to lay up money to purchase useful articles to go to farming with. We pity our poor women, and see it is too hard for them to work in the hot sun, and do all the labours of the field. And although we cannot ask any more favours of you, yet one thing in particular we desire you to remember; that is, that we are a poor, ignorant people, and for want of learning, in the course of our dealings with the white people, we have been greatly wronged, and lost much of our property—we want some of our children instructed, that they may be able to do the business of our nation.”

On the fourteenth of the Sixth month, Friends had a council with the Indians at Alleghany, in which the two Friends lately came into their country, were introduced to them, and also informed that one of the Friends who had now been more than two years among them, was about to return home to his friends. Several matters were opened to encourage them to persevere in habits of industry, and to be strong in their resolutions against the use of spirituous liquors, over which they had, by this time, gained a great conquest.

A few days after this, Cornplanter and several other chiefs, called to see the Friend who was leaving them set out on his journey, and sent three of their people to accompany him on his way through the wilderness.

In their parting conference, Cornplanter expressed many thanks for the Friend’s services among them, and desired the Great Spirit might conduct him safely home to his relations, and that on his arrival he might inform his old friends, the Quakers in Philadelphia, that he was very thankful for their kind endeavours to instruct his people in a life of civilization, and he believed the Great Spirit above was pleased with it.

During the summer of 1800, the Indians made some further improvements, and seemed more disposed to relinquish their old habits. A yoke of oxen, which they purchased, were found very useful in drawing their firewood, and thereby relieving some of their women from heavy burthens; several of them procured cows. By this time many of the Indians had built themselves more comfortable houses, and began to assist their women in their agricultural labours, so that a gradual improvement was evident among them in the habits of civilized life.

In the following winter, Red Jacket, a Seneca chief, residing at Buffalo creek, with several other chiefs of the Seneca nation, visited Philadelphia, with whom Friends had a satisfactory interview. Suitable presents were given them, among which, was a set of saw-mill irons, which were particularly requested by Red Jacket.

In the spring of 1801, a greater spirit of industry seemed to manifest itself among the Indians. Divers more of them fenced in lots, and procured moreover, some working animals; their increasing attention to raising cattle and hogs, afforded a pleasing prospect; and was a strung inducement for them to scatter more from their villages, and realize the advantages of settling on separate tracts of land.

Circumstances, however, occurred among the Indians, which claimed the particular attention of the committee, and three Friends were deputed to visit the settlement. They proceeded there in the Ninth month, accompanied by a young Friend, a blacksmith, who offered his services to instruct some of the Indians in his useful occupation.

Previous to giving a detail of this interview, it seems necessary to observe, that some extraordinary ideas respecting witchcraft had prevailed among the natives for sometime, which were principally insinuated among them by an infirm old man named Connediu, a half brother to Cornplanter, who had the appearance of a simple man, and had been from his youth very intemperate. He had no influence in the nation till about three years before, when, after a long time of sickness, he was supposed by the Indians to be several times in a trance. After he had recovered therefrom, he asserted that he had seen angels, who communicated to him such things as the Great Spirit designed should be imparted to the Indians—that they must all quit drinking whiskey and other strong liquors—that they must revive the custom of their forefathers in eating dog’s flesh, and have frequent dances—performing their religious ceremonies, &c. This to a people naturally prone to superstition, was like oracles delivered from the Great Spirit, and to use their own language, “was the manner in which He was revealing his mind and will to the Indians.” Connediu had actually some of his imaginary interviews with the inhabitants of the spiritual world committed to writing, that they might keep it in remembrance, as the will of the Great Spirit concerning them.

Connediu frequently asserted that these heavenly messengers continued to favour him with frequent interviews, and he succeeded in propagating a belief among the natives, that most of their bodily afflictions and disorders arose from witchcraft, and undertook to point out the individuals who had the power of inflicting these evils. He was said to have wholly declined the practice of drinking to excess, and by an artful exercise of his pretended knowledge, he acquired considerable influence in the nation, so as to be appointed high priest and chief Sachem in things civil and religious.

Some of Cornplanter’s family being in a declining state of health, Connediu, (whom they now esteemed a great doctor, as well as a prophet,) was applied to for counsel. In his wild reveries he alleged that some of the Delaware Indians who lived at Cattaraugus possessed the power of witchcraft, and were the cause of their illness.

This brought on a quarrel between the two tribes, and some of the Delawares were taken prisoners, and threatened with death if they did not remove the disorder.

During the contention, Cornplanter wrote to the governor of Pennsylvania on the occasion, and the committee on Indian affairs being made acquainted with the circumstances, letters both from the committee and government were addressed to both tribes of Indians on the subject. A council was called between the contending parties, and Friends, with some other well disposed people on the frontier settlements, used their influence to have an amicable adjustment, and endeavoured to obliterate from the Indians’ minds, those superstitious ideas of witchcraft which appeared to have been the ground of their uneasiness. The result was, that the Delawares were acquitted, and all disputes buried between them and the Senecas. Cornplanter told them “that he had swept their beds clean, that they might lie down in peace—that he had swept their houses clean, that they might live comfortably in them—that he had swept clean before their doors, that they might go out and in, without molestation.”

About the time that Friends of the committee arrived at Genesinghuta, the Indians generally were met in council, about these matters; and although Connediu had advised them to quit drinking whiskey, he was otherwise endeavouring to propagate notions very inimical to the concern in which Friends were engaged, by recommending them to follow their old customs, and not allow their children to learn to read and write; that they might farm a little, and build houses, but must not sell any thing which they raised on their land, but give it away to one another, and especially to their old people; and, in short, enjoy all things in common.

With this doctrine several of the young chiefs and others were not satisfied; and one of them judiciously observed, “they had better hold councils about fencing in fields, and clearing land, than about witchcraft, and other strange notions of Connediu.”

The committee, who now visited the settlement, were pleased, on passing down the river, with the view of fences, where not long before there were none to be seen; and instead of the bark cabins, that formerly stood in clusters along its banks, there were now good houses, with shingled roofs; and the tinkling of cow bells, which they heard in various directions, denoted an increase of cattle, and had a cheering effect on their minds. It was in the spring of 1801, that the Indians first began to use the plough for themselves. They took a very cautious method of determining whether it was likely to be an advantageous change to them or not. Several parts of a large field were ploughed, and the intermediate spaces prepared by their women with the hoe, according to former custom. It was all planted with corn; and the parts ploughed, (besides the great saving of labour,) produced much the heaviest crop; the stalks being more than a foot higher, and proportionably stouter than those on the hoed ground. The corn was now gathered in, and as their stock of cattle had much increased, instead of leaving their corn fodder to perish, as formerly, they preserved it for their cattle in winter—and several had mown grass, and made small stacks of hay. They had made a fence, about two miles long, which enclosed the lower town, and a large body of adjacent land fronting on the river, and several other fences were made within it, to separate the corn from the pasture ground.

With the exception of houses and fences, the improvements at the lower town, (Jenuchshadaga) did not bear a comparison with the upper settlement, where the Indians lived more detached from each other. Their thus separating, was evidently more to their advantage, than crowding together in villages. A chief, who was not ashamed to be seen at work by the women of his own family, would probably have been much mortified when discovered by a number of other females, who on such occasions do not always refrain from ridicule. Yet this false shame on the part of the men, and ridicule of the women, gradually wore away as they became familiarized to each others’ assistance, in their little agricultural labours.

The Indians now became very sober, generally refraining from the use of strong liquor, both at home and when abroad among the white people. One of them observed to Friends, “no more bark cabins, but good houses—no more get drunk here, now, this two year.”

The blacksmith was introduced to the Indians with a request that two of their young men would learn his business, so as to be qualified to do their own work; as it was not very likely he should stay long. But before they would agree to this proposition, they queried with Friends, “whether they would at any future time want land or money for the services which they had done, and were doing for them? They wished to know very clearly in writing about it. Also, whether they would leave the tools for the young men, who might learn the blacksmiths’ trade, when the smith left them, or whether they would take them away?” To which the following answer was given in writing:—

“Brothers, we tell you now, plainly, as we told you before, that your brothers, the Quakers, do not want any of your land, or any of your money, or any of your skins, for any thing they have done for you; and they never will bring a charge against you, for any of these things. And we give you this writing, to keep forever, to make your minds perfectly easy on this account. About the smiths’ tools we cannot say much; but think we shall leave them with you, if some of your young men will learn the trade.”

