Chapter III · THE GERMAN MIND, SELF-DEPICTED (continued 2)

M. Max's Denial.

The most interesting example of lying by placard is undoubtedly that which was revealed by the burgomaster of Brussels. On the 30th August one might read, on the walls of the capital, a notice in which M. Max gave the lie to a placard posted at Liége. This is it:—

City of Brussels.

The German governor of the city of Liége, Lieutenant-General von Kolewe, yesterday had the following notice exposed:—

To the Inhabitants of the City of Liége.

"The burgomaster of Brussels has informed the German commandant that the French Government has declared to the Belgian Government the impossibility of assisting it offensively in any way, as it is itself forced to assume the defensive."

To this assertion I oppose the most positive denial.

The Burgomaster, Adolphe Max.

Brussels, 30th August, 1914.

Since their burgomaster declared the assertion to be false, no doubt could remain in the minds of the people of Brussels. But, curiously enough, beside M. Max's placard there remained a German placard, which had been posted two days earlier, and in which it was stated:—

On the 25th inst. the official French newspapers published a communication from the French Government stating that the French armies being forced to assume the defensive would no longer be in a position to assist Belgium in the matter of a military offensive.

Brussels, 23rd August, 1914.

The only serious difference between the two texts was that at Liége the burgomaster of Brussels guaranteed the truth of the communiqué. So the impression was given that it was Herr von Kolewe who had the idea of bringing M. Max's name into this ridiculous statement, in the hope of giving it some weight. But no! Von Kolewe was innocent of the forgery; it was the work of the German General Staff, and was distributed by the Wolff Agency, as we learned a little later. The Liége communiqué is precisely the official German telegram as published everywhere—for example, in Les Nouvelles, "published by the authorization of the German Military Authority," at Spa, on the 30th August, 1914; by the N.R.C., on the 28th August; by the K.Z. (see Kriegs-Depeschen, p. 41); and by the Frankfurter Zeitung (see Der Grosse Krieg, p. 172).

What, then, is the meaning of the first telegram posted in Brussels—that of the 25th August, in which no mention of the burgomaster occurs? Simply this: the German Government was announcing to the whole world an item of "news" whose improbability required to be supported by the word of an honest man, such as the burgomaster of Brussels. A lie so gross and flagrant might be published at Liége, but not in Brussels itself. Unfortunately the Germans had not succeeded in cutting off communication between Liége and Brussels; on the day after its appearance the Liége placard had reached M. Max, and he was able to issue his famous denial. The effect was tremendous. From that moment the people of Brussels no longer believed any "official news."[36] Did the Germans make any attempt to reply to the denial? None: why attempt the impossible? But they prohibited, with their usual heaviness, the publication of any placards, even by the municipality.

Important Notice.

The publication of placards, unless they have received my special permission, is strictly prohibited, those of the municipality of the city being included.

(Signed) von Lüttwitz, General.

Translated into the vulgar tongue this means: "When we Germans lie we do not wish attention called to the fact."

How the Officers Lie to their Men.

Hitherto we have considered only those German lies which were addressed to the Belgians. But there are better lies than these: they lie to their own troops. At the outset of the invasion of Belgium the German soldiers were led to believe that they were already in France, quite close to Paris, even in October and November 1914. Germans in cantonments near Roulers, in Flanders, believed that they were only eight miles from Paris, and they used to ask the correspondent of the Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant to show them "a place they could see the Eiffel Tower from." This, it may be said, proves that in all armies there are soldiers of small intelligence, even in the German Army. No: it proves that in this latter army the officers lie with method. You may judge. The soldiers tended in the hospital of the Palais de Justice in Brussels used to date their letters "Paris"; and it was by order of their superior officers that they deceived their families. The official journal, Deutsche Soldatenpost, in its issue for the 16th October, 1914, contains a little poem entitled "Hindenburg," whose third stanza commences:

This, be it noted, on the 16th October, more than a month after the battle of the Marne. About the same time a soldier in Antwerp learned from his officers that if the German army had not yet entered Paris it was merely to avoid the plague, which was raging there (N.R.C., 20th October, 1914, morning).

After that, who can doubt that systematic lying forms part of the duties of an officer towards his men?

2. Perseverance in Falsehood.

Nothing is left to chance in the campaign of lies any more than in the military campaign proper. The Great General Staff organizes everything with the same care—the attacks of "francs-tireurs," the benzine syringes, the pastilles of fulminating cotton employed in the rapid starting of conflagrations—just as it organizes the manœuvres of the Press intended to direct the mentality of the troops towards a policy of pitiless repression.

They even try to educate (which means, to pervert the minds of) the prisoners of war in their concentration camps. Thus in No. 5 of La Guerre, a journal especially intended for prisoners of war (published the 10th March, 1915), a passage is reproduced from the "Records of the War," by Houston Stewart Chamberlain. Here is an extract: "Finally, one should read the notices on the detestable attitude of the civil population of Belgium, of both sexes, in the present war: notices officially confirmed and attested in writing by several priests: according to which the populace, behaving a hundred times worse than ferocious beasts, have horribly mutilated and gouged out the eyes of poor wounded German soldiers, afterwards slowly stifling them by pouring sawdust into their nose and mouth."

It will perhaps be objected that those who write of such things are blinded by the militarist spirit; that they have, like everybody in Germany, abolished in themselves the critical faculty; and that they do not even dream of disputing the statements of the official journals; in short, that they do not, properly speaking, lie, because they are sincere. But can they really be sincere? Could they, on the 10th March, pretend that they still believed that the Belgians gouge out the eyes of wounded men and choke them to death with sawdust when Vorwärts had succeeded in getting at the truth, and had been protesting against these lies since the month of January? Besides, the Germans know their own "reptile" Press, and they ought to realize that their newspapers do not merit credence, least of all in time of war.

But even if we absolve these writers of the crime of lying, to accuse them of nothing worse than inconceivable credulity, we cannot on any pretext extend the same indulgence to those who are incontestably in a position to know the truth. To cite only one example—is it not shameful that Baron von Bissing the younger should publish in April 1915, in the Süddeutsche Monatshefte, an article on Belgium in which he repeats the accusations against the "francs-tireurs," and the tales of Belgians mutilating the German wounded? And what are we to say of the reply made by the German Minister of War to Mlle. Leman according to which the German troops have never ill-treated priests (p. 72), nor touched the property of the Church? A visit to Bueken (near Louvain) gives the reply to this twofold assertion. In May 1915 one could still see, in the sacristy, the muniment chest which had contained the sacred vessels; it had been broken open by the Germans with the aid of a bell-clapper. As for the curé, M. De Clerck, we know what he suffered; he was shot after his ears and nose were cut off. With the curé his assistant was killed: Father Vincentius Sombroek, a conventual, born at Zaandam, in Holland.[37]

The picture-postcard has, of course, not been forgotten. The Germans had on sale in Brussels, for their soldiers, a coloured card of The Uhlans before Paris. It shows groups of German cavalrymen contemplating Paris and the Eiffel Tower. This card is published by R. and K., and bears the number 500.

