Volume 79 — NICARAGUA AND THE FILIBUSTERS.

It is a fixed idea with the American people, that in due course of time they are to have the control of all the North American continent, and of the Island of Cuba; they consider this their “manifest destiny,” and any movement in that direction is looked on by them as a matter of course, and deserving of encouragement.

The popular name for the agency by which such a state of things is to be brought about is “filibusterism.” The word “filibuster” is a French and Spanish corruption of the English word freebooter, an appellation which, in former days, from its being frequently assumed by a certain class of men, who disliked the harsher name of pirate, became familiar to the inhabitants of the West India Islands and Central America; but as filibusterism is now used, it expresses the action of the American people, or a portion of the people, in the acquisition of territory which does not belong to them, unrestrained by the responsibilities of the American Government.

The sovereign people of the United States, and the United States Government, are two distinct bodies, influenced by different motives. The Government is obliged to maintain the appearance of keeping faith with other friendly powers, but at the same time is so anxious to gain popularity at home, that it does not take really effectual measures to check any popular movement, however illegal it may be, if favoured by the majority of the people.

The manner in which the State of Nicaragua has been reduced, or, it should rather be said, raised to her present position, by being occupied and governed by a large body of Americans, affords an instance of the truth of this statement.

For the last two years the American and English Governments have been exchanging diplomatic letters, arguing at great length on the abstract meaning of certain words of a treaty, by which either power was equally bound not to occupy, fortify, colonise, or take possession of, any part of Central America. In the mean time a party of American citizens, under command of a certain Colonel Walker, have virtually taken possession of, and do now govern the State of Nicaragua, one of the States specially mentioned in the treaty. When they first landed in Nicaragua, not ten months ago, they numbered only fifty-six men; but in as far as they had the good-will of the majority of the American people, they represented the nation as truly as General Pierce and his Cabinet. Colonel Walker was merely the practical exponent of a popular theory, and his success has been so rapid and decisive, and such is the position he now holds in Nicaragua, strengthened by daily accessions to his force from California and from the United States, that the Americanisation of Nicaragua may be almost considered an established fact.

Should the Americans in that country be able to maintain their position, of which, at present, there seems to be every probability, the successful filibustering of Nicaragua will be but the beginning; the end will be the occupation, by Americans, of all the Central American States, and, in due course of time, of Mexico and Cuba.

In order to show why the filibustering energies of the Americans have been specially directed to Nicaragua, and how it is that so small a party of them have so quickly got control of that State, and also to appreciate fully the position which their leaders occupy as members of the newly-formed government, it is necessary to give some information on the political condition of the country, and on recent events there, which the writer, while a resident in the country during the greater part of the revolution, had good opportunity of acquiring.

On the discovery of gold in California in 1848, when there was such a rush of gold-hunters to that land of promise both from the Old and the New World, the route generally followed was that by Panama, as the most expeditious—lines of steamers being established by American companies from New York and New Orleans to Chagres, and from Panama to San Francisco.

The supply of steamers, however, was never sufficient for the accommodation of the crowds of eager emigrants; the profits of the steamship companies were enormous, and American enterprise was not long in discovering and opening a new, and in many respects superior, route to the golden regions of the Pacific.

The new route lay through the State of Nicaragua, one of the five States into which the Central American Confederation was dissolved in the year 1831.

It was to the advantages offered by its geographical position that Nicaragua owed its distinction. The Lake of Nicaragua, a splendid sheet of water ninety miles long by about fifty broad, lies within the State. Its most western extremity is only twelve miles from the Pacific, and at its eastern extremity about one hundred and fifty miles from the Atlantic: it empties itself into that ocean through the river San Juan, which is navigable all the distance for small vessels, and forms at its mouth the harbour of Greytown or San Juan del Norte. An inter-oceanic canal was first talked of, but it was found that it would take all the gold in California to construct it; so that idea was for the time abandoned, and a New York company, styled the Accessory Transit Company of Nicaragua, got a charter from the State, granting them for considerations the exclusive privilege of steam-navigation of the river San Juan, and of the Lake Nicaragua, for a period of ninety-nine years.

Steamboats of various capacities, to suit the navigation of the river and of the lake, were sent out—a road over the twelve miles of land, between the lake and the harbour of San Juan del Sur on the Pacific, was commenced—steamships were put on between that port and San Francisco, and between New York and Greytown, and a large share of the Californian emigration began to stream through the country.

The difficulties of the route were at first considerable, owing to the number of rapids in the River San Juan requiring boats of peculiar construction for their navigation, and from the fact of the country through which lies the road to the Pacific being a mountainous wilderness, the greater part covered by a dense tropical forest.

In the rainy season, which lasts for about five months, the road was so bad that a mule would sink to his belly at every step; the twelve miles were not unfrequently a two days’ journey, and many a poor mule, after vainly struggling to extricate himself, succumbed to his fate, and was absorbed in the mud, leaving his rider to fight his own way through, which he generally did without much trouble. Such little difficulties were not thought much of by Californian emigrants in those days.

The Company, however, soon completed the road, and so far perfected their arrangements that the passage from ocean to ocean is performed in two days.

The travel to and fro between California and the Atlantic States is not confined to any particular class of the community. Capitalists, merchants, professional men, mechanics, labourers,—in fact, people of all classes, are constantly going and coming. For the last five years an average of two thousand Americans per month have passed to and fro by this route, and, during the few days occupied in transit, have had ample time to admire and covet the splendid country through which they passed, to look with utter contempt on the natives, and to speculate on what a country it would be if it were only under the Stars and Stripes.