At a subsequent interview, Cornplanter made a reply to Friends, in which he stated, “We understand the writing which you gave us very well, and our minds are now quite easy. Two of our young men will learn the smiths’ trade; one from the lower town, and one from the upper.”

Friends again opened the business respecting the schooling of their children, which had for sometime past been impeded by the system of Connediu. The chiefs were particularly desired to take this subject under consideration, and let Friends know when they were ready.

It was supposed that the quantity of corn raised this year by the natives, was nearly tenfold what it was when the settlement was first formed, and a few of the Indians made the first attempts to raise wheat; but those who did something at farming, occasionally went out a hunting; and many of the men still adhered to their ancient customs, and left the women of their families to cultivate with the hoe, what corn and vegetables were necessary for their sustenance.

As one of the young men, who had been there from the time of first opening the settlement, was about to return home with the committee, Cornplanter expressed the great regard he had for him; saying, “that, although he had been so long amongst them, not one of them was able to say a word against him, ever since he had been there—that his words and his conduct had been altogether good, and agreeable to them; and he hoped the Good Spirit would preserve him on his way home to his friends.”

The committee, also, on this visit, had an interview with the Indians of Cattaraugus. They arrived at a time when the Indians were performing their religious ceremonies—concerning which, the chief warrior, Waun-dun-guh-ta, made the following remark to Friends.

“Brothers, you have come at a time which has by us been set apart for performing worship to the Good Spirit, after our ancient customs. It is our way of worship, and, to us, solemn and serious, and not to be made light of, however different it may be from your mode. It is the manner our forefathers have taught us. We hope you will excuse us for not being so attentive to you as we should, had we not been thus engaged.”

They had now their saw-mill completed, and one of the Friends from Alleghany remained sometime with them, instructing some of the Indians in the sawing business.

The spring of 1802, furnished greater marks of improvement, than had heretofore been discovered among the natives. Eighteen or twenty thousand rails were split, and put up into fences by the Indians, and thirteen or fourteen new lots enclosed, most of which were cleared this spring. Several families who had not any when this settlement was first formed, had got six or seven head of cattle, and other useful animals. Whiskey was not knowingly suffered to be brought into the settlement; and if any were found out to have been intoxicated, when they were out in the white settlements, they were sharply reproved by the chiefs on their return, which had nearly the same effect among Indians, as committing a man to the workhouse among white people. The Indians opened a good road for about five miles up the river from Friends’ settlement, where before it was very difficult to travel, even on horseback. Several of them sowed spring wheat—and a gradual improvement was apparent during this season.

The benefits derived by the Senecas at Alleghany, from their attention to agriculture, encouraged other branches of the nation to apply for assistance. The chief of the Tonewanta village, about one hundred miles distant from Friends’ settlement at the Alleghany, in a pathetic speech, applied to Friends to assist them with saw-mill irons, farming utensils, &c. which request was granted, with the addition of a yoke of oxen, and chains.

The young man who went out as a blacksmith, returned home this fall; two of the Indians having acquired such knowledge of his business as to answer their necessities.

Although the improvements at this place were gradually progressing, obstructive causes at times occurred, difficult to combat. This induced Friends, among them, to believe that a change made in their situation, so as to render them more independent of the natives, might subject them to less difficulty in the further prosecution of the concern. The improvement heretofore made on their own land, for a time, had a good effect; but their ideas were weak, and for want of more sensibility in some of the intentions of Friends towards them, it had led to a dependence, which evidently impeded their progress in civilization. This dependence seemed to increase, as they saw the increase of produce from the land that Friends cultivated. Some of the Indians had increased their stock of cattle faster than the means of supporting them through a long and rigorous winter. When their hay and other fodder become reduced, they applied to Friends to give them some. These requests could not be complied with, to an extent proportioned to their necessity, without reducing Friends to alike state of want; and fearing, least in future winters, a renewal of similar requests, without the means of supplying them, might disturb that harmony which had hitherto subsisted between Friends and the Indians, it was thought adviseable by the committee to embrace an opportunity which now presented, of purchasing from a company of white people, an adjoining tract of land, in order to make such improvements thereon, as might accommodate a family or more, of such, who from time to time, might feel desirous to assist in the instruction of the Indians, and thus by making it a more permanent establishment, entirely independent of the natives, be enabled to extend more efficient aid to other branches of the Seneca nation.

In the spring of 1803, this proposal of a removal of Friends’ settlement was communicated to the Indians, and they generally coincided with it, provided the move should not be far up the river. They had several councils on the occasion, and communicated to Friends their views; and although their prophet, Connediu, had, in time back, been somewhat opposed to the views of Friends in changing the customs of the Indians, he was now entirely friendly, and strongly recommended industry and perseverance in the plans which Friends had recommended to them. The following paragraphs from one of his speeches on this occasion, may be worthy of notice.

“My friends, Quakers, attend.—It is now a long time since you first came amongst us. It has even exceeded the time that was first proposed. I now speak the united voice of our chiefs and warriors to you, of our women also, and of all our people. Attend, therefore, to what I say. We wish you to make your minds perfectly easy—we are all pleased with your living amongst us, and not one of us wants you to leave our country. We find no fault with you in any respect, since you come amongst us; neither have we any thing to charge you with. You have lived peaceably and honestly with us, and have been preserved in health, and nothing has befallen you. This we think is proof, also, that the Great Spirit is pleased with you living here, and with what you have done for us.”

“Friends, Quakers—we now all agree to leave you at full liberty, either to remain where you now are, on our land, or to remove up the river and settle on land of your own, only that you settle near us, that you may extend further assistance and instruction. For although we have received much benefit from you, and some of our people have made considerable advancement in useful labour, yet we remain very deficient in many things, and numbers of us are yet poor.”

As the important change proposed to be made in conducting the affairs at Alleghany, required serious consideration, four of the committee proceeded to that settlement, and on conferring with Friends there, were satisfied of the propriety of a removal from their present station, to one more independent of the Indians, and less subject to their control.

A tract of land adjoining the Indians’ reservation on Tunesassa creek, which empties into the river on the east side, about two miles above Genesinghuta, was agreed upon, and afterwards purchased, as the most eligible place for a settlement; inasmuch as it furnished an ample situation for water works, and much of the tract was covered with excellent pine timber. The tract included about seven hundred acres.

Friends had free and open conferences with the Indians on the subject of their removal, and various other matters; and satisfactory arrangements were made respecting the old settlement, the Indians insisting on Friends’ occupying the farm until they got suitable accommodations, and provender for their stock, at their new settlement.

In one of their conferences, Cornplanter observed:

“Brothers, when your friends first came amongst us, and for a long time after, the white people told us, ‘keep a good watch on those Quakers—they are a cunning, designing people; and under pretence of doing something for you, want to get hold upon you, to make an advantage of you some way or other;’ but of late, finding that all was straight, and no advantage was attempted to be taken, they have left off talking about it.

“Brothers, your young men do not talk much to us, but when they do they speak what is good, and have been very helpful in keeping us from using spirituous liquors.”

Here it may be proper to remark, that in the spring of 1798, an Indian lad of the Tuscarora nation, from near the falls of Niagara, had been taken to Philadelphia, and placed with a Friend in Chester county, to learn the blacksmiths’ business, where he continued till the last spring;—and having acquired a competent knowledge of his trade, and made considerable proficiency in school learning, the Friend with whom he had been instructed, felt such an interest in his welfare, that he accompanied him home to his Indian friends, staid several weeks with him, to see him set up in his business, and assisted him therein.

This Friend, on his return, had now been several weeks at Alleghany, affording the two Indian blacksmiths there, some further instruction in that art. They were very desirous he should tarry longer with them; and an old chief observed, “Friends had now sent on a blacksmith, the best they had ever seen—he knows how to make all things we want.”