This same firm fabricated some remarkable cards relating to the military operations in Belgium. No. 507 represents the bombardment of Antwerp. It shows the city in flames, seen from the Tête de Flandre, and it also shows guns installed in the same locality. Now the Germans never had guns on the left bank of the Scheldt. No. 502 shows the bombardment of Namur by means of guns firing from Jambes, which again is incorrect. These cards, it should be noted, were still being sold in June 1915; that is, when every one knew that these pictures were "faked."

The Germans' Treatment of Mgr. Mercier.

There are other examples of continuity of falsehood than those relating to violations of the Hague Convention and the Treaty of London (1839). For example, a long series of lies was directed against one single individual—Mgr. Mercier, Cardinal-Archbishop of Malines, Primate of Belgium.

The facts are so well known that there is no need of lengthy comment.

1. Mgr. Mercier went to Rome for the Conclave. We learned in Belgium, by a placard dated the 8th September, that the Cardinal was returning to his country "with a safe-conduct, passing through the German lines."

A lie.—The Cardinal never had any German safe-conduct. He returned to Belgium by way of Lyons, Paris, Havre (where he delivered a speech), London, and Holland.

2. During his stay in Rome the Cardinal made declarations very unfavourable to the Germans. A placard of the 12th September, 1914, assured us that he protested against the interview in the Corriere della Sera.

A lie.—The Corriere della Sera is a neutral journal (in the sense that the Belgian Le Soir is neutral), and the Germans wished to produce the impression that the Cardinal had been interviewed by a correspondent of this newspaper. Now he was interviewed by the editor of the Catholic journal, the Corriere d'Italia. This is merely one of the "errors" of Cardinal von Hartmann's rectification. The whole is in keeping with this; but it is too long to consider in detail.

3. Baron von der Goltz, at the moment of leaving Belgium, of which he had been Governor-General, thought fit to assert that he had come to an agreement with Mgr. Mercier as to the reopening of the courses in the University of Louvain (Le Réveil, 1st December, 1914).

A lie.—There was never any question of resuming these courses.

4. The Cardinal published his famous Pastoral Letter, which was sent to all the churches of his diocese, to be read from the pulpit. It recalled the present sufferings of the country, and adjured Belgians to "remain faithful to their king and their laws."

Directly the Germans, informed by their spies, knew of the existence of this pastoral letter they withdrew Cardinal Mercier's authorization to visit the other bishops in his motor-car. At the same time they forbade the curés to make the letter known to their parishioners; they even proceeded to seize the pamphlet in the presbyteries. Naturally the priests refused to obey the German injunctions, and the beginning of the mandamus was read from the pulpit on Sunday, the 3rd January, 1915. The Germans were furious, and forbade the curés to continue the reading of the letter; and, the more readily to obtain their submission, showed them a German declaration, signed by von Bissing, of which this is the translation:—

Brussels, 7th January, 1915.

To the Clergy of the Diocese of Malines.

As a result of my remarks, Cardinal Mercier of Malines has declared to me verbally and in writing that he had no intention of exciting or alarming the population by his pastoral letter, and he had not expected any such effect. That he had particularly insisted on the necessity of obedience on the part of the population towards the occupier, even if a patriot should inwardly feel in a state of opposition.

In case I should nevertheless fear an exciting effect, the Cardinal did not insist on requiring of his clergy the repeated reading of the pastoral letter on the succeeding Sundays, provided for in the conclusion of the letter, nor the distribution of the letter.

My hypothesis has proved correct.

I therefore repeat my prohibition of the 2nd January of this year, concerning the reading and the diffusion of the pastoral letter. I draw the attention of the clergy to this point—that they will be acting in contradiction to the written declaration of their Cardinal in disobeying his prohibition.

Baron von Bissing, Colonel-General. Governor-General in Belgium.

A lie.—This declaration is false. Mgr. Evrard, Dean of St. Gudule in Brussels, went to see Mgr. Mercier at Malines, and obtained proof of the falsehood. He at once warned all the curés of Brussels and the district of the manœuvre, and on Sunday, the 10th January, the reading of the letter was resumed.

Brussels, 9th January, 1915.

Monsieur le Curé,—

I have returned from Malines.

Despite the written prohibition received yesterday, His Eminence the Cardinal wishes his letter to be read. This written prohibition is cunning and spurious.

"Neither verbally, nor in writing, have I withdrawn anything, nor do I now withdraw anything of my previous instructions, and I protest against the violence done against the liberty of my pastoral ministry."

That is what the Cardinal dictated to me.

He added: "They have done everything to make me sign mitigations of my letter; I have not signed them. Now they seek to separate my clergy from me, by forbidding them to read it.

"I have done my duty; my clergy know if they will do theirs."

Accept, M. le Curé, the homage of all my respect.

(Signed) E. Evrard, Dean.

5. Baron von Bissing published in the newspapers a communiqué stating "that no hindrance of any kind had been put in the way of the exercise of the pastoral duties of the Cardinal-Archbishop."

A lie.—The Cardinal contradicted this assertion in a Latin letter addressed to his clergy.

Mechliniae, Dominica infra Octavam Epiphaniae.

Reverendi admodum Domini et Cooperatores dilectissimi,—

Habuistis, ut puto, prae oculis nuntium a Gubernio Generali Bruxellensi publicis ephemeridibus propalatum, quo declarabatur "Cardinalem Archiepiscopum Mechliniensem a munere suo ecclesiastico libere adimplendo nullatenus fuisse impeditum." Quod quam a veritate alienum sit, e factis elucet.

Milites enim, vespere diei primae Januarii necnon per totam noctem insequentem, domus presbyterales invaserunt, Litteras Pastorales e manibus parochorum vel arripuerunt vel arripere conati sunt frustra, easque ne populo fideli praelegeratis, etiam sub poenis gravissimis, vobis metipsis aut parochiae vestrae infligendis, auctoritate episcopali despecta, prohibuerunt.

Nec dignitati nostrae pepercere, Die namque secunda Januarii orto nondum sole, hora scilicet sexta, jusserunt me, die eadem matutina, coram Gubernatore Generali, epistolae meae ad clerum et populum rationem reddere; die autem postero, Laudibus Vespertinis in Ecclesia cathedrali Antverpiensi praeesse me vetuerunt; tandem, ne alios Belgii episcopos libere adeam, prohibent.