The country, its climate, its advantages, resources, and social and political condition, have thus been gradually made familiar to a constantly increasing proportion of the people of the United States and of California.

It is in natural consequence of all this, and of the apparent hopelessness of immediate success in Cuba, that the attention of the filibustering portion of the American community has been gradually directed to the State of Nicaragua, and the late civil war in that country offered too favourable an opportunity to be lost for making a beginning in furtherance of the cherished idea.

The constitution of Nicaragua, like that of all the Spanish-American States, is republican—that is to say, in name; in effect it approaches more nearly to a despotism, a mode of government much better adapted to a people the majority of whom are quite incompetent to form any idea on the subject of self-government.

Since the dissolution of the Central American Confederation the country has been in a constant state of revolution. Two years is about the longest period of peace which has intervened. The people are wantonly destructive and cruel in their civil warfare; and having been so actively employed for nearly twenty years in cutting each other’s throats, battering down each other’s cities, spending their money in gunpowder, and ruining all producing interests by taking the labourers from the field to serve as soldiers, they had managed to reduce themselves and their country to such a wretched state of misery, that it really appeared to be the duty of some civilised nation to step in and keep them all in order.

In passing through the country, one cannot but be struck with the ruin and desolation everywhere apparent, and with the remains of bygone wealth and grandeur, but little in accordance with the poverty and listless indolence in which the inhabitants are now contented to live.

Their cities are half in ruins, and the churches, which, in their mode of warfare, they use as fortresses, have come in for their full share of destruction. Those which remain are peppered all over with cannon balls. The ruins on the old indigo and cotton estates give one an idea of the different way in which the people once employed themselves; but now, in a country capable of producing in the greatest abundance indigo, cotton, sugar, rice, coffee, tobacco, and nearly every other tropical production, little else is to be seen but plantains and Indian corn, the two great staple articles of food. The tobacco grown in the country is good; the people, men, women, and children, are inveterate smokers, but they do not even raise sufficient tobacco for their own consumption. The “cacao,” or chocolate, raised in the neighbourhood of the town of Rivas, is the finest in the world: it is a national beverage, and the greater part of the crop is consumed in the country; a small quantity is exported to the neighbouring States; but with the exception of a few bullock hides and deerskins, which are sent to New York, the country cannot be said to have any exports.

The climate generally is by no means unhealthy. It varies very much throughout the State, being in some parts much tempered by a constant breeze off the lake, while in the high lands of Segovia and Matagalpa, the temperature is so moderate that most of the grains and fruits of the north can be raised in great perfection.

The rainy season commences about the end of July, and continues till November or December. During this season it rains in torrents for days at a time, and the roads become almost impassable. The most sickly periods of the year are the beginning and the end of this season; fever and ague are then very prevalent, but the natives suffer more than foreigners, chiefly owing to the wretched way in which they live, the habitations of the lower orders affording generally but poor protection against the weather.

In the mountains of the district of Matagalpa, which form part of the great range which traverses all the North American continent, are mines of gold and silver. They have hitherto only been worked by the Indians in a very rude manner, but sufficient has been done to prove that they are rich: if scientifically worked, they will no doubt prove very productive.

The forests abound in rosewood, mahogany, and other beautiful woods, and throughout the State many valuable medicinal gums and plants are found.

The scenery is varied and very beautiful; at certain seasons the trees are completely covered with flowers, and the forests are a confused mass of luxuriant vegetation.

There are several volcanic mountains in the country, all of great similarity of appearance: the finest is Ometepe, which rises out of the lake, in the shape of a perfect cone, to the height of many thousand feet.

The people are very deficient in ambition and energy, and have a very decided objection to labour. As long as a man has sufficient to supply his immediate wants, he cannot be induced to work, but will devote himself to the passive enjoyment of swinging in his hammock, and smoking a cigar. In this way they pass the greater part of their time, as very little labour is requisite to provide plantains, beans, and Indian corn, which are the principal articles of food.

Gambling is a prevailing vice, cards and dice being chiefly played. Cockfighting, however, is the great national sport, and at this the most money is staked. The fight is never of very long duration, being generally nothing more than a flutter of wings for a moment, when one cock crows over the other lying dead at his feet, nearly cut in two by the long sharp knives with which their heels are armed.

They have celebrated breeds of chickens, on which they pride themselves, and in almost every house in the country may be seen one or more gamecocks tied by the leg in a corner. The owner is always ready to fight a cock on any occasion, but Sunday afternoon is the time generally devoted to this amusement, which is patronised by all classes.

The people possess a great deal of natural grace, and are extremely polite and formal in their manners; even the lower orders are remarkable for their gracefulness of gesture, and for their courteous phraseology.

The principal cities of Nicaragua are Granada, on the northern shore of the lake, and Leon, about a hundred and fifty miles to the north, and not far from the Pacific coast. They are both fine cities, built in the usual Spanish-American style, with narrow streets, and large houses of a single storey, covering an immense area, and built in the form of a square, the centre being an open space, generally planted with trees and flowers, and all round which is a wide open corridor. The houses are very spacious and lofty, and admirably adapted to the climate.

The population of Granada is about 15,000, that of Leon is rather more. Between the inhabitants of these two cities there has always existed a bitter feeling of jealousy and enmity, and in most of their revolutions the opposing factions have been the Granadinos against the Leoneses. So it was in the revolution which is only now terminated, and which commenced in May 1854.

The government at that time was in the hands of the Granada party. The president, the late Don Fruto Chamorro, was a man of great energy and determination, but unfortunately also of most stubborn obstinacy. He would listen to advice from no one, but blindly insisted on carrying out his own ideas. After being a little more than a year in power, and becoming more despotic every day, he issued a decree, declaring himself president for four years more than the usual term.