Considerable improvement among the Indians at this time was observable, more particularly up the river. Several families had settled about two miles higher up, than where they formerly resided, and had cleared and fenced in about sixty acres of land. Seventeen new houses with shingled roofs, were observed neatly built, with square logs, most of them two stories high, with stone chimneys and glass windows. They had about one hundred head of cattle, thirty horses, and several hundred hogs. And the Indians had opened a road, about twenty miles along the river, and much of it through heavy timber; which was a great work for them.

The committee proceeded from thence to Cattaraugus, and noticed considerable improvement in that settlement. Several of them were building good houses. Their crops of corn were good, and their stock of cattle increased; and, generally speaking, they had declined the use of strong drink. They had divers requests to make to Friends, some of which were granted; especially one, for a set of smith tools and plough irons. While Friends were sitting with the chief warrior, he seemed in a pensive mood, and said he wished to ask them a question, but hesitated. They desired him to say on—It was, “Do the Quakers keep any slaves?”—He was answered in the negative. He said he was very glad to hear it; for if they did, he could not think so well of them as he now did—that he had been at the city of Washington last winter, on business of the nation, and found that many white people kept blacks in slavery, and used them no better than horses.

The committee on their way home had interviews with the Buffalo and Tonewanta Indians, and gave them such advice and encouragement as their situation required. It was satisfactory to observe, from the account of Red Jacket and others of their chiefs, that some improvement was taking place among those Indians.

Our friends at Alleghany built a temporary house at their new settlement this fall, to which they removed, which we shall hereafter call Tunesassa. The land being heavily timbered, much exertion and labour were necessary, to make their situation tolerably comfortable during the first winter.

In the spring of 1804, the Indians generally removed from the lower town, and settled higher up the river; several of them not far from Tunesassa. This removal subjected them to some inconveniences, the first year, but eventually proved much to their advantage; especially to those who were detached from their little towns.

As it was believed much benefit would result to the Indians from the erection of a grist mill on Friends’ farm, there being none nearer than about forty miles, measures were adopted to have grist and saw-mills erected this summer; and they were so far completed, as to be in operation the ensuing winter, when the Indians had considerable grinding done, and were much pleased to see the grain reduced to meal so much quicker than by pounding it in wooden mortars.

An Indian man, after having a grist of wheat of his own raising ground and bolted, said with animation, “I think this will make the Indians see day-light.”

In the course of this season, some dissentions took place among the Indians with regard to their chiefs. Several young men of considerable influence in the nation, and who were anxious to assume the reigns of government, became disaffected to Cornplanter, and taking measures to subvert his authority, artfully prevailed with the Indians to confer on themselves the dignified title of chiefs. This, among men whose rulers only hold their authority during the good will of the people, was not difficult to effect. In the mean time, Connediu, who had some time before been promoted to the highest title in the nation, continued (as he said) his imaginary interviews with the inhabitants of the spiritual world, so that his fame spread abroad, and visits were paid to him from distant tribes. He also travelled to distant parts himself, and promulgated his doctrines, (which happily were now become more innocent,) throughout the Seneca nation.

In the latter end of the winter and spring of 1805, the Indians experienced much damage to their infant settlements, by some unusual freshets in the Alleghany river. Nearly all their fences were swept away; but instead of being discouraged by their losses, they joined together very spiritedly, and soon repaired them; and in the end appeared to have been benefitted; for by this exertion, they gradually became more accustomed to labour—a thing, to them, of the greatest consequence.

As it was believed the time had now come when it would be right to take some measures to instruct the Indian women in the various branches of housewifery, and domestic economy, and as this could not be done without female aid, a suitable family were sought for, and a man and his wife offering for that service, as well as a single female, who had before been at the Oneida settlement, they proceeded to Tunesassa in the early part of summer; and the natives expressed much satisfaction on their arrival among them.

The arrival of the females was no less satisfactory to the Friends residing at Tunesassa—for as from the first settlement to this time, in addition to the various calls of the Indians, and their out-door labours, they had all their domestic and culinary services to perform,—except some little aid received at times, by hiring some of the Indian women.

Although many of the Indians had constructed comfortable houses, very few of their women took any pains to keep them clean and in neat order. They manufactured none of their own clothing, except the mockasins they wore on their feet. They had no knowledge of making soap, and of course their clothes could not be very clean—and very little improvement in domestic affairs had as yet taken place among the Indian families. In proportion, however, as the men became more accustomed to labour, it released the women from their former drudgery; and having now the opportunity of getting all their grain ground, which before they had to pound in wooden mortars, it would afford them more time to turn their attention to the business of the house, and the concerns more properly allotted to females, in all civilized societies.

To aid and assist them in accomplishing this, was the object of our female friends; and some of the Indian girls pretty soon began to show a willingness to be instructed in knitting and spinning. A house of employment was built at a little distance from Friends’ dwelling, and particularly allotted to their use; but for want of the necessary materials, not much could be done at these useful employments the first season. Our women Friends were, however, enabled to instruct many of them in the art of making soap, which enabled them to keep their clothes and persons more cleanly; and also by frequently visiting them in their families, had opportunities of instructing and encouraging them in habits more assimilated to civilized life. The Indian women, also, made frequent visits to them, and by observing their industry, economy, and superior mode of living, an inclination began soon to manifest itself, even among these uncultivated females of the wilderness, to imitate the more useful and rational economy of our women Friends.

In the course of this summer, Friends had got about thirty acres of land cleared on their farm—their spring crops were productive, and they sowed fourteen or fifteen acres with winter grain. The grist and saw-mills were kept in operation, and found to answer a valuable purpose.

In the spring of 1806, the Indians were much engaged in clearing land, splitting rails, and carrying on various improvements. One of the more sagacious observed to Friends, “Our Indians are getting to have more sense, very fast.”

They continued strongly opposed to the use of spirituous liquors, and seldom held a council without some animadversions on their baneful effects—and nothing excited more wonder among the surrounding white people, than to find them entirely refuse liquor when offered to them. The Indians said, that when the white people urged them to drink whiskey, they would ask for bread or provisions in its stead.

In the course of this summer, a company of Indians from Alleghany, with Connediu (whom they called their prophet,) at their head, paid a visit to several villages of their brethren, near the Genessee river, in order to dissuade them from the use of strong drink, and to encourage them in habits of industry.

In the Ninth month, this year, the settlement was again visited by three of the committee. The writer being one of the number, and having resided more than two years among them at the first opening of the settlement, was afforded a full opportunity of judging of the improvements the Indians had made. A council was held with the Indians at Cold Spring, which was a new town the Indians had built on the west side of the river, a few miles above Tunesassa. Various subjects were discussed in this council, relative to the Indians’ improvement, and much advice communicated relative to their moral conduct, and long replies again made by the Indians, which the limits prescribed for this narrative will not admit in detail. One thing, however, not heretofore noticed, was earnestly pressed upon them; to live in peace and harmony with their wives, and not to let trifling matters part them, as was sometimes their practice; but to consider them as companions for life: and also to live in peace and friendship one with another, which would enable them to make a greater progress in the good work Friends were endeavouring to promote among them.

Our Friends at Tunesassa had now got about fifty acres of land cleared, well enclosed, and in good order. They had built a large and commodious dwelling house and barn, which, together with the mills and improvements generally, gave it the appearance of a desirable settlement.

It was believed the Indians had built about one hundred new houses since the committee visited them three years before. Most of them were put up with hewn logs very neatly notched at the corners; many of them were covered with shingles, and some had pannel doors and glass windows. The carpenter work was chiefly done by the Indians. Scarcely a vestige remained of the cabins they occupied when Friends first settled among them. Their farms, which were of different dimensions, were enclosed with good fences, and much more detached from each other than formerly. A much greater proportion of corn was planted this season than had been known before, and generally looked well. Many of them had raised wheat and oats, and several had raised flax and buckwheat, besides potatoes and turnips in abundance. Their stock of cattle and horses was increased, and they had a good many working oxen, which they found very advantageous to them. Sheep were not yet introduced, owing to the danger of their being destroyed by wolves.

Upon the whole, it was evident their improvements rather exceeded, in divers respects, those made in some new settlements of white people on the frontiers, in the same length of time.

Several of the young women had this year learned to spin and knit a little; but although the improvement among the females was yet small, it was, nevertheless evident, a change in this respect had taken place for the better, since our women Friends came among them. Their persons and apparel, as well as their houses, appeared in more neat and cleanly order. And as Friends approached some of their habitations, a pleasing mark of neatness discovered itself among some of their women, who would immediately begin to sweep their houses, and appear somewhat disconcerted, if Friends entered their doors before they got their apartments in good order.