Jura vestra, Cooperatores dilectissimi, et mea, violata fuisse, civis, animarum pastor et Sacri Cardinalium Collegii sodalis, protestor.

Quidquid praedixerint alii, experientia nunc compertum est nullum ex epistola illa pastorali enatum esse seditionis periculum, sed eam potius animarum paci et publicae tranquillitati haud parum adjumento fuisse.

Vobis de officio fortiter et suaviter impleto gratulor, cui animo virili et pacifico, fideles estote memores verborum illorum quibus mentem meam plane et integre jam expressi: "Soyes à la fois et les meilleurs gardiens du patriotisme, et les soutiens de l'ordre public."

Caeterum, "Spiritu sitis ferventes, Domino servientes, spe gaudentes, in tribulatione patientes, orationi instantes, necessitatibus sanctorum communicantes."[38]

Ne mei, quaeso, obliviscamini in observationibus vestris, nec vestrum obliviscar; arcto fraternitatis vinculo conjuncti, unanimes Antistitem, clerum et populum fidelem commendemus Domino, "ut et quae agenda sunt, videant, et ad implenda quae viderint, convalescant."[39]

Vobis in Christo addictissimus, D. J. Card. Mercier, Archiepisc. Mechl.

Expostulatur à R^do admodum D^o Decano relatio de iis quae in parochiis decanatus evenerunt.

N.B.—Non desunt in dioecesi clerici qui vestibus laïcis ad tempus usi sunt. Jam nunc habitum clericalem resumant omnes.

(S.) D. J.

[Translation.]

Malines, The Sunday of the Octave of the Epiphany.

Very Reverend Gentlemen and well-beloved Colleagues,—

You have, I think, had sight of the message from the General Government of Brussels, published in the newspapers, in which it is declared that "the Cardinal Archbishop of Malines has in no manner been prevented in the free performance of his ecclesiastical office."

The facts will show that this assertion is contrary to the truth. As a matter of fact, on the evening of the 1st January, and during the whole of the night, soldiers entered the presbyteries and took from the priests, or vainly endeavoured to take, the pastoral letter, and, in contempt of episcopal authority, forbade you to read it to the assembled faithful, under the threat of extremely severe punishment which would be inflicted on yourselves or on your parish.

Even our dignity was not respected. For on the 2nd of January, before sunrise even, that is, at six o'clock, I was ordered to present myself on the morning of that same day before the Governor-General, to justify my letter to the clergy and the people; on the following day I was forbidden to preside at Benediction in the Cathedral of Antwerp; lastly, I was forbidden to visit the other Belgian bishops.

As a citizen, a pastor of souls, and a member of the Sacred College of Cardinals I protest that your rights, well-beloved brothers, and my own, have been infringed.

Whatever has been pretended, experience has proved that no danger of sedition has resulted from this pastoral letter, but rather that it contributed greatly to the peace and tranquillity of the public.

I congratulate you with having accomplished your duty firmly and harmoniously. Remain devoted to it with a manly and peaceable heart, recalling those words in which I have already fully and entirely expressed my thought: "Be at once the best guardians of patriotism and the supporters of public order."

Moreover: "Be fervent in spirit; serving the Lord; rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation; continuing instant in prayer; distributing to the necessities of the saints."[40]

Do not forget me, I beg you, in your supplications; neither will I forget you. All together, closely united by the bond of brotherhood, let us recommend the bishop, the clergy, and the faithful "that they may behold their duty and be strong to fulfil it."[41]

Yours very faithfully in Christ, D. J. Cardinal Mercier, Archbishop of Malines.

The Very Rev. the Deans are begged to report what has happened in the parishes of their Deanery.

N.B.—Members of the clergy have for a time worn civil clothing. Let all now resume their ecclesiastical clothing.

6. On Sunday, the 3rd January, 1915, the Cardinal did not go to Antwerp, as he had intended. The Germans announced in the newspapers—in L'Avenir (Antwerp), for example—that the Cardinal's absence was voluntary.

A lie.—They had forbidden Mgr. Mercier to leave Malines.

We have mentioned that while these things were happening the clergy continued to make the pastoral letter known in all the churches, except in those cases where the Germans had succeeded in subtracting the copies of the letter. But even there the reading of the letter was resumed after a brief interval, when fresh impressions of the letter had been printed and distributed all over the country. This propaganda was, of course, secret; an official communiqué published at Namur, on the 12th January, 1915, leaves no doubt as to that. It threatens the infliction of severe punishment on those who should distribute this document. To give some idea of the activity with which the pastoral letter was distributed throughout Belgium, we may mention that we know of twelve different editions in French and two in Flemish; there are, moreover, at least two typewritten editions. Each impression numbered thousands of copies; of one single edition the Germans seized 35,000 copies! We may add that a German translation also has appeared, but this is ad usum Germanorum. The interesting passages are suppressed.

The pastoral letter was not without results in Rome. The Belgian colony there organized a mass for the priests put to death in Belgium, a list of whom was given by the Cardinal. The organ of the Vatican, the Osservatore Romano, translated "put to death" by caduti, "fallen." This vague term might allow it to be supposed that the priests had fallen on the field of battle, not that they were assassinated by the German troops. The German newspapers were jubilant. The Kölnische Volkszeitung, one of the leading Catholic organs in Germany, edited by Herr Julius Bachem, published an article to show that the Holy See had not been duped by the tricks of the Belgians, and refused to credit the tale of priests put to death by the Germans (see Het Vaderland, 31st March, 1915, 2nd sheet, evening). The Düsseldorfer Anzeiger also contained a long and far-fetched article in its issue of the 29th January.

3. The Organization of Propaganda.

With the methodical spirit which they boast of possessing, the Germans have from the outset of the war created bureaux for the propagation of the "German idea" throughout the world. Some of these organizations of propaganda have for their province the neutral countries, among which, in the first rank, are the United States, the Scandinavian countries, Italy, Holland, and Switzerland. Others deal with the occupied countries, or enemy countries, through the intermediary of prisoners of war and civil prisoners. Finally, there are those that deal with Germany and her allies. If we add to the bureaux of propaganda situated in Germany, and operating thence, those established and operating in foreign countries, we shall begin to understand the power of expansion and penetration possessed by such instruments in the hands of unscrupulous people.

Again, we must reckon not only with the official or semi-official propaganda, devoid of the mercenary spirit, whose only object is the triumph of Germany. There are a number of publishing concerns which pursue the same objects.

Besides her printed propaganda, Germany makes use of other means, apparently accessory and occasional, but whose effects may become very appreciable; visits of German scholars and German politicians, especially socialist politicians; letters written by Germans to friends or relations abroad; inquiries addressed to the scholars of neutral countries; promises made to notable persons, in the hope of obtaining their co-operation.