The Leon party of course immediately got up a revolution, of which the leaders were a few prominent men, whom Chamorro had a few months before banished from the State, on suspicion of their being engaged in a conspiracy against the government. At the head of them was Francisco Castillon, a man of superior education, and with much more liberal and enlightened views than most of his countrymen, having spent some years in England as minister for Nicaragua. The object of the revolution was to place Castillon in power, and the party professed to entertain liberal ideas, and styled themselves the Democratic Party. They commenced their operations at Realejo, a small port on the Pacific, at the northern extremity of the State, where, with a small force, they surprised the few soldiers of the garrison. They proceeded to Chinandega, a considerable town about six miles on the way to Leon. Here they met but slight resistance, the majority of the people being favourable to them; and with a large addition to their force, they marched towards Leon, distant about thirty miles, where they established their head-quarters, after fighting one battle in the neighbourhood with the government forces under Chamorro in person, who was defeated, and retired to Granada. In Leon they remained some time recruiting their forces, before venturing to attack Granada, which is the great stronghold of the government party.

The system adopted of recruiting is very simple indeed. A few soldiers with fixed bayonets are sent out to bring in fresh men, or, to use their own expressive term, to “catch” men. When the unfortunate recruit is “caught,” a musket is put in his hands, and he becomes a soldier. Soldiering is by no means a popular occupation: during a revolution, at the approach of forces of either party, the peace-loving natives, in order to escape being “caught,” and forced into the service, will remain hidden in the woods till they are nearly starved. The lower orders take but little interest in the revolutions, or in politics, and from troops raised in this way, of course very valorous deeds are not to be expected. They generally desert on the first opportunity; but, if they do not take their muskets with them, it is of little consequence, as other men are soon caught, and made to carry them. Sometimes, however, men become scarce, the able-bodied having emigrated to some more peaceful locality; in such a case one-half of a garrison is placed to keep guard over the other half, to prevent their running away.

There is consequently no mutual feeling of confidence between officers and men. During impending danger of an attack, the officers will keep their horses saddled all night, and sleep with their spurs on, ready to cut and run at a moment’s notice, and leave their men to take care of themselves. The men, in their turn, when led into battle, will turn round and desert their officers at the most critical moment. There are exceptions, of course; and during the late revolution, many, both officers and men, fought well and bravely; none more so than the late President Chamorro.

While the Democrats were recruiting in Leon, Chamorro was busy collecting his forces in Granada, and preparing to stand a siege.

In all these Spanish towns is a large public square called the Plaza, in which are generally the principal church, the barracks, and other public buildings. The Plaza, in case of war, becomes the citadel, the streets leading into it being all barricaded, and cannon planted so as to command the approaches. Chamorro enclosed within his barricades the Plaza, and a considerable portion of the city immediately surrounding it. The streets being narrow, barricades were soon made of logs of wood and “adobes,” a sort of sun-dried bricks, of which the houses are built.

Double and triple barricades of this sort, eight or ten feet high, presented a very effectual resistance to anything which the enemy had to bring against them. The Democrats soon made their appearance, and taking possession of all that part of the city not enclosed in the barricades, they fixed their head-quarters in an elevated situation, from which they could pop their cannon balls into any part of the Plaza.

Neither party were well provided with artillery. They had each three or four guns, twelve and twenty-four pounders, with which they blazed away at each other for nearly a year, and between them managed to lay about three-fourths of the city in ruins.

The city was never completely invested, and occasional skrimmages between small parties of the opposing forces took place outside the town, but nothing worthy the name of an assault was ever attempted. The Democrats soon became masters of the entire country, with the exception of the besieged portion of the city of Granada occupied by Chamorro and his party, the Legitimists, as they called themselves.

When a small detachment of the Democratic army marched upon Rivas, the only town of importance in the part of the country through which the Transit road passes, the inhabitants, being mostly in favour of the Chamorro government, fled en masse, taking with them all their valuables and movable property, to the neighbouring state of Costa Rica, the frontier of which is within twenty miles.

The few who had the courage to remain were not molested, but the Democrats appropriated to their own use as barracks, &c., whatever private houses suited their convenience, and commenced levying contributions on the inhabitants; but as they had fled, and were not present to respond to the call, their property was advertised for sale, their stores broken open, their goods sold, and sundry other forcible measures taken to raise funds.

The mode of financing in time of revolution is equally simple with that of recruiting.

When a contribution, as they call it, is levied on a town, the principal inhabitants are assessed arbitrarily by the officers in command for as much as each is supposed to be able to pay. The unfortunate victims have then to fork out the dollars; there is no help for them. If they refuse, or plead poverty, they are perhaps imprisoned and kept on low diet: a few days of this treatment has a wonderful effect on the memory, and frequently enables a man to remember where he has buried his cash, or to discover some means of raising the needful, to be handed over for the support of the party, to which probably he may be opposed. When his own party come in to power again, they will make him disgorge to double the amount by way of punishment. For these forced loans he may get some sort of debenture, worth about as much as the paper it is written on. In such times the people are afraid to let it be supposed that they have any money at all; they feign poverty, burying their money secretly, and the houses of foreign residents are lumbered up with all sorts of chests and boxes, sent there stealthily by the unfortunate natives, in order to keep them safe from the rapacity of their countrymen.