After spending near a week at Alleghany, the committee proceeded to Cattaraugus, and had a very satisfactory interview with the Seneca Indians at that place. Various matters were opened to them in a written communication, tending to incite them to industry, and to encourage them in a life of sobriety. A great reform had taken place among those Indians in this respect. The chief warrior in his reply said, “He believed the Great Spirit was better pleased with them when they took hold of the axe and the hoe and went to work, than when they were pursuing their former bad practices of drinking, &c.” “And he was very glad Friends had given them their speech upon paper, that they would not only advise their young people themselves, but would have that speech to apply to, to strengthen their minds.”

Although a considerable change had taken place for the better at this settlement within three years past, their stock of cattle and horses having considerably increased, (and instead of confining them as formerly in small enclosures round their villages, they had, since enclosing their cornfields, the advantage of pasturing them on the large plains,) yet they appeared very far behind their brethren at Alleghany, in agricultural improvements, as well as in buildings and cleanliness of living.

In the year 1807, no very important change took place among the Indians at Alleghany, except that divers of the young women and girls applied themselves to spinning in the course of the winter, under the direction of our women Friends, and succeeded so far as to have a piece of linen spun and wove into cloth, besides manufacturing a quantity of sewing thread with which many of the Indians were well pleased.

Some evil disposed persons, and doubtless opposed to the advancement of the Indians in civilization, took every opportunity of creating suspicions in their minds, of the views of Friends, and artfully insinuated that Friends’ saw-mill was erected to accumulate an interest out of them, notwithstanding that Friends had given them many thousand feet of boards, and also their grain at the grist-mill was then ground free of toll.

In order, therefore, to settle the minds of the Indians, to counteract the suspicions in circulation, and as a convincing evidence of the disinterested views of Friends,—believing also, that it might redound to the Indians’ advantage, they offered to assist them in building a saw-mill for themselves; and three hundred dollars, in addition to a set of saw-mill irons, were granted for that purpose.

This fall Cornplanter was again restored to his former station of chief; and from the disposition he had always manifested to the object of Friends, there was reason to expect his renewed influence in their councils would be useful.

The family at Tunesassa, experienced a great trial by the removal of the Friend’s wife residing there, who, after about two weeks illness was taken from this transitory scene. She had by her prudent and obliging conduct very much endeared herself to the natives, many of whom attended her funeral, and a number of them called to see the family some days afterwards, and desired them to make their minds easy, seeing it was the will of the Great Spirit, and what must happen to all mankind; and they were come to sympathize with them, and to wipe away their tears that they might sorrow no more.

In the following winter, a number of the Indian women and girls were engaged at spinning, and a disposition to industry and manufacturing their own clothing, seemed to be gaining ground. A loom was provided, and several pieces of their own spinning were made into cloth.

1808. As Friends for sometime past, had been desirous of rendering more essential service to the Indians at Cattaraugus, it was now believed expedient to purchase a tract of land adjoining their reservation, and have a family stationed there, that would more effectually accelerate their improvement.

Accordingly a large tract of land was agreed for, on Clear creek, which furnished a good seat for water-works, within four or five miles of the Indian town. The land being heavily timbered, the Indians were engaged in opening a road from their villages to it; and considerable advances were made towards opening a settlement this season, superintended by some of the Friends from Tunesassa.

The Indians at Alleghany got their saw-mill completed this fall so as to be in operation, and the Friends at Tunesassa were joined by another family, a Friend with his wife, a single female who accompanied them, and several children; the parents offering their services to spend some time in the instruction of the Indian natives.

Near the close of this year, and through the succeeding winter, very considerable progress was made among the women and girls in learning to spin; several purchased wheels and commenced spinning at their own houses; and an aged female, of the first influence, named O-yong-go-gas, resided sometime with Friends, to be instructed in this employment, and made an unexpected progress. Her attention to assist in encouraging and superintending the younger women and girls, was a favourable circumstance, and tended to promote their improvement. On hearing that Friends at Tunesassa were about writing to the committee, she delivered the following address, desiring it might be sent also.

“Brothers, attend—I wish to speak a few words to you. Since your women came here, I have frequently had a prospect of learning to spin; but as I was an ancient woman, I was afraid to make a beginning, lest I should not make out, and would then have to decline it, without accomplishing any thing. I at length concluded to try, and have learned so much as to be able to spin flax and tow pretty well.

“Brothers, I am very happy that I have the satisfaction to inform you a little of my progress, and also that I can now with more assurance, impress the necessity of this valuable improvement on the minds of our young women, and I intend in future to recommend it as a most necessary employment.

“For my own part, I intend to pursue it as long as my eye-sight will continue, and I hope yet to be able to spin wool for a blanket, if the Good Spirit will continue my sight. I am very thankful for the knowledge I have acquired of your women Friends.

“Brothers, I hope this may find you all well, and I wish the Great Spirit may bless you.”

In the spring of 1809, a Friend, who had spent many years among the natives, returned again to his former station at Tunesassa, and being acquainted with the weaving business, he was usefully employed in manufacturing into cloth the yarn which the Indian women had spun in the last winter, and the industry of several of them procured them sufficient specimens of domestic manufactures, to stimulate them to further exertions.

This spring four of the Friends resident at Tunesassa proceeded to Cattaraugus, in order to carry on the improvements at this new station, and to instruct the Indians in that settlement.

The Indians at Alleghany continued to make a satisfactory progress in their agricultural labours, seven or eight families sowed flax this spring, and other marks of improvement were observable. The settlement was visited again by a deputation from the committee, and the situation of the Indians fully inspected, and much advice and counsel were communicated to them relative to their moral conduct, as well as in regard to their temporal concerns.

They were particularly warned of the iniquity of men and their wives separating, (a practice which was too common among them,) and marrying again with others; the natural consequence of which was, leaving their children in poverty and distress, besides being attended with a variety of other evils.

The communications of Friends appeared to be well received, and in the replies which the Indians made, among many other things, Cornplanter remarked, “We are sensible that it is displeasing to the Great Spirit for men and their wives to separate, and I am very happy that you have now mentioned it, when so many of our young warriors are present who have the opportunity of hearing; and I hope they will attend to the good counsel you have given us.”

This deputation from the committee also visited Cattaraugus settlement, and had satisfactory interviews with those Indians, encouraging them to industry and sobriety, and to avail themselves of the opportunity they now had of receiving instruction from our Friends, who had lately come to settle near them.

In their replies to Friends, the chief warrior observed:—“You still continue to speak the same language to our nation, and we believe your views towards us are the effects of pure friendship, and a desire for our welfare; and although we have fallen short in fulfilling your former advices, we are still encouraged to follow your counsel, and to pursue the path you have set before us. We hope you will continue to have patience towards us, as Indians cannot adopt all these habits that you recommend at once; but we are convinced that industry in cultivating our lands, is the only method by which we can receive lasting benefits, and we are determined to pursue it—and we hope we shall still continue to make a gradual advancement.”

During the winter and spring of 1810, the Indian women at Alleghany gave increasing attention to spinning. Some elderly females, who had acquired sufficient knowledge, and being anxious to promote this valuable art, took the superintendence of the young girls, and this season they spun sufficient to make one hundred and twenty yards, part of which was woollen, and manufactured into blankets.

Some small premiums were offered to such of the men as should sow spring wheat, which had a stimulating effect; and sixteen or seventeen individuals availed themselves of the offer.

The Indians purchased four yoke of oxen, which enabled them to do more ploughing—and during the course of the season many of the young men inclined to hire to work for other Indians, a practice which had not been common among them. This, however, was in part produced by the embargo system which was now in operation, and had an effect to reduce the price of skins and furs, so as to render hunting not worth pursuing as an object of profit.

Red Jacket, and three other chiefs of the Seneca nation, visited Philadelphia this year, and Friends had a satisfactory interview with them. Red Jacket in his remarks, stated:

“I am unable to express the thankfulness I feel for the many acts of kindness your society have shown to us; particularly when that old gentleman, (pointing to an elderly Friend present,) and many others now no more, attended at our treaties. And I am happy in observing your disposition to pursue the same track of conduct your fathers observed towards Indians, now they are removed to the world of spirits.”