One word before examining the working of these organizations. Should we really classify them under the heading of "falsehoods"? After what we have said of the methods of the German Press, and the mentality of the German rulers, no one will hesitate, we fancy, as to the place which falsehood must be accorded in this propaganda. But so that no doubt shall remain in the reader's mind, we will give a few quotations from the propagandist literature relating to Belgium.

(a) Propagandist Bureaux operating in Germany.

The most important of the propagandist pamphlets appearing in Germany is a monthly publication. It is known, in French, as the Journal de la Guerre. We know it also in German and in Dutch; probably it is translated into yet other languages. Each number consists of 40 to 72 pages, and contains general information, a chronicle of the war, photographs and drawings, tales of the battles, etc. ... in short, everything that can influence the public opinion of neutral countries. In almost every number is an article tending to prove that Germany was forced, for reasons of self-defence, to invade Belgium; that Belgium, moreover, had violated her own neutrality in advance; that the Belgians amply deserve their fate, on account of their wicked treatment of wounded men (gouging out their eyes, etc.). We have already mentioned the Journal de la Guerre with reference to a "faked" map of Louvain.

The Journal de la Guerre published an article by Herr Helfferich on a journey through Belgium, undertaken in September 1914. It is teeming with inaccuracies, but it would be waste of time to refute them all. We will confine ourselves to the first sentence, which states that the burgomaster of Battice has been shot. Now, this is untrue: the burgomaster of Battice, M. Rosette, who has filled his office for many years, is in excellent health, and is still living in Battice.

Another publication—La Guerre—Journal périodique paraissant durant la guerre de 1914-15—is intended for prisoners of war.

The best method of impressing the prisoners is assuredly to show them that in their own country people are already beginning to realize the indisputable superiority of Germany. So La Guerre frequently publishes articles reprinted from La Gazette des Ardennes; only it forgets to mention that La Gazette des Ardennes is a newspaper established, edited, and printed exclusively by Germans, since the occupation. Shall we take another example of duplicity? For the Belgians, naturally, what their priests tell them has great weight with them. No. 14 of La Guerre reproduces a passage from an article (which is mentioned on p. 129) originally published by "the priest Domela Nieuwenhuis, of Gand." Here is a falsehood: M. Domela Nieuwenhuis is not a priest; he is a Protestant pastor in Gand. In the quotation M. Nieuwenhuis says: "If we Flemings had been properly informed...." (La Guerre, No. 14, p. 217).

"We Flemings," M. Nieuwenhuis is supposed to have said ... and he is a Dutchman. This is curious. Let us compare this with the original text in De Tijdspiegel, p. 316, 1st April, 1915. There we find: "Indien wij hier in Vlaanderen ... zouden zign voorgelicht...." ("If we, here in Flanders, had been informed....") The German forgers have been at work, and by a little tinkering at the text, they have made a Dutch pastor pass for a Flemish priest! To what are they not reduced!

The pamphlet Die Wahrheit über den Krieg speaks on p. 93 of an international propagandist organisation established in Berlin: the Commission for the publication of impartial news abroad (we translate from the Dutch version). This Commission publishes Correspondence for Neutrals, which aims solely at "distributing positive news concerning the working of social, juridicial, economic, and moral institutions and general culture in Germany." Its articles are especially intended for use by the Press. It appears two or three times a week, in ten different languages, and will continue to do so during the war. It asserts that its expenses are covered entirely by private subscriptions.

At the Superior Technical College of Stuttgart is established the Süddeutsche Nachrichtenstelle für die Neutralen (South German News Bureau for the Neutrals). It publishes propagandist leaflets at irregular intervals and of various dimensions, which are intended to furnish "the verifiable truth as to the origin, course, and results of the war."

The professors of the University of Leipzig sent abroad a special number of the Leipziger Neueste Nachrichte of the 25th August, 1914, which gave, in chronological order, "the truth about the causes of the war and the German successes." The truth! Its capital falsehoods are too numerous for examination here.

At Düsseldorf is the Büro zur Verbreitung deutscher Nachrichten im Auslande (the German Bureau for distributing German news abroad). The French version of this title is Bureau allemand pour la publication de nouvelles authentiques à l'Etranger. Observe, in passing, that Deutsche Nachrichten is translated as "authentic news," which will not fail to surprise the reader. This Bureau used to publish Le Réveil, a remarkable journal sold in Belgium and the occupied parts of France.

The Deutscher Überseedienst (German Overseas Service) busies itself particularly with the falsification of public opinion abroad. Its publications are usually distributed gratis.

For Americans living in Europe, Germany provides The Continental Times, Special War Edition and Journal for Americans in Europe, edited at the Hôtel Adon in Berlin. To judge of the veracity of this journal, it is enough to read, in the issue for the 8th February, the article by Herr J. E. Noegerath, devoted to his journey through Belgium. In this we learn that "Malines was bombarded simultaneously by the Belgians and the Germans; the cathedral, somewhat seriously damaged, is about to be repaired by the Germans." St. Rombaut repaired by the Germans! This exceeds even the German limits! Well, the Americans in Europe have a chance of obtaining positive information.

The League of German Scientists and Artists for the Defence of Civilization (in French they make it La Ligue pour la défense de la civilisation—for the prevention—which is just what it is!) is installed in the Palace of the Academy of Science in Berlin, Unter den Linden, 38. It publishes pamphlets; for example, that of Herr Riesser, on The Success of the German War Loan. As far as we know it has published nothing about Belgium.

A very interesting method of propaganda is that which consists in attaching to business letters leaflets printed on very thin paper, giving "authentic" news in the language of the recipient. The Hamburger Fremdenblatt has published many of these, at 10 pfennigs for 10 copies. They include, notably, Appeals to Christians; An Appeal to the Catholic Missions, in German, English, Spanish, Portuguese, French, and Italian; An Appeal to the Protestant Missions, in German, English, and Portuguese.

Another series of leaflets to be inserted in letters is published by the Bureau des Deutschen Handelstages, Berlin (Bureau of the German Commercial Conference of Berlin). Nine different leaflets appeared. No. 10 and the succeeding leaflets are of different origin; these leaflets are now published by the Kriegs-Auschuss der Deutschen Industrie, Berlin (Military Commission of German Industry). No. 10 reproduces a proclamation by Dr. Schroedter, threatening to strip the Belgians of all their copper, "down to the last door-handle."

In Germany also are published leaflets bearing no indication of their origin. One of these, entitled What is the Cause of the Severity of the War? is curious for more reasons than one.