The Democrats from the first were eager to obtain the good-will of the American residents; and as they professed to be fighting in the cause of liberty and progress, against tyranny and old-fogeyism, they succeeded in enlisting a dozen or so of Americans in San Juan del Sur and Virgin Bay. The latter place is a small village on the lake, where the passengers by the Transit route embark on the steamers. They paid these men about a hundred dollars per month, gave them commissions as colonels and captains, and sent them to Granada to pepper the Chamorro party with their rifles.

With the aid of some Americans, they also took possession of San Carlos, which is an old fort situated at the point where the lake debouches into the river San Juan. It is a position of great importance, as it commands the entrance into the lake, by which is the only communication between the interior of the country and the Atlantic. They also occupied an old Spanish fort about fifty miles down the river, called Castillo, where there are a few hotels kept by Americans for the accommodation of passengers by the Transit route.

In Leon, the head-quarters of the Democrats, they proclaimed their government, declaring Castillon president. They appointed all the necessary government functionaries throughout the State, and in fact were the virtual government of the country.

The Legitimists remained in a state of siege in Granada, and would have had to surrender for want of ammunition, had they not succeeded in retaking San Carlos from the Democrats, and thereby opening their communication with the Atlantic; they then procured a large supply of powder and shot from Jamaica.

During the siege the besieging army of Democrats numbered about fifteen hundred, while the Legitimists did not number more than a thousand.

The Democrats were assisted by the state of Honduras to the extent of two hundred men; and the Legitimists were long in negotiation with the government of Guatemala, which was favourable to their cause, but they did not succeed in getting any material aid from that State.

After ten months’ vain endeavour to take the Plaza of Granada, the Democrats, last February, broke up their camp, and retired to Leon. At a town called Masaya, about half-way from Granada, they were overtaken and attacked by the opposite party. A bloody fight ensued—the thickest of it took place in the church, in which some three hundred men were killed.

The Granada party now regained possession of the southern part of the State, while the Democrats continued to hold Leon and all the northern portion.

During the time that the Transit route had been held by the Democrats, they had been most active in their endeavours to enlist Americans in their cause. Cash was scarce, but their offers of lands to those who would join them were very liberal; and it soon became known, both in Nicaragua and in California, that a negotiation had been concluded between Colonel Walker in San Francisco, through his agent in Nicaragua, and the Democratic government, whereby large tracts of land were granted to him, and other privileges guaranteed to him, on condition of his coming down with a certain number of men to serve in the Democratic army.

This Colonel Walker had already distinguished himself as the most daring filibuster of the day. In the month of October 1853, he was the leader of an expedition which sailed from San Francisco, with the intention of taking possession of Sonora, a northern state of Mexico, adjoining California. He landed at a small place on the coast, with some fifty or sixty men, where he met but little resistance. He proclaimed himself president, and appointed each one of his party to some high office of state. He very soon, however, had to evacuate the premises, and escaped to California, with but a small portion of his original band; and on his arrival in San Francisco, was tried for a violation of the neutrality laws: he conducted his own defence, and of course was acquitted. The people of California are not disposed to judge very harshly of such an enterprise, and from the larger portion of the community he met with more sympathy than condemnation.

It was so publicly known in San Francisco that Walker was fitting out his Nicaraguan expedition, that the authorities were of course compelled to interfere. Their endeavours to stop the sailing of his brig, however, were not very effectual, as Walker, having embarked all his small party of fifty-six men, managed to get under weigh during the night.

In the month of May they arrived in the port of Realejo, and marched to Leon to join the head-quarters of the Democratic army.

The Legitimists were now in a perpetual state of consternation: during the siege of Granada they had learned to appreciate the efficacy of an American rifle in American hands; and in their frightened imaginations, Walker’s modest force of fifty-six men was augmented to 500. They made active preparations, however, to give him a warm reception: proclamations were issued with the object of rousing the patriotism of the people, calling on all to be ready to take up arms to save the independence of the country, and ordering all the inhabitants, on the approach of Walker, to retire to the nearest garrison. However, excepting among the political leaders of the party, and those compromised with them in the revolution, the prospect of Americans gaining the ascendancy in the country seemed to be regarded with indifference. Indeed, many of the upper classes, tired of their constant revolutions, and the ruin and misery attendant upon them, longed secretly for the presence of any foreign influence which should guarantee peace in the country.

The first active service in which Walker and his men were engaged was in an expedition which was formed by the Democrats to recapture the town of Rivas. About the end of June, the expeditionary force, consisting of Walker’s party, and two hundred native troops under the immediate command of their own officers, embarked at Realejo in two or three small vessels, and landing in the neighbourhood of San Juan del Sur, marched across the country upon the town of Rivas, distant about twenty-five miles.

The people of Rivas, when the Legitimists retook the town in February, had returned from their voluntary exile in Costa Rica; and feeling, no doubt, ashamed of the inglorious way in which, a year before, they abandoned their town to the Democrats without ever firing a shot, they roused themselves now to make a stout resistance, their spies having given them ample warning of the enemy’s approach.

When the Democrats arrived, and the fight began, Walker was most shamefully deserted by the whole of the native troops, and he found himself, with his fifty-six Americans, opposed to a force of about four hundred.

His party, however, had taken up their position in a house, from which their rifles dealt sudden death most profusely—all the natives killed were hit in the head; but at last they expended their ammunition, and the Legitimists setting fire to the house, they were obliged to cut their way through them, and retired to San Juan del Sur, which place they reached unmolested, the natives not caring to follow them.

The loss on Walker’s side, in this affair, was six men killed; while the Legitimists lost about seventy.