Some implements of husbandry were furnished to the Tuscarora Indians, residing on the Seneca reservation near Buffalo; and the situation of the Delaware Indians residing on the Cattaraugus reservation claiming the sympathy of Friends, as being the remnant of a scattered tribe who formerly inhabited the parts along the river Delaware, and who for many years lived on terms of sincere friendship and reciprocal acts of kindness with the early settlers, while the country was then a wilderness; it was believed right to make them an offer of purchasing a tract of land in the neighbourhood of Cattaraugus, provided they would live on, and occupy it. Although the offer was not accepted they gratefully acknowledge the kindness of Friends, and their answer on this occasion strongly excites our sympathy for the destiny of this once great and powerful nation.

“Our nation, say they, seem as if they were scattered over the whole world; and we have been desirous, for many years past, of getting together, and have now fully concluded to leave the country of the Senecas. The land you propose giving us here, if we could take it on our backs and set it down in the neighbourhood of our nation to the westward, we should be very thankful for; but we don’t feel satisfied to remain in this country, and have concluded certainly to leave it as soon as we can.”

Considerable progress was made this season by the Cattaraugus Indians. Many of them enclosed fields separately, and had plentiful crops of corn; and as an incitement to this plan of farming, small premiums had been offered by Friends. And as a further encouragement, to accommodate the Indians, preparations were made to erect grist and saw-mills on the tract of land belonging to Friends, whereby they could have their grinding done, and be furnished with boards to enable them to build better houses.

In the beginning of the year 1811, the Indian women at Alleghany manifested a much earlier attention to the spinning business; and before the time they usually began, had sufficient spun for one hundred and sixty yards of cloth. Near one half of their women by this time, had acquired some knowledge of this business; and though they had heretofore, for the most part, attended to it at the house of employment, many of them now procured wheels of their own, and attended to it at their own houses. Four of them within two years had spun yarn for about one hundred and twenty-five yards; and two others, in the last season, had spun and wove themselves twenty-one yards of linsey.

The instruction of their children in school learning, had for several years past, been but little attended to, owing to the impediments the Indians themselves had thrown in the way—but this year it was again revived; and a young man, qualified for that purpose, kept a school among them, at their request.

The Indians at Cattaraugus were also making satisfactory improvement this season. The saw-mill was in operation this fall, and the grist mill in a considerable state of forwardness.

The progress of improvement had, for many years past, exhibited an encouraging prospect—affording a comfortable hope, that the desirable object would be effected, of reclaiming at least a portion of the Indians from a savage and rambling life, to enjoy in a plentiful manner, and in undisturbed security, the productions of the fruitful field. Yet it now seems our painful task to record some circumstances, which for a time much unsettled the minds of the Indians, and retarded their progress in civilization.

By a company of individuals, claiming what they called the pre-emption right, an attempt was now made to purchase from the Seneca nation, all their land which they held in the state of New York, and under a specious show of benevolence, to give them a large tract of country far to the westward, where they might enjoy their native forest, away from the intrusions of white people.

The peculiar situation of their land—being generally of an excellent quality, and an increasing white population fast settling round it—made it an object very desirable to this company, who, it is probable, paid a large sum of money for this pre-emption right.

From the best information I have received respecting this claim, it appears, by the original charter, that the state of Massachusetts had this pre-emption right, or privilege of purchasing the Indians’ land in this part of the territory; and to satisfy this claim, in 1787, the state of New York ceded to Massachusetts the right of soil—reserving to itself the jurisdiction thereof. The state of Massachusetts, in 1792, again sold their right of purchase to an individual, who, in the year 1797, at a treaty held at Genessee river, in the state of New York, purchased of the Indians a large tract of country, as has been already stated—the Indians “nevertheless and always reserving” out of this grant and conveyance, such reservations as were therein agreed upon; “to remain the property of the said Seneca Indians, in as full and ample a manner,” as if the said sale had not been made. This purchase again passed into other hands, and finally the pre-emption right to the Indians’ reservations into the hands of the company now claiming them.

Notwithstanding these were the only persons who had a legal right to purchase, it was only when the Indians were disposed to sell: and always to be understood, as the original owners of the soil, they had the right to refuse to sell, as guaranteed in the most solemn manner by the president of the United States.

But notwithstanding their indubitable title to the soil, the attempt thus made, in an artful manner, to obtain their land, had the effect to produce great commotion and disturbance among them. Nor was it to be doubted, but that means, too frequently practised on such occasions, would be resorted to. These were, to offer rewards to the chiefs or principal men of the nation, to gain their influence, in order to bring about the object they had in view.

The Indians, however, at this time, did not accede to the proposals that had been held out to them, as may be seen from the following extracts of a speech of Red Jacket to an agent, who, it seems, was employed by the primitive holders to negotiate this business.

“Brother, we opened our ears to the talk you lately delivered to us, at our council fire. In doing important business, it is best not to tell long stories, but to come to it in a few words—we shall therefore not repeat your talk, which is fresh in our minds. We have well considered it, and the advantages and disadvantages of your offers—we request your attention to our answer, which is not from the speaker alone, but from all the sachems and chiefs now round our council fire.

“Brother, your application for the purchase of our lands is, to our minds, very extraordinary. It has been made in a crooked manner. You have not walked in the straight path, pointed out by the Great Council of your nation. You have no writing from our Great Father the president. We have looked back, and remembered how the Yorkers purchased our lands in former times. They bought them, piece after piece, for a little money, paid to a few men in our nation, and not to all our brethren,—until our planting and hunting grounds have become very small; and if we should sell these, we know not where to spread our blankets.

“Brother, you tell us your employers have purchased of the council of Yorkers, a right to buy our lands. We do not understand how this can be. The lands do not belong to the Yorkers. They are ours, and were given to us by the Great Spirit.

“Brother, you want us to travel with you, and look for other lands. If we should sell our lands, and move off into a distant country, towards the setting sun, we should be looked upon, in the country to which we go, as foreigners and strangers, and be despised by the red, as well as the white men. We should soon be surrounded by the white people, who would there also kill our game, come upon our lands, and try to get them from us.

“Brother, we are determined not to sell our lands, but to continue on them. They are fruitful, and produce us corn in abundance, for the support of our women and children, and grass and herbs for our cattle.

“Brother, the white people buy and sell false rights to our lands; and your employers, you say, have paid a great price for their right. They must have plenty of money to spend it buying and selling false rights to lands belonging to Indians. The loss of it will not hurt them, but our lands are of great value to us; and we wish you to go back to your employers, and tell them and the Yorkers, that they have no right to buy and sell false rights to our lands.”

Although the inducements held out to Indians at this time were rejected, yet the scheme, on the part of the applicants, was by no means abandoned; and as a measure like this, so inimical to the cause in which Friends were engaged, could not fail of exciting considerable alarm, it was reasonable to suppose, their influence would interpose to prevent the adoption of a measure so pregnant of evil to the poor Indians. Accordingly, an appropriate address was presented to the Seneca nation, strongly recommending them to a diligent improvement of their land, and to keep strong in their resolution not to part with it—for if they should sell and remove to a distant country, it was not likely Friends would go with them, or assist them, as they had heretofore done.

The minds of the Indians appeared to be quieted for the present, and they were peculiarly pleased with the communications of Friends on this occasion. One of their chiefs observed in council—“Your words reached our hearts, and as though they had been handed down from the Great Spirit above, they have satisfied our minds.”

The spring of 1812, commenced with very encouraging prospects of improvement at both the settlements. The women were engaged in their spinning business, and the men in their agricultural pursuits, which relieved the women of much of their former hardships and burthens in procuring a livelihood. The measures adopted for their improvement had now been in operation at the Alleghany settlement for fourteen years, and the advantages resulting therefrom were more sensibly felt, and clearly distinguished by the Indians than at any former period. The progress of the Indians at Cattaraugus, considering the infant state of the establishment of Friends there, afforded the most sanguine prospect, that, by a steady perseverance, in the course of a few years more, a very important change would be effected in their situation and manner of life. But a reverse of circumstances, in the course of events, again took place, which it seems proper now to mention.