(b) Propagandist Matter issued by the Publishing Houses.

There are, to begin with, the numerous low-priced pamphlets which carry the gospel to the soldiers in the trenches, and enlighten the home population. The most voluminous and the most perfidious of these books is that of Major Viktor von Strantz: Die Eroberung Belgiëns.

Several publishing houses issue series of booklets, under some general title. We may mention:—

Krieg und Sieg, 1914, nach Berichten der Zeitgenossen (War and Victory, 1914, according to the Accounts of Eye-witnesses).

Der Deutschen Volkes Kriegstagebuch (The German People's Diary of the War).

Der Weltkrieg, 1914 (The World-war of 1914), at 20 pfennigs.

Besides these works, which are intended rather for the masses, we must mention others, intended for a more intellectual public.

Such are:—

Reden aus der Kriegzeit; Deutsche Vortrage Hamburgischer Professoren; Zwischen Krieg und Frieden; Der Deutsche Krieg; Kriegsberichte aus den Grossen Hauptquartier.

To these we may add works appearing in small isolated volumes at a low price, containing more especially diplomatic documents:—

Deutschland in der Notwehr (Carl Schüsemann, Bremen); Das Volkerringen, 1914, F. M. Kireheisen (Universal Bibliothek, Leipzig).

Urkunden, Depeschen und Berichte der Frankfurter Zeitung. Der Grosse Krieg. Eine Chronich von Tag zu Tag (Frankfurt, 1914-15).

We must not overlook the numerous illustrated publications, among which we may mention the Album de la Grande Guerre, published by the Deutscher Überseedienst, with explanations in German, English, Spanish, French, Italian, and Portuguese. This collection contains a number of illustrations relating to Belgium: for example, in No. 2 we have "A Zeppelin bombarding Liége," which never happened (p. 229): and No. 3 gives us a view of the Place des Bailles at Malines, "a quarter where the houses were destroyed by Belgian artillery" (whereas the Belgian artillery destroyed nothing in Malines, and the Place des Bailles was not bombarded but burned).

(c) Propangandist Bureaux operating Abroad.

Not content with flooding neutrals with literature fabricated in Germany itself, to such an extent that the former complained of the German importunity, the Germans have also set up bureaux of propaganda in foreign countries. The most important of these, without doubt, is that which has been operating in the United States, under the direction of Herr Bernhard Dernburg, ex-Minister of the Empire. Herr Dernburg has neglected no means of action, and has not feared to mount into the breach himself in his efforts to ensure the triumph of his cause.

In Belgium the propaganda was of a multiple nature. In the first place, the Germans were careful to inform us, daily, by means of placards, as to the "actual" results of the military operations, and they distributed tens of thousands of copies of circulars relating to the "Anglo-Belgian Conventions" (p. 43), the Griendl report (p. 41), the retirement of Italy from the Triple Alliance, etc. As these might not have enlightened us sufficiently, the German authorities took the Press in hand, the result being such journals as Le Réveil and the Deutsche Soldatenpost. They then censored the Belgian papers in various manners.

(1) The Germans wished to compel various papers to appear under their control. All those in the capital refused; but in the provinces certain newspapers, such as L'Ami de l'Ordre (at Namur) and Le Bien Public (at Gand), accepted the German conditions. L'Ami de l'Ordre was really and truly forced to appear; as it admitted, in a covert fashion, in its issues of the 20th and 27th August, and explicitly in those of the 7th October and the 6th November.

(2) The German authorities forced these journals, and others which have since been established, to publish propagandist articles, imposing penalties in case of failure. Thus L'Ami de l'Ordre (it was suggested that it might be called L'Ami de par Ordre!) was obliged to publish stories of "francs-tireurs" which it knew were inventions; and after the burning of the Grand' Place at Namur (concerning which it knew very well what to think) it published, in large letters, on the 28th August, 1914, a protest against francs-tireurs. On the 1st September followed an article describing the punishment of Louvain after an attack by civilians. On the following day was further mention of the "leaders" who brought such terrible reprisals on their fellow-citizens. In order to make these flagrant lies "go down," the journal is compelled from time to time to repeat that it prints nothing but the truth (for example, on the 7th September).

Incontestably imposed, also, are the articles which basely flatter the Germans; notably its excuses after its suspension (7th and 8th December) and its thanks to the Military Government of Namur when the latter ceased to take hostages (on the 29th September). In this last issue is an equally characteristic article on the subject of the Cathedral of Reims; in this the German Government pretends that it did not allege the presence of an observation-post on the Cathedral. But one has only to read the official communiqués of the 23rd September in order to prove that L'Ami de l'Ordre has been forced to lie to its readers.

Of course the Germans deny that they demand the insertion of these articles (see Le Bien Public, 1st November, 1914); otherwise their readers would cease to give any credence to these "Belgian" papers.

(3) The principal mission of the censorship consists in suppressing all that displeases it and all that it regards as compromising. Thus, for two months L'Ami de l'Ordre did not publish a single communiqué from the armies of the Allies, although it pretended the contrary in its issue of the 7th October. It was only on the 26th that it began to publish them; but it then borrowed them from the German papers, which was not perhaps a guarantee of exactitude. At the same time Le Bruxellois stated that there were scarcely any French communiqués. As for Le Bien Public, it was suspended during the whole of May 1915, because the censorship would no longer allow it to publish the communiqués of the Allies.

The censorship had promised the journals whose publication it permitted (or demanded) that it would not mutilate articles, but would suppress them entirely (Le Bien Public, 1st November, 1914). Of course, it did not keep its engagements; for what engagement did our enemies ever keep? To realize how the censorship mutilates, curtails, and falsifies one has only to compare the official telegrams contained in the French newspapers with those which are vouchsafed us by the expurgated journals. Here are a few examples; it will be seen that the censorship suppresses not only sentences and parts of sentences, but single words, and even parts of words. We will confess that this last procedure was totally unexpected, even on the part of Germany, although her scholars have certainly acquired a habit of splitting hairs.

The words in italics are those suppressed by the censorship:—

La Belgique, Tuesday, 26th January, 1913,—Petrograd, 23rd January. (Official telegram from the Great General Staff).... German attempts to pass to the offensive in various places have been easily defeated by our artillery.... On the 21st January enemy troops, in strength about a division of infantry, and supported by artillery, attacked our front in the Kirlibaba region, but they were repulsed. Up to the morning of the 21st January our troops had maintained themselves in their positions. We have made 200 prisoners.