At San Juan del Sur they found a small schooner to take them back to Realejo; and before sailing, Walker performed an act of summary justice, which raised him highly in the opinion of many people in the country. He and his men had all embarked quietly in the evening on board the schooner, which was lying in the harbour, and were waiting till morning for a breeze, when, about midnight, two Americans, who did not belong to Walker’s party, and were well known to be bad and desperate characters, set fire to a large wooden building which was used as a barrack: their object was to burn the town, and take the opportunity of the confusion to rob and plunder the inhabitants, expecting, no doubt, that Walker’s party would join them.

They made a great mistake, however; for, on going on board Walker’s vessel, and boasting of what they had done, he immediately arrested them, and as there were no authorities ashore to whom he could hand them over, he had them tried by a court-martial at once, by which they were sentenced to be shot. One was shot while endeavouring to make his escape in a boat; the other was taken ashore to be shot, where, in the darkness of the night, he managed to escape from his guards.

About a month before this time General Chamorro died of an illness, under which he had been for some months gradually sinking. He was succeeded as General-in-chief of the Legitimist party by General Corral, who had already been actually in command for some time.

Walker did not attempt another descent on that part of the country till the month of August, when he landed at San Juan del Sur with about seventy-five Americans and two hundred native troops. There he met with no opposition, the forces of the Legitimists being all concentrated in the town of Rivas. He shortly marched to the village of Virgin Bay on the Lake: while there he was attacked by a vastly superior force of Legitimists under General Guardiola. The fight lasted several hours, but Walker succeeded in driving them back to Rivas with considerable loss. The casualties on his side were, two Americans wounded and half-a-dozen natives killed. After this he again returned to San Juan del Sur, where he remained quietly receiving reinforcements from California, and enlisting from the passengers passing through the country.

Virgin Bay and San Juan del Sur are two small villages, called into existence by the establishment of the Transit route. They form the termini of the land travel, and are composed principally of American hotels for the accommodation of passengers; the requirements of the Transit route also furnish employment to a small number of Americans at these two points.

About the middle of October, Walker—now holding a regular commission as Commander-in-chief of the Democratic army, and having gradually augmented the number of Americans under his command to two hundred, and having a force of two hundred and fifty native troops—proceeded to Virgin Bay, and, taking possession of one of the Transit Company’s steamers, he embarked his whole force. After a few hours’ passage he landed his troops about two miles from Granada, and marched directly on that stronghold of the Legitimists. General Corral, the Commander-in-chief, was in Rivas with the greater part of his forces, expecting that Walker would make that the first point of attack. The garrison in Granada were completely taken by surprise, and, after firing but a few shots, Walker had full possession of the city. The inhabitants were at first greatly alarmed, expecting that the Democrats would commit all sorts of excesses; but Walker quickly issued a proclamation, promising protection to person and property. As the people found that he maintained such strict discipline among his troops as to be able to keep his word, tranquillity was soon restored; and no doubt favourable comparisons were drawn between the order and quiet which prevailed on the taking of their city by the Democrats under Walker, and the scenes of plunder and excess which had ensued on such occasions in their former revolutions.

During the months of July and August, the country had been visited by cholera in its most deadly form. Many small villages, Virgin Bay and San Juan del Sur among the number, were almost depopulated. In the town of Masaya, with a population of about ten thousand, nearly one-third of the number perished. Castillon, the Democratic president in Leon, fell a victim to the disease; and Walker, being General-in-chief, was now at the head of the party. He was offered the Presidency, which he judiciously declined, retaining his more effective office of General-in-chief.

The Commander-in-chief of the Legitimist party, General Corral, being at Rivas with his forces, it was proposed to offer him terms, as it must have been evident to him that his cause was now hopeless. Colonel Wheeler, the United States Minister resident in Nicaragua, was induced, at the urgent solicitation of the people of Granada, to undertake the duty of negotiating terms, assisted by Don Juan Ruiz, a man of great influence in the Rivas department.

On their arrival in Rivas, in pursuit of their pacific object, Colonel Wheeler very soon found himself a prisoner in the hands of the Legitimists. Some days afterwards, his non-appearance causing alarm to his friends of the other party, a schooner was despatched to make a demonstration before Rivas, which is situated about a mile from the shore of the Lake. After a few guns had been fired, the Legitimists took the hint, and set Colonel Wheeler at liberty.

A negotiation was afterwards entered into, which resulted in a treaty of peace being agreed upon, and signed by Walker and Corral, as the representatives of their respective parties.

By this treaty, which was concluded towards the end of October, it was agreed that the two governments which had existed in the country since the commencement of the revolution, should cease. Don Patricio Rivas was declared provisional President for fourteen months, and General Walker was acknowledged General-in-chief of the army, who, with four ministers to be appointed by the President, were to form the government.

According to the stipulations of the treaty, General Corral, a day or two afterwards, entered the city of Granada with his troops, and was received by Walker. The two generals then went through an imposing ceremony of solemnly ratifying the treaty in church. A Te Deum was sung, the Legitimist troops were joined to the Democrats, and became one army under command of Walker, and the following government was proclaimed:—

Don Patricio Rivas, President.

General Wm. Walker, Commander-in-Chief.

General Maximo Xeres, Minister of State.

General Ponciano Corral, Minister of War.

Col. Parker H. French, Minister of the Hacienda.

Don Fermin Ferrer, Minister of Public Credit.

Although the Democrats had gained the day, the new government was composed of men of both parties.

Rivas the President is a gentleman much esteemed and respected; he is the head of an influential family, who have always been opposed to the Democratic party. For some years he has been collector of customs at San Carlos.

General Walker, commander-in-chief, filled the same office in the Democratic government.