It was in the Sixth month, this year, that war was proclaimed by the United States against Great Britain, and her dependencies. This circumstance created very considerable alarm amongst the Indians, and to use their own expressions, “seemed to turn the world upside down.”

Their situation was peculiarly trying. War was a circumstance replete with many evils, which would inevitably involve them in serious difficulties. Their money, for which they had sold their land in 1797, was in the hands of the government. Their remaining lands were nearly all within the boundaries of the state of New York, and lying near to the British lines, which it was probable would become the seat of war, and therefore they would be liable to be much harassed by either party, even should they remain neutral. In the next place, there were several tribes of their confederates of the Six Nations, whom they had always considered as brethren, who resided within the British dominions, and called upon to fight their battles; and it was probable they would be called upon by the United States to assist in the contest, and thus they would be reduced to the sad dilemma, of either being considered, in case of a refusal, as enemies to the United States, or otherwise be under the necessity of raising the hatchet against their own flesh and blood, who had not given the slightest cause of offence or provocation.

Nor were these all the evils that seemed to threaten their repose. They were generally represented, in war, as a ferocious, unrelenting people; and hence it was natural to conclude, that jealousies would exist among their surrounding white neighbours, and prejudices be excited, which it would be difficult to remove.

Their fears were not groundless in this respect; for soon after war was proclaimed, many of the surrounding inhabitants became very uneasy, and divers left their settlements, and removed to places more remote from the natives. This circumstance caused some alarm among the Indians. They apprehended that their sincerity and friendly dispositions were suspected; in consequence whereof, a council was held between them and their white neighbours, to endeavour to eradicate the fears and jealousies which existed between them. The result of this was, that the Indians promised to take no part in the war, and the whites agreed not to molest them in their peaceable possessions.

This conclusion, however, did not stand long, on the part of the Indians. They were called upon by the United States to engage in the contest, and to take up arms against their brethren in Canada, who were, no doubt, excited to this unnatural war, by the British government. Some of the young warriors, who had never before seen the dreadful effects of such a conflict, were anxious to try their valour, and gain themselves a name; while many of their elderly people, who retained some knowledge of former wars, were more disposed to remain quiet at home. But as it is not the design of this work to give a history of the war, in all its bearings on the Indians, it is sufficient to say, that during the period the war lasted, they were at times engaged therein by parties; and in proportion to the part they acted on this occasion, their advancement in civilization was impeded.

In the autumn of this year, two of the committee visited the settlements at Tunesassa and Cattaraugus, by whom a suitable address was sent to the Indians. But they found them in a very unsettled situation, on account of the war; and said “they could not, at present, attend to their improvements—for, look which way they would, they saw nothing but war.”

As the situation of the Friends stationed among the Indians was also trying at this period, they were left at liberty either to leave them, and return home, or to remain, as they felt best satisfied to do.

In the year 1813, although frequent alarms continued to pervade the Indians’ borders, our Friends did not apprehend it sufficient cause to abandon their residence, or to relax their endeavours to establish the Indians in a more permanent advantage from the soil. The Indians, too, appeared to have a special confidence in Friends, and often consulted them on account of their own safety, stating “that if Friends removed from them, they would become uneasy, and flee also.”

Although some of the Indians attended to their business, yet the continual alarms, and frequent calls on them to assist in the invasion of Canada, very much diverted their attention from their domestic concerns; and their war excursions had a demoralizing effect, by exposing them again to the use of intoxicating liquors, which gained an ascendency over some.

Towards the close of this season, at the time Buffalo was attacked and burned by the British, the Indians became exceedingly agitated. Those of Cattaraugus, lying more contiguous to the scene of action, moved a great part of their property to the south side of the river, in order to flee in case of an attack. The consternation that prevailed among the inhabitants generally, in that country, had a tendency to increase their fears; and probably a consciousness of their having taken up arms against their brethren in Canada, naturally created apprehensions, that, if their enemies proved victorious they would have to suffer a retaliation.

The alarm, however, subsided, as there was no attack made on them, and they were permitted to remain quiet the succeeding winter, and attend somewhat to their necessary concerns.

In the fall of 1814, the settlements were visited again by four of the committee. They arrived at Cattaraugus the thirteenth of the Ninth month, and had a council on the fifteenth with the Indians. Many of them were then absent, being engaged in the war, and more were about going. But when they heard of Friends’ arrival, they concluded to stay at home.

They stated the many difficulties which they laboured under, on account of the war, and the great obstruction it was to their improvement. They said the officers often called on them to go to war, and if they staid at home, they were not satisfied—and they did not know whether they were safe or not.

“Brothers, said they, the war has continued for three summers past. We have still had time to provide a little for our families; but this year we scarcely get home, before another express comes for us. We have been in hopes these troubles would subside; but from the present commotions, and noise of the great guns on the lines, we have entertained doubts how or when it will end.”

At the conclusion of the council, they remarked the great satisfaction they felt, that the Friends who lived beside them had remained so steady with them through their difficulties, that although the great guns had roared so loud as to shake the ground whereon they stood, yet they remained quiet; which convinced them that they must be under the protection of the Great Spirit.

Notwithstanding the various interruptions the Indians had met with on account of the war, they had made very considerable advances in agricultural improvements, at this settlement. The author, being one of the deputation who now visited them, had an opportunity of observing the great contrast in their situation, since Friends came to settle among them. They had enclosed with good fences, and cultivated several hundred acres of good land, within three or four years past; a great proportion of which was planted with corn and potatoes, or sowed with oats, &c. and generally looked well. Many families had raised wheat, and were preparing to sow more in the fall. Several had raised flax, and about twenty-five of their women had learned to spin. Their women, also, appeared more neat and cleanly, in their dress and houses. But three or four families remained in their old village, having found it much to their advantage to settle more detached from each other. They were now scattered along, on the rich bottoms, for several miles. Considerable improvement had also taken place in the mode of building. Many had good houses, and some had barns, and scarcely any of the old cabins were seen standing. The Indians had procured a number of wagons and carts, with other farming utensils, as well as several yoke of oxen. Their stock of cattle, in general, was much increased; and the Indians said, in council, there were but one or two families but had cows or horses.

The committee also visited the settlement at Alleghany, and held a general council with the Indians at Cold Spring, where they were encouraged to perseverance in the path they had for many years been pointing out to the Indians, and in which good way they had made considerable progress. But it was observed, that they were deficient in several respects, and had not made so much improvement as was desirable for the opportunity they had had. In their replies, they acknowledged the very great benefit they had received in time past, from the advice and instruction of Friends, but said they had made less improvement since the war commenced; that they were frequently called upon by the officers to go to war, and this kept them uneasy, so that they could not attend to their business. Some of their people had, also, during the war, got into habits of intemperance—and this tended to retard their advancement in the modes of civilized life.

The old chief, Cornplanter, not having attended this council, several of the company paid him a visit at his own house, about eleven miles distant from Tunesassa. About five or six families remained with the old chief, at his settlement, mostly his connexions. The old town of Jenuchshadaga, where all the first councils between Friends and the Indians were held, was entirely deserted, and so overgrown with young timber, as almost to conceal the place where it stood. This strange mutation of things at this place, was principally owing to the land being Cornplanter’s private property, and to the disposition of the other Indians to move higher up the river, and settle on land belonging to the nation, where they would have a greater security for the improvements they should make.

Cornplanter expressed his great satisfaction at once more seeing his friends in his own house, and that he was still preserved alive to talk with them. He acknowledged the advice of Friends had always been good, and that in consequence of many of the Indians adhering to it, their situation had been much improved, but that in consequence of the miseries of war, some of his people had again become intemperate.

The too common practice of men and their wives parting, having been animadverted upon at the late council, the old chief observed, that he also reprobated it, as being attended with many evil effects; and that he had often seen children, who had been thus neglected, when young, in consequence of their parents’ separation, reflect on their parents, when they got old, and charge them with neglect of duty; it being generally the practice where separations take place, for the mother to take charge of the children, and provide for them as well as she can.

“The liquor, said he, has been introduced among us by white people; but this evil practice has grown up among ourselves. Our young people are too fond of diversions, and not serious enough, in forming connexions. I have often advised them to more sobriety and regular conduct, and spent much of my time in serving the nation.”