La Belgique, Monday, 1st February, 1913.—Paris, 29th January. (Official, 3 p.m.)—In Belgium, in the Nieuport sector, our infantry has gained a footing on the great dune which was mentioned on the 27th. A German aeroplane was brought down by our guns. In the sectors of Ypres and Lens, as in the sector of Arras, there have been, intermittently, artillery duels of some violence, and some attacks of infantry were attempted but immediately thrown back by our fire. Nothing fresh to report in the Soissons, Craonne, or Reims districts. It is confirmed that the attack repulsed by us at Fontaine-Madame on the night of the 27th cost the Germans dearly.... Paris, the 29th January (official, 11 p.m.).... This morning, the 29th, a German aeroplane was forced to the ground east of Gerbeviller. Its passengers, an officer and an under-officer, are prisoners.

La Belgique, Thursday, 4th February, 1915.—Paris, 1st February. (Official telegram, 3 p.m.).... To the south-east of Ypres the Germans have attempted an attack upon our trenches to the north of the canal, an attack which was immediately checked by our artillery fire.... In the Argonne, where the Germans appear to have suffered greatly in the recent fighting, the day has been comparatively quiet....

Paris, 1st February. (Official telegram, 11 p.m.).... On the morning of the 1st February the enemy violently attacked our trenches to the north, Béthune—La Bassée. He was thrown back and left numerous dead on the ground. At Beaumont-Hamel, to the north of Arras, the German infantry attempted to carry one of our trenches by surprise, but was forced to retreat, abandoning on the spot the explosives with which it was provided....

La Belgique, Friday, 12th February, 1915.—Paris, 9th February. (Official telegram, 3 p.m.).... Along the road from Béthune to La Bassée we have reoccupied a windmill in which the enemy had succeeded in establishing himself. Soissons was bombarded with incendiary shells.

La Belgique, Saturday, 13th February, 1915.—Paris, 10th February. (Official, 11 p.m.).... In Lorraine our outposts easily repulsed a German attack on the eastern edge and to the north of the Forest of Purvy.

La Patrie (Brussels).—Copenhagen, 2nd March.—According to a communication from London in the Berlingske Tidende the Swedish painter, Johnson, who was arrested as a spy, because he was making pretended luminous signals to German ships of war, is said to have been acquitted for lack of evidence.

To appreciate at its full value the mutilation of the official communiqués by the German censorship, it must be recalled (1) that it had undertaken to leave the official communiqués untouched, and (2) that the subservient portion of the press continued to call them "official telegrams."

Sincerity of the Censored Newspapers.

At the outset the censorship used to allow newspapers to leave a blank space in the place of an article, phrase, or words deleted. But this procedure was too frank for the Germans, and the readers were aware of it; so the German authorities forced the newspapers to fill up the blanks; and in order to facilitate their task they published a special typewritten journal, appearing in French and in Flemish, Le Courrier Belge, in which "all the articles had passed the censorship." Editors, therefore, had only to select an article of the desired length in order to fill the gaps left by the official scissors.

We may add that by the terms of a decision given in the Court of First Instance in Brussels, the journals at present appearing in Germany under the German censorship may not claim the title of Belgian newspapers.

It may readily be imagined what the censored journals have become under this delightful system. But a story which is told in Belgium will perhaps give the reader a better idea of their vicissitudes. The soul of a soldier presents itself at the gate of Paradise. "Who are you?" says St. Peter. After a long hesitating pause (for no one cares to make such a painful confession) the soul replies: "I am the soul of a German soldier." "You are an impudent liar!" cries St. Peter. "I read the Belgian newspapers with the greatest care, and they have not yet announced the death of a single German soldier!"

On the 7th June, 1915, the Germans had a unique opportunity of proving that the German journals in Belgian clothes, such as L'Ami de l'Ordre, La Belgique, Le Bien Public, etc., were still capable on occasion of speaking the truth. But they allowed the opportunity to slip. However, here are the facts:—

On the night of Sunday, the 6th June, 1915, towards 2.30 a.m., we were awakened by a furious cannonade and the explosion of bombs: Allied aviators were bombarding the shed of the dirigible at Evere, to which they set fire, destroying both shed and balloon. On the same day we learned that a second German dirigible had just been destroyed at Mont St.-Amand, near Gand, by a British aviator. We awaited the next day's papers with curiosity. Would they report the two incidents, making as little of them as possible, or would they keep silence? They merely stated that the German air-fleet had raided the English coast on the night of the 7th. Of what happened on its return, not a word. In the Kölnische Zeitung, again, there was nothing said as to the disasters at Evere and Mont St.-Amand. So the muzzled Press of Belgium and Germany may speak of German successes (we are supposing, of course, that the bombardment of open towns is a success), but as to the failures they are dumb. These are two facts which are known to hundreds of thousands of persons, and are therefore impossible of concealment. To keep silence, therefore, could have only one result, namely, to prove that the German communiqués are "faked," and that the Belgian journals are muzzled: in short, that all news which comes from Germany is adulterated. If our oppressors had published a short paragraph dealing with these two "accidents," then a few Belgians, more credulous than their fellows, might have continued to believe that the word "German" can still on occasion be spoken in the same breath as the word "sincerity." But in their incomparable stupidity the censors (who are doubtless diplomatists out of a job) failed to realize that by preserving silence as to the raids of the British aviators they were for ever destroying the value of their newspapers. They rendered us a similar service, on this occasion, to that which they rendered when they forbade M. Max to publish the statement that they were liars (p. 233). We were well aware that the German was a shocking psychologist, but we hardly realized how shocking!... The incident is, as will be seen, the pendant of the story of the Liége Zeppelin. This dirigible raided Liége on the night of the 6th August, and the raid was described in the German newspapers and even illustrated. Unfortunately the raid never took place!

A few days later the Germans plunged even deeper into the mire. On the night of the 16th June the people of Brussels once again heard the sound of guns, this time from Berchem; but no one saw an aeroplane. Next day the papers contained a paragraph stating that an attack by enemy aviators had been repulsed. Did the raid really take place? It is doubtful; and in any case it does not matter. The essential point is that on this occasion the newspapers were allowed to speak.

The Governor-General, who has a keen sense of the fitting opportunity, chose this moment to inform us that a mischievous Press was circulating in Belgium (see La Belgique, 14th January, 1915). Nothing could be truer, as the reader has just seen.

Persecution of Uncensored Newspapers.

Naturally, the desire to obtain foreign newspapers became keener than ever in Belgium as the untruthfulness of the censored journals became more apparent. To the notices published by the Germans forbidding the distribution of "false news" (p. 187) we may add an official communiqué which was reproduced in L'ami de l'Ordre on the 17th October:—

"Any person who shall spread similar false reports, or cause them to be distributed, will be shot without mercy."

(d) Various Propaganda.

Lastly, let us mention—without insistence, as they are already sufficiently familiar—various methods of propaganda which are individual, and apparently spontaneous, but from which the Germans expect very happy results.