General Maximo Xeres, minister of state, was Walker’s predecessor in command of the Democratic army, he and Corral, the new minister of war, having been the generals of the two hostile armies during the greater part of the revolution.

Colonel Parker H. French, minister of the Hacienda, is an American who distinguished himself some years ago in the intestine wars in Mexico, and has latterly been conducting a newspaper in California.

Don Fermin Ferrer, minister of public credit, is a wealthy citizen of Granada, who took no active part in the late revolution.

A very few days after General Corral had so solemnly ratified the treaty, letters were intercepted, written by him to some other leaders of the old Legitimist party, from which it was evident that he was conspiring with them to upset the government, of which he had just become a member. He was immediately tried by court-martial for treason; and being found guilty, he was sentenced to be shot next day. With his party he was immensely popular, and during the revolution had displayed great ability as a military leader; but the evidences of his treachery admitted of no doubt, and he was shot according to his sentence, in the Plaza of Granada, in presence of the whole army. His summary execution will no doubt have a beneficial influence on the people, by inculcating on them the necessity of acting with sincerity, in whatever obligations they come under.

The new government was now formally acknowledged by Colonel Wheeler, the American minister, the only foreign minister resident in the State. The president was also visited by the captain of the United States sloop of war Massachusetts, then lying in the harbour of San Juan del Sur.

The natural consequences of a restoration of peace, after a year and a half of revolution, were soon manifested in the return of many of the inhabitants, who had absented themselves, to avoid the horrors of civil war, and in the impulse given to all peaceful pursuits.

The power of the press is such an acknowledged fact in the United States, and the establishment of a newspaper follows so closely on the advance of civilisation, that wherever half-a-dozen Americans are settled together in the backwoods, one of them is sure to publish a newspaper for the edification of the rest.

So in Granada one of the first things the Americans did was to bring out a weekly paper, called “El Nicaraguense”—“the Nicaraguan,” half English, half Spanish. It is a very respectable sheet, with a good deal of its space devoted to the enlightenment of the public regarding the natural advantages of the country, its fertility, its delightful climate and great mineral wealth. The only thing in the shape of a newspaper hitherto known in Nicaragua, had been a mere Government Gazette, published once a-month or so.

The State of Costa Rica, adjoining Nicaragua on the south, is the most flourishing of all the Central American States. It has been for many years free from revolution, and the people are comparatively thrifty and industrious. The finances of the State are in a good condition, and in military matters it is far in advance of Nicaragua, having a well-organised militia of 4000 or 5000 men. A certain proportion of the troops are armed with the Minié rifle, and they are well provided with artillery. There are great numbers of Germans in the country, many of them in the employment of Government, and it is to them that the people are indebted for the effective state of their army. The principal production of the country is coffee, of which the export is large, the greater part being sent to England. The Government were in great consternation at the success of the Walker party in Nicaragua, thinking, no doubt, that their turn would soon come. They made active preparations to resist invasion, but it is not likely that they will attempt to act on the offensive.

Honduras, which adjoins Nicaragua on the north, was favourable to the Democratic party, and has acknowledged the Americo-Nicaraguan Government. The president of that State lately visited Walker in Granada; and as Honduras is threatened with a renewal of hostilities by Guatemala, Walker is about to assist the former State with a portion of his American forces. The fact of Walker taking half of his force from Nicaragua to the assistance of a neighbouring State, is a convincing proof of his confidence in the security of the position which he has attained. In Honduras, of course, the same game will be played as in Nicaragua. In fighting for the people, the Americans will gain the ascendancy over them, and will keep it.

Guatemala, which lies to the north of Honduras, is the largest and most important of the Central American States, and is also the most hostile to American influence.

But whatever be the feelings of the other States towards Americans, it is not to be supposed that, having gained the foothold they have in Central America, they can be restrained by the weak and indolent people by which they are surrounded from extending their dominion. In whatever way they may come into contact, whether in war, diplomacy, or peaceful competition in mercantile and industrial pursuits, the superior boldness, energy, and perseverance of the Anglo-Saxon character is sure to assert its supremacy.

The spirit of filibusterism is not confined to any particular class of the American community. Among the small party with which Walker originally sailed from San Francisco were several lawyers and doctors, and others holding a respectable position. General Walker himself is of a respectable family in Alabama. He is about forty years of age, and is a man of superior education, the greater part of which he received in Europe. He originally studied medicine, but afterwards became a member of the legal profession. For some years he conducted a newspaper in New Orleans; but when the California excitement broke out, he went to that country, and for some time edited a journal in San Francisco, and has latterly been practising his profession in Marysville, a city of some importance in the northern part of California.

In personal appearance he is not at all what one would suppose such a daring and successful filibuster to be, being an exceedingly quiet man, with a mild expression of face, and very decidedly Saxon features. His followers hold him in the utmost esteem and admiration; and his conduct, since his accession to power in Nicaragua, has been such as to inspire with confidence in his judgment and abilities many influential theoretical filibusters in California, who are not likely to allow the present flattering prospect of the realisation of their ideas to be lost for want of support.

He has been receiving continual accessions to his force, and now the Americans in Nicaragua under his command amount to upwards of 900 men.

The following article from the San Francisco Herald of the 6th October gives a very good idea of the popular feeling in favour of Walker, even before the achievement of his success in Granada had become known. The inefficiency of the executive to repress such a wholesale shipment of recruits and arms is also remarkable:—

“The Departure of the Walker Reinforcements from San Francisco.