The Indians, generally, on the Alleghany river, continued to increase their stock of cattle, horses, and swine, quite equal to their means of supporting them through the winter; although in other respects, since the commencement of the war, they had made but little progress in agriculture. Many of the women, however, had given considerable attention to spinning—especially in the winter season. They appeared more cleanly in their persons and houses than they formerly did; and their manners, and general deportment, appeared to be rising from that degraded state in which they had formerly lived, and becoming more assimilated to the modes and practices of white people.

The spring of 1815, was ushered in with the welcome and consoling news of peace, to the poor Indians; an accommodation having taken place between the United States and Great Britain in the preceding winter. Not only could the Seneca nation participate in the blessings of peace, by having their prospects to pursue their agricultural labours again brightened, but many of the surrounding tribes, who had been more extensively engaged in the late contest, could now lay down the hatchet, which had often been stained with the blood of their enemies.

But although peace had now taken place, and hostilities ceased between the contending parties, it was doubtful whether the Seneca nation would be conciliated, and immediately restored to that mutual friendship, which previous to the war had subsisted between them and their confederate tribes in Canada, who had, under the banner of Great Britain, taken up arms against the United States. It was, therefore, believed expedient by the committee at this critical juncture to send them a suitable address on the occasion, from which the following is extracted.

“Brothers, since it has pleased the Great Spirit to restore to our country the blessing of peace, we have felt our minds concerned to address you, in order to encourage you to pursue the path we have long been pointing out to you; and likewise to call your attention to the great advantages resulting from living in peace with all men.

“Brothers, we are sensible that there are two spirits at work in the minds of men. The one produces in us a disposition of love and good will towards all men, and is a comforter for all good actions. The other excites evil thoughts and desires, and influences to bad actions, such as lying, swearing, drunkenness, pride, envy, hatred, gaming, and many other evils, which, if given way to, often create war between nations. So we believe it is in our power to resist the evil spirit, and conquer all the evil propensities of our nature, by obeying the Good Spirit, and by daily watching, and prayer to him. If we so conduct, he will deliver us from evil.

“Brothers, our fathers, and we their children, who profess the same principles by which they were guided, have always believed that wars and fightings are displeasing to the Great Spirit, who is all love, and who made of one blood all nations of men, that they should live in peace and love with each other. For this cause, he hath placed his law in our hearts, and in the hearts of all men, teaching, not only to love one another, but also to forgive injuries, and even to love and do good to our enemies.

“Brothers, where people live in this disposition, and trust in the Great Spirit for protection, it has a powerful effect in producing the same disposition in the minds of those who wish to do them an injury; and instead of hatred, it will produce in their minds love and good will. For you must be sensible, brothers, that when a man is angry with another, and uses many threatening expressions, if the other returns mild answers, and endeavours to pacify him by acts of kindness and good will, it is more likely to restore the angry man to a sober and right state of mind, than if he were to quarrel and fight with him—and this would be overcoming evil with good, which is always pleasing to the Great Spirit.

“Brothers, we are sensible that the late war must have brought you into great difficulty and distress—and we are thankful for the return of peace. We hope the Great Spirit will preserve you from again feeling the miseries of war. We also wish you to be reanimated, to pursue your farming, and the improvement of your land, under the instruction of our friends who reside among you, as this is the only sure method we can recommend to you to obtain a comfortable living for yourselves and families; and the most likely means, as you are industrious and become sensible of the value of your property, of securing you in the permanent possession of your land.

“Brothers, our desires continue as strong at the present day, as ever they were, to promote your happiness in this life, and in that which is to come. But this happy state we know can only be attained, by having our minds drawn to the Great Spirit, by imploring his protection, and by beseeching him that he would preserve us in love towards all mankind. If we are sincere in our desires for his assistance, and attentive to the voice of his spirit in our hearts, we shall have reason to hope for his blessing upon our labours, which is our desire for ourselves, for our Indian brethren, and for all men.”

The Indians were also strongly reminded in this address, of the dangerous tendency of introducing strong liquor again into their villages, as the late war had exposed them to the use of it more than they had been for many years previous—and if they now become so unwise as to fall again in love with it, it would prove their ruin.

This communication had a stimulating effect upon the Indians at both the settlements. Those of Alleghany sent a written address to the committee, signed by six of their chiefs, in which they expressed in a high degree, their sense of gratitude for the continued care of the society of Friends over them, and the great advantages they had received from their instruction. They also renewed their request that they might be furnished with a schoolmaster, as but little attention had been given to their improvement in school learning for some time past, owing to the general disinclination of the Indians to have their children thus instructed.

At the request of the Indians, also, in the summer of 1816, four lads, two from Buffalo, and two from Alleghany, were brought into Chester county, within forty miles of Philadelphia, and placed with suitable persons under the care of the committee, to be instructed in school learning, and some of the mechanic arts.

In the Eighth month this year, a Friend who had formerly devoted many years to the instruction of the natives, proceeded again with his wife to the Alleghany settlement, accompanied by a young man in the capacity of a schoolmaster; and the family who had resided there for some years past returned from thence. The school was again opened at Cold Spring town, in the Tenth month, where about twenty different scholars attended, in an irregular manner, owing, in part, to the scarcity of provisions. This scarcity of food was occasioned by unusually early frost, which destroyed more than half their corn, and likewise many other vegetables. This calamity was felt through all that part of the country bordering on the lakes.

Although the Indians had had the fairest prospect of a plentiful supply, yet, from the foregoing circumstance, many of them were compelled to resort to their former source of dependence, and with their families, retire to the woods and hunting encampments, where they remained a great part of the winter.

The Indians at Cattaraugus were conspicuous sufferers by this calamity; many of them having their crops of corn entirely cut off, while they had as yet scarcely recruited from their sufferings during the late war. Friends duly considered their distressed situation, and granted five hundred dollars to be applied in supplying them with provisions, and three hundred more to be administered to the necessities of those on the Alleghany reservation. These donations were gratefully received by the Indians, and were peculiarly useful in enabling them, the following spring, more generally to attend to their agricultural pursuits, without being compelled from necessity to retire to their hunting grounds. It was said five hundred and twelve individuals at Alleghany, and three hundred and ninety at Cattaraugus, partook of this timely donation of Friends.

In the spring of 1817, the fears of the committee were strongly excited for the safety of the Indians, from the various concurring accounts, that plans were again devising to induce a removal of many of them in the state of New York, from their present seat, to one very remote among the western tribes. A measure of this kind would not only tend to unsettle the Indians in their agricultural pursuits, but if carried into effect, would entirely frustrate the plan of their civilization, and render of little avail the labours of Friends for twenty years past, and the expenditure of more than forty thousand dollars in promoting their advancement toward a civilized state.

The committee, therefore, being fully impressed with the great loss the Indians would inevitably sustain by a removal to a distant clime, communicated their views by a written address; and with a view of setting them in a more permanent possession of the soil, recommended a division of their land into lots, suitable to accommodate each family, to be held under such regulations, that it might descend from parent to children, and other near connexions; and under such restrictions as would debar individuals from selling, leasing, or transferring it, in any way, to white people.

This measure being of an important character in the disposition of Indian affairs, it was believed expedient, by the committee, to present a memorial to the President of the United States, in their behalf, by which he was fully made acquainted with the plan proposed to the Indians for a division of their land; and being visited, also, by a deputation from the committee, and furnished with various documents, it opened the way for a free communication of sentiment on the subject, and the president gave assurance of attentively perusing and duly considering the documents and memorial.

In the Ninth month this year, the settlements of Tunesassa and Cattaraugus were again visited by four of the committee, who spent several weeks among the Indians, in attending to the various services of their appointment. They inspected, particularly, the state of improvement at both the settlements, and also had divers interviews with the Indians in council, at both places.

With respect to the improvements at Cattaraugus, the author being one of the deputation now visiting them, had a fair opportunity of judging of the advances they had made in three years past. Their settlements at this place were now extended about ten miles in length—and they had fenced in many fields and laid out their farms much more detached from each other—and were gradually advancing in agriculture. It was supposed they had more than two hundred acres of corn growing, (and it generally looked well,) besides one hundred acres more under cultivation; spring wheat, oats, potatoes, and a great variety of garden vegetables. Their stock of cattle and horses was much increased, and divers of them had enclosed lots of grass on which they gathered hay for winter. Many of the women had made considerable progress in spinning, so as, in the course of the last year, to make about one hundred and seventy yards of cloth.