All those Belgians who have friends or relations in Germany, and all those who are themselves of German origin, have incessantly been receiving, since correspondence between the two countries has been permitted, letters in which they are told that Germany is sure of victory, that the Belgians have been deceived by England and by their king, that the Germans do no harm to any one, etc. These assertions are repeated with such regularity and monotony that they produce the impression of a lesson that has been learned; so, to avoid this unfortunate impression, the correspondents are careful to declare that they are only expressing their personal opinion.

Next, we may mention the foreign visits of German scholars; for example, that of Herr Ostwald (one of the Ninety-three) to Sweden, and that of Herr Lamprecht (another of the Ninety-three) to Belgium. Herr Ostwald's lectures have evoked a great sensation, but it was perhaps hardly the sensation Germany had hoped for; moreover, the University of Leipzig declared that it did not subscribe to the ideas of its sometime professor. The effort of Herr Lamprecht was more discreet; it was preceded by a written effort, but letter and visit had the same negative result.

More insidious are the visits made to Belgium by prominent German socialists: Wendel, Liebknecht, Noske, Koester, etc. They, too, hoped easily to convince us of the rights and, above all, of the superiority of Germany. They went back with an empty bag; one may even venture to assert that they were rather shaken, since Herr Liebknecht complains, in a conversation with an editor of the Social-Demokraten, a Norwegian organ, of the part which the Socialist missionaries were made to play (N.R.C., 28th December, 1914, evening).

The Vossische Zeitung has discovered another means of propaganda. This journal sent a paper of questions to Dutch and Scandinavian scholars, asking them what their science owes to Germany. A shallow trick, this; every nation has naturally produced men of mark, to whom science has cause for gratitude.

4. The Violation of Engagements.

The war began by the violation of a solemn treaty, to which Germany subscribed in 1839. The entire conduct of the war has been, as far as Germany is concerned, a long series of violations of the Hague Convention of 1907. Germany alleges, in her own defence, that circumstances have altered since the period when these pacts were signed; that she was obliged to forestall France; that in case of absolute necessity, such as that in which she stood, she has the right to use all means of injuring the enemy, permitted or not (p. 83); and moreover, that the torpedoing of the Lusitania (p. 194), the employment of living shields (p. 117), the use of toxic gases (p. 198), and terrorization by fire and assassination (p. 164), having proved efficacious, it is in her interests not to neglect them out of mere humanity, or a simple and childish respect for her own signature.

It is hopeless to discuss the matter; it would be wasted pains, Germany having decided to let her conduct be shaped by the impulse of the moment, without hampering herself with any anterior promises. She is fighting for her life, her publicists and statesmen never cease repeating, and she is free to throw all her engagements to the wind. "Not kennt kein Gebot," declared the Chancellor, on the 9th August, and this convenient maxim has lost nothing of its popularity.

But there are other engagements, engagements which Germany has entered into with Belgium since the beginning of the war, and which she has broken with the same ease: a promise to restore Belgium's independence; a promise to respect our patriotism, a promise to pay cash for all requisitions once the tribute of 480 millions frs. was paid, etc. Our enemies can invoke no extenuating circumstances to mitigate these breaches of faith, for no change had occurred between the dates of making these engagements and their violation.

The Independence of Belgium.

On the 4th August, 1914, the very day on which our country was invaded, the Imperial Government made one last effort to extort from England a promise of neutrality. It gave an assurance that even in the case of an armed conflict with Belgium, Germany would not on any pretext annex her territory (Livre Bleu, No. 74). On that very day the Kaiser and the Chancellor made similar declarations: "We shall repair the injustice which we are committing towards Belgium," said the Chancellor. Directly they had a newspaper at their disposal in Belgium our invaders published an article assuring the Belgians of their respect for whatever engagements they had entered into (see L'Ami de l'Ordre, 29th and 30th August, 1914).

Words, idle words!

Hardly were the Germans, in boasting mood, able to style themselves conquerors, than they hastened to trample their promises underfoot. Are the engagements of the Berlin Government anything more than so many scraps of paper, which may with impunity be declared null and void? Such men as Erzberger, Losch, Dernburg, Maximilian Harden, etc., all partaking in the public life of their country, found nothing was more urgent than to disregard whatever the Emperor and the Chancellor might have said, no matter how solemn the circumstances, and to make plans for the future in which Belgium would remain wholly or in part annexed.

The Promise to respect the Patriotism of the Belgians.

"I ask no one to renounce his patriotic sentiments," said Baron von der Goltz in the first of the somewhat extraordinary declarations with which he gratified us during his stay in our midst in his quality of Governor-General (placard of 2nd September, 1914).

The Forced Striking of the Flag.

Every one was anxiously asking himself what was really the thought at the back of the Baron's head; for we already knew the Germans sufficiently to realize that so honeyed a phrase concealed some peril. But what? Two weeks later the riddle was solved; it meant that the Belgian national flag was "regarded as a provocation by the German troops" (placard of 16th September, 1914). A provocation of what or whom? Of their national sentiment? Well, and what of ours, which the Governor-General was not asking us to renounce? It is true that after the appearance of this placard the Military Governor announced that he had "by no means the intention of wounding the dignity or the feelings of the inhabitants by this measure; its sole purpose is to preserve the citizens from any annoyance." In short, it was for our good that we were forced to haul down our flag. What was to be done? To resist would be to give the scoundrels who were oppressing us an occasion for exercising their murderous and incendiary talents on Brussels. By a very dignified and very moderate notice, M. Max, the burgomaster, counselled his fellow-citizens to yield. This placard, which was not subjected to the censorship, despite the order given by the Germans, displeased them to the point of having it immediately covered with blank sheets of paper. But these were torn away by the people of Brussels, or else they were rendered transparent by means of petroleum: in a word, every one could read the burgomaster's protest. But as it was expected, with a good show of reason, that the Germans would soon cause it to disappear completely, many persons copied the placard, or even photographed it; and for a long time numbers of the inhabitants of Brussels carried upon their persons, like a precious relic, a copy or a photograph of M. Max's famous placard.

The Belgian Colours forbidden in the Provinces.

While the withdrawal of the Belgian flag was demanded, in the provinces a hunt was conducted for the Belgian colours used in the decoration of shop-windows. The German police would enter the shops and demand the immediate removal of all tricolour ribbons decorating the windows.

Military Court.

Henry Dargette, of Namur, Place Arthur Borlée, 32, was punished with a fine of 10 marks, or 2 days' subsidiary detention, in accordance with § 13 of the Imperial decree of the 28th December, 1893, for having disregarded the communiqué of the Imperial Government of Namur of the 22nd April, 1915. He had exposed in his shop-window boxes of tin-plate with the French, British, Russian, and Belgian colours.