“Exciting Scenes along the Wharves—Ineffectual Attempt of a Party to board the Steamer in a Sailing Vessel—Three Hundred Stand of Arms for Walker’s Army—Proceeding in the Twelfth District Court—The Sheriff’s Party too late—Incidents, &c.

“The current rumours of the past week relative to the number of adventurers who intended to embark on the steamer Uncle Sam, to join Walker at Nicaragua, served to attract a large crowd in the vicinity of the steamer on the occasion of her departure yesterday. The vessel was advertised to sail at 9 o’clock A. M., and long before that hour Jackson Street wharf was filled with spectators and those interested in the embarkation of the Expeditionists. It is stated that nearly four hundred through passage tickets were sold before the appointed sailing hour, but, as will be seen, various circumstances compelled the agent of the line to postpone the steamer’s departure until four o’clock P. M. Officers were stationed in every part of the vessel, with positive orders to allow no one on board unless provided with a passage ticket. There seemed to be no disposition to infringe this order, and everything went on quietly until about noon, when it was discovered that some of the passengers were in possession of arms belonging to the ‘San Francisco Blues’ military corps. A search-warrant was immediately procured, and twenty-nine muskets, identified by members of the company named, were recovered. The warrant was executed by a single officer of the police, who received no molestation, but was permitted to make a thorough search of every quarter of the vessel. During this investigation two large crockery crates, full of arms, were discovered, but as the officer had no authority to seize upon these, they were left undisturbed, although information of the fact was immediately given to the Quartermaster, General Kibbe of the State militia, who soon after ascertained, by means of the telegraph wires, that the armoury of the Sacramento rifle company had been entirely divested of every weapon and round of ammunition. General Kibbe at once commenced suit in the Twelfth District Court to recover the arms belonging to the State, on board the Uncle Sam. The business of the suit was despatched with all possible haste; but before the necessary documents could be procured and placed in the hands of the sheriff, the hour had arrived for the sailing of the steamer. As the lines holding the vessel to the wharf were cast adrift, there was some indication of trouble between the officers of the vessel and those on the wharf anxious to obtain passage. The wharf was densely packed with men, and at the first move of the steamer’s paddles, a general rush was made to board her. The officers of the boat resisted, and the body of the crowd was driven back, at the imminent risk of their being crushed between the vessel and the wharf, or launched overboard. The scene was frightful, indeed; but fortunately, and singularly enough, no one sustained serious injury, as far as could be ascertained. About fifteen or twenty succeeded in getting on board, and the vessel shot out into the stream, where she came to, evidently with the view of compelling those to return on shore who had succeeded in boarding the vessel by force. By this time the expeditionists, to the number of three hundred, had chartered a large schooner lying convenient to the wharf. This movement was seen on board the steamer, and as the schooner spread her canvass, the steamer’s paddles were again put in motion; but she had not proceeded far when she again lay-to. The schooner was now under full headway with a fine breeze, and tacking quickly, she came up under the lee of the steamer, when she was ordered to keep off, and at the same time the steamer commenced moving ahead. It was now beyond the power of the schooner to work up to the position of the steamer until the latter would have sufficient time to send the intruders ashore and get under way again. Still the schooner persevered, and stood off for another tack. In the meantime a posse of Sheriff’s officers, headed by Mr Dowdigan, with the writ of restitution, had procured a rowboat for the purpose of boarding the steamer. This they were unable to accomplish, as the steamer got under way just as the Sheriff’s boat reached her side. The schooner was at this time within a few cables’ length of the steamer, but, coming up under the lee of Telegraph Hill, the breeze died away, and all thought of boarding was at once abandoned, as the steamer was by this time under a full head of steam, with her bows directed seaward. The schooner landed the disappointed expeditionists at Jackson Street wharf; and a large number of ships’ launches and other small craft filled with men who evidently intended to take the first opportunity to board the steamer, put back to the shore. It would be useless to attempt a description of the scenes along the wharves. From Jackson Street to North Point, every place of observation was crowded with eager spectators of the movements of the two vessels. It seemed to be the universal impression that the schooner load would be permitted to board, as it was rumoured that they had obtained passage tickets by some means just as the steamer left the wharf. No foundation for this rumour could be ascertained, and it was undoubtedly erroneous. The city Marshal, with several policemen, remained on the steamer until she was fully under way. Among the number who attempted to board in small boats, was a man named Henry Gray, who strenuously persisted in his endeavours to board the steamer, although forcibly resisted by officer Connelly. At last Gray drew a revolver and pointed it at the officer, who also drew his pistol, when the boatmen in the boat with Gray covered his person with their own. Gray was subsequently arrested by the police and placed in confinement. It is generally believed that the Uncle Sam carried away about three hundred stand of arms for the use of Walker’s army. It is known that a large quantity of arms and ammunition had been purchased in this city to be sent to San Juan by this steamer. Just previous to the sailing of the steamer it was ascertained that a number of percussion lock muskets, belonging to the Manhattan Fire Company of this city, were taken from the engine-house during the night. The rifles taken from the Sacramento military company are said to be excellent weapons, and they will, undoubtedly, be a valuable acquisition to the armament of the Nicaragua republican troops. Many of those who failed to procure passage on the steamer yesterday had placed their baggage on board. This baggage will unquestionably be landed at San Juan, and kept for them by their more fortunate comrades until such time as they shall be successful in their endeavours to join Walker.”—San Francisco Herald, Oct. 6.

This is the way they do things in California, affording a striking contrast to the very imposing demonstration made in New York about two months ago in support of the neutrality laws.