The Alleghany settlement was said to consist of about seventy families, all of whom, except four, had horned cattle, amounting in the whole to upwards of four hundred.

They had more horses than was any advantage to them. Their corn, oats, and buckwheat, were in a prosperous condition, and promised to afford them a plentiful supply. And it was pleasing to find, that they had generally refrained from the use of spirituous liquors. The women, also, continued their attention to spinning and manufacturing their clothing.

The school taught by the Friend at this place was also in a more prosperous condition than had hitherto been evidenced among those Indians. Nearly twenty lads attended, divers of whom could write and read the English language, and had otherwise made satisfactory progress in learning. The cleanliness of their persons, their order in the school, and general deportment, appeared to be encouraging.

A prominent object in this visit was, to encourage the Indians to make the experiment of dividing their land into lots, and holding it as private property, under certain restrictions. This was suggested to them, in separate councils with the different tribes, as the most eligible plan by which they could continue to possess the good land which they and their fathers had so long enjoyed, and which of late years they had improved so much, that “this land, with its valuable improvements, might pass to their children, and be inherited by them as long as the Alleghany and Cattaraugus rivers should continue to run, and the grass and corn to grow.”

The Indians in their several settlements, took this matter under serious consideration; and, in consequence of an arrangement made for the purpose, Friends met the principal chiefs, and many others of the Seneca nation, in a general council at Cattaraugus, among whom was the noted chief, Red Jacket, and several others from Buffalo. In this general council, the subject of dividing their land into lots, was again proposed to the Indians, as the most eligible means of accelerating their civilization, and securing them more permanently in the possession of the remnant of the land they yet occupied; and that these lots should be of adequate dimensions to accommodate each family with a farm, and be held under such restrictions, that they could not be alienated, or leased to any other than their own people, but in such manner as to secure to the individuals respectively, the land, with the improvements thereon, which should be appropriated to each. It was believed the adoption of this measure would prove an additional stimulus to their industry and care, in the prospect it presented, of the benefits which might result from their agricultural labours descending to, and being enjoyed by, their children, and posterity more remote. This important subject occupied the deliberate attention of the Indians for several days. The result was, a resolution that an experiment should be made on the Alleghany reservation by the Indians residing thereon, many of whom had for a considerable time been desirous of possessing their property more distinct from each other than had heretofore been the case.

On the morning Friends were about to proceed on their way homewards, a number of the chiefs called to see them, and expressed their great satisfaction with the conclusions that had resulted at the late council. One of them named Blue-eyes, said, “Brothers, we want you to continue your endeavours to strengthen us, that we may not become a lost people, but that by persevering in the right path, we may experience preservation. We believe it is owing to the favourable disposition of the United States, that the Six Nations yet exist. And we are of the opinion, from the representations that have been made, that we owe much to you—and we trust to an overruling providence, who has thus favoured us, that we may yet experience preservation.”

Notwithstanding the repeated refusals of the Indians to dispose of any more of their land, renewed applications were made by those holding the pre-emption right in the beginning of the year 1818; and at a general council, held at Buffalo, about this time, they again determined not to sell; and with a view of making the President of the United States more particularly acquainted with their situation, and with the difficulties to which they were subjected, by these repeated applications for land, they sent forward a talk for that purpose, signed by twenty-one chiefs of the Seneca, Cayuga, and Onondago tribes, which was published in the Niagara Patriot, and from which, for its simple, natural, impassioned, and pathetic eloquence, we shall present to the reader a few extracts.

“Father, from the fatherly care the presidents of the United States have exercised towards their red children, we speak to our father in confidence, believing he will not turn away his ears from his red children. We are alarmed lest we lose our seats. Those men who say they have a right to purchase our lands, have been distressing us for a number of years with their plans to possess our lands—offering us in exchange lands to the westward. We declare to you, we desire you to publish to all our white brothers, that it is our fixed and determined purpose to live and die on our present land. It is sealed to us by the bones of our fathers—they obtained it by their blood. Our bones shall lie beside theirs—it is the heritage of the Almighty—he gave it us—he it is must take it from us.”

“We mean no threat by this—we know we are in the hands of our white brethren—they can destroy us with ease—but they need not think to persuade us to part with our lands—as free men we claim the right to choose between being killed outright, or a lingering execution, by being driven a thousand miles into the wilderness.

“Where, father, where would our white brothers have us to go? The Indian claim to land is put out for more than a thousand miles to the west—except little spots for particular nations.

“We have confidence in you. You cannot see your red children, with their little ones, driven off by stealth and fraud—leaving the sepulchres of their fathers, their farms, their farming tools, and their cattle, and dying by families on the road, through hardships and privation—exchanging all their advances in civilization and its comforts, for the hardships of the chase—without house or friend.

“Father, we have confidence in you, that if you see any device formed against us, you will frustrate it, and succour your red children. We have deceived no man—we have wronged no man—our language has been one—we choose not to part with our land. If we have been needlessly alarmed, you will pity our ignorance, and forgive our childish fears.

“We trust that you will pardon the multitude of our words. Let none deceive you in saying that this is the voice of a few individuals, and not the voice of the Six Nations. It is the voice of the Six Nations in the state of New York. The chiefs of Buffalo, Cattaraugus, Genessee, and Onondago, are now in council. We have the message of Oneida and Alleghany with us, desiring we should speak to our father the president—intreating him to consider and help us. Speak, father—speak to your children, that their minds may be at rest. Speak to our council fire at this place, and let us hear your own words; send them by safe hands.

“May the Great Spirit preserve you many years a blessing to all your children.”

The Indians also sent a copy of the foregoing talk to the governor of New York, accompanied with a short address, from which we make the following extracts:

“Father, we thank you that you feel anxious to do all you can to the perishing ruins of your red children. We hope, Father, you will make a fence strong and high around us, that wicked white men may not devour us at once, but let us live as long as we can. We are persuaded you will do this for us, because our field is laid waste and trodden down by every beast—we are feeble and cannot resist them.”

“Father, we are persuaded you will do this for the sake of our white brothers, lest God, who has appeared so strong in building up white men and pulling down Indians, should turn his hand and visit our white brothers for their sins, and call them to an account for all the wrongs they have done them, and all the wrongs they have not prevented, that it was in their power to prevent, to their poor red brothers, who have no helper.

“Father, would you be the father of your people and make them good and blessed of God, let not the cries of his red children ascend into his ears against you.”

Without further comment on these impressive communications of the Indians, we shall leave the reader to his own reflections, after stating, that whatever impressions they might have made on the rulers to whom they were addressed, it did not prevent the renewed and persevering applications of the pre-emption holders, to obtain the Indians’ land, which, although they as often refused to sell, had the effect to keep them in a state of agitation and unsettlement; for although they had been repeatedly told that their lands were their own, and that they could not be compelled to dispose of them without their consent, and that President Washington had fully assured them that the United States would protect them in the remainder of their lands, which they had not legally conveyed away at public treaties, yet there appeared to be a degree of jealousy existing with some, as to the sincerity of these professions, and a fear lest they might, at some time, be compelled to relinquish their rightful possessions and be removed to another clime.

The Indians at Alleghany, therefore, sent a message to the committee, in which they expressed a wish that Friends would endeavour to obtain for them a written instrument from the President of the United States, to strengthen, as they said, their title to their land, so that they might be easy themselves, and their children after them. And as it had been concluded in the last fall, to divide the Alleghany reservation into lots, they also wished to know whether this plan was agreeable to the President.

In consequence of this request of the Alleghany chiefs, as also with a view of making the executive department of government more fully acquainted with their situation, various documents were prepared and committed to the charge of four of the committee, to present to the secretary of war, and such other officers of government as seemed to be requisite. These documents were calculated to explain the views of Friends in the interesting and benevolent design of ameliorating the condition, and promoting the civilization of the Indians, and also to impress the public mind with the peculiarly distressed situation of the aborigines of our country generally.