Shortly after the formation of the Walker government in Granada, a decree was issued, granting two hundred and fifty acres of land to every emigrant who would come and settle on and improve his grant; and in consequence of advertisements to that effect, inserted by the Nicaraguan government in the New York papers, great numbers of men intended sailing for that country in the regular steamer of the Nicaragua Transit Company.

Proclamations were issued by President Pierce, warning the citizens not to violate the neutrality laws; and when the steamer was on the point of leaving the wharf, the government officers made an attempt to arrest her. The captain, however, disregarded them, and got under way, but was brought up, while steaming down the harbour, by two or three shots from a man-of-war. The steamer was searched, but no evidence of the violation of the laws was found on board of her. The company, however, requested the assistance of the government officers in putting ashore about two hundred men who had not paid their passage. This was done, and the steamer went on her way, carrying two or three officers of government to see whether, on using up the coal, some cannon might not be found at the bottom of the coal-bunkers.

At this time, also, Colonel French, who had resigned his seat in the Walker cabinet as minister of the Hacienda, presented himself at Washington as minister-plenipotentiary from the State of Nicaragua; but the American Government refused to receive him. Colonel Wheeler, the American minister in Nicaragua, had already formally acknowledged the Walker government immediately on its formation, and as he visited Washington in the month of July, it is hardly to be supposed that he returned to his duties in Nicaragua, without acquainting himself with the views of his Government on the course to be pursued in event of the success of the Americans in that State. But Colonel Walker had already so firmly established himself in Nicaragua that any want of countenance from the American government could not weaken his position; the President’s message also was soon about to appear, and too cordial an acknowledgment of the Americans in Nicaragua would not have been consistent with the tone observed in that document in regard to the enforcement of the Clayton-Bulwer treaty.

The Mosquito protectorate question is being practically settled by the Mosquitians themselves. Mosquitia is a strip of land on the Atlantic coast, part of which has always been claimed by Nicaragua, and which, from its geographical position, seems naturally to belong to her. Since the establishment of peace in that country, the government have sent commissioners among the Mosquito Indians in the neighbouring parts of Mosquitia. The natives are reported to have expressed great dissatisfaction at the exactions of the king, and to have declared their readiness to come under Nicaragua. So the Mosquito kingdom seems likely to revert to Nicaragua, the State to which it originally belonged.

The success which has attended Walker’s enterprise offers a strong contrast to the failure of that which, for the attainment of a similar end, was originated in New York towards the end of the year 1854.

A company was started under the name of the Central American Land Colonisation Company, or some such name. The ostensible object was the colonisation and cultivation of the Mosquito territory, more especially a certain portion known as the “Sheppard Grant,” a large tract of land acquired by a Mr Sheppard from the King of Mosquitia. A certain Colonel Kinney took a prominent part in the organisation of the Company, which was supported by many capitalists in New York and other cities of the Union. The government also professed to be favourable to the scheme, and preparations were commenced on a large scale for carrying it out. A great deal was said about the promotion of agriculture on the Mosquito coast; but it was pretty generally understood by the public, that the real object in view was to filibuster the State of Nicaragua, or at all events to establish a depôt in that part of the world, from which, when all should be ready, a descent upon Cuba might be conveniently made.

At the remonstrances of the Nicaraguan minister in Washington, the administration were compelled to open their eyes to the true nature of the expedition.

A great fuss was then made; proclamations were issued, warning the people not to take part in the hostile invasion of a friendly State; a large steamer, chartered by Colonel Kinney, and all ready to take down several hundred agriculturists to cultivate the pestiferous swamps of the King of Mosquitia, was seized by the authorities; several men of war were stationed in New York harbour to watch her, and Colonel Kinney himself was arrested and held to bail.

Many of the supporters of the enterprise now withdrew; but Kinney was not to be deterred; and as he could not go in his steamer with several hundred followers, he modestly started, about the month of May, in a small schooner, with a couple of dozen men. He was wrecked somewhere about the West Indies, and was finally brought into Greytown, his original destination, by an English brig, which had picked him and his party off the rocks.

About this time the Accessory Transit Company of Nicaragua raised a little army in New York, on their own account, of fifty men, principally French and German. These they sent down in one of their steamers to Nicaragua, and stationed at Castillo, on the San Juan River, there to stop the advance of foreign invaders. This is the French legion referred to in the treaty of peace.

It was given out that Kinney and his small party were only the pioneers; that reinforcements were coming from New Orleans and other ports, but they have never yet made their appearance; and Kinney and his men still remain in Greytown, where, with the exception of starting a newspaper, they have as yet done nothing.

This Walker business in Nicaragua has been much more cleverly managed. The Americans in that country appear in the light of men who have gone there at the request of a party which constituted the majority of the people. They became citizens of the State, fought for it, and have risen to power.

The United States have themselves been to a certain extent filibustered in the same way. The Irish party has of late become so formidable, that the native Americans have had to form a league to counteract the Irish influence; and even if the American Government were opposed to the present movement in Nicaragua, they cannot prevent individual citizens from emigrating to, and becoming citizens of, that State.

It cannot be doubted that the advantages to Nicaragua, in consequence of the introduction of American influence, will be very great.

The constant fear of revolution being removed, the people will have more confidence in carrying on agricultural and commercial undertakings. The Americans will do away with all the antiquated absurdities of Spanish law, and amend a ridiculous old tariff, whereby many of the commonest articles of civilised life have been virtually prohibited; foreign capital will be freely employed in the cultivation of sugar, rice, tobacco, indigo, and other valuable crops, in the production of which Nicaragua can compete with any country in the world; and the resources of the mining districts will be developed by energetic and experienced miners from California.

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