(L'Ami de l'Ordre, 3-6 July, 1915.)

In Brussels it was a long time before they decided to take measures against the wearing of the tricolour rosettes which so many people carried in their buttonholes; in the streets, at least two persons in three displayed our colours. This persistence on the part of the Belgians in publicly displaying their patriotic sentiments is extremely annoying to the Germans. For proof we need only turn to the letter from Brussels published in the weekly illustrated supplement of the Hamburger Fremdenblatt for the 18th April, 1915: "One does not see a schoolboy, not a schoolgirl, not a lady, not a gentleman, who does not wear, in an obvious fashion, the Belgian cockade." In certain towns—for example Lessines, Gand, and Dinant—this kind of manifestation is prohibited. At Namur the fine may amount to 500 frs.; the placard which threatens this penalty is conceived in the involved and nauseating style which we encounter every time the Germans inflict on us a particularly disgusting piece of hypocrisy. In particular it is stated that it is forbidden "publicly to display the Belgian colours." No doubt it is permissible to have them floating about in one's pocket, or to decorate the interior of one's chest of drawers with them. This is how the Teuton Tartuffe "asks no one to renounce his patriotic sentiments":—

Government Communiqués.

One may observe, of late, in a great proportion of the inhabitants of the town, as well as in the young school-children, a tendency to manifest their patriotic feelings by wearing, in an open manner, the Belgian colours, under different forms.

I am far from wishing to offend their feelings; on the contrary, I esteem and respect them.

But, on the other hand, I cannot but perceive, in this form [of display], that it is desired thereby Publicly to express a demonstration against the present state of affairs and against the German authority, which I expressly forbid.

I consequently direct:

It is strictly forbidden to place in view, publicly, the Belgian colours, either on oneself, or on any objects whatever, in no matter what circumstances.

Contraventions will be punished by a fine which may amount to 500 frs., unless, according to the gravity of the case, the contravention is punished by imprisonment.

This regulation does not at any time prevent the wearing of official decorations by those who have the right to do so.

Lieutenant-General Baron von Hirschberg, Military Governor of the Fortified Position of Namur. (L'Ami de l'Ordre, 15th November, 1914.)

Prohibition of the Belgian Colours in Brussels.

Suddenly, without any pretext, the sight of the little tricolour decorations worn by the people of Brussels began to offend the Germans, and the national emblem was prohibited from the 1st July, 1915. The prohibition was posted only on the 30th of June. It made a distinction between the Belgian colours, the wearing of which was tolerated if it was not provocative, and the colours of our Allies, the display of which, even if not provocative, was absolutely prohibited. How were our German bumpkins going to make this much too subtle distinction between provocative and non-provocative display? This evidently left the door open to all sorts of arbitrary actions. So the people of Brussels judged it prudent to renounce their badges entirely. A few, however, replaced the rosette by an ivy-leaf, the emblem of fidelity in the language of flowers. What were the Germans to do now? Prohibit the wearing of the ivy-leaf, perhaps, for by the 5th July they had forbidden the manufacture and sale of artificial ivy-leaves, whether of cloth or paper. But they did not persist in this course. For the first time since we had been subject to them they conceived a witty idea. They themselves began to display the ivy-leaf; from that moment this emblem could not decently be worn by any of us. It would be interesting to know who inspired them with this ingenious idea.

The "Te Deum" on the Patron Saint's Day of the King.

Let us note the date of L'Ami de l'Ordre which contained Baron von Hirschberg's announcement: the 15th November, the patron saint's day of the King. The same copy of the paper reproduced an article from Düsseldorfer General Anzeiger, which doubtless had escaped the censor, doing homage to the valour of the King and Queen. On the following day L'Ami de l'Ordre had to announce that the usual Te Deum would not be performed. Why was the ceremony suppressed? The paper did not say; but we can easily guess; the superior German authorities had decided otherwise.

In Brussels also the Te Deum of the 15th November was prohibited. It was decided to replace it by a mass which would be sung at 11 o'clock in the church of St. Gudule. By 10.30 the church was overflowing with people; but towards 11.0 a priest passed quietly through the ranks of the faithful, announcing that the singing of the Mass had been prohibited by the Germans, and that it would be replaced by a Low Mass. After this some hundreds of persons repaired to the Palais Royal, to the gate in the Rue Bréderode; they expected that a book would be there, as usual, to receive their signatures. The register had been there, but the German authorities had removed it. The callers then decided merely to leave their cards; but a Palace servant came to inform them that the Germans, after removing the register, had also forbidden the formation of assemblies near the Palace, and had even made some arrests; he therefore begged the public to disperse. More respect for patriotic sentiments!

The Portraits of the Royal Family.

Since then it has been forbidden to sell portraits of the Royal Family published since the outbreak of the war. In particular those picture-postcards are prohibited which represent the King as a soldier, the King with his Staff, the King in the trenches, the King on the dunes, the King with General Joffre, the King at Furnes, the Queen as a nurse, Prince Leopold as a trooper, etc. The prohibition is applied with an incoherence which accords ill with the wonderful spirit of organization with which our persecutors are credited. In certain parts of Brussels the vendors have never been disturbed; in others, they may sell the cards in the shops, but may not expose them in the windows; elsewhere it is a crime even to have the cards in stock. In short, all is left to the caprice of the police. These make the round of the stationers' shops, seizing all prohibited cards, and very often, too, seizing other cards on their own initiative and for their own use. To a stationer who was privily selling us some prohibited cards, we put the question, whether the police did not often enter his shop, in order to seize whatever displeased them. "What displeases them?" he replied. "No, no; they seize more particularly whatever pleases them!" Another merchant, who was summoned to attend at the German police bureau in the Rue de l'Hôtel des Monnaies, was assured by the commissioner that the police had the right to take "everything that might excite the patriotism of the Belgians." This official put his own interpretation on Baron von der Goltz's regulations with regard to patriotism.

Not far away, at St. Gilles, on Sunday the 14th February, an under-officer brutally snatched away the national flag which covered the coffin of a Belgian soldier. Here is another example of individual ideas as to the respect to be paid to patriotism and piety.

While in Brussels the Germans prohibited only the more recent Royal portraits, at Gand, in February 1915, the commandant of the Magazine,[42] in order to show his zeal, forbade the sale of any portraits of the Royal Family, of whatever date or nature.

The Burgomaster of Gand has received the following letter, the communal administration sending us a translation of the same:— 2. mob. Etappen Kommandantur. Reference No. 1095.

Gand, 4th February, 1915.

To the Burgomaster of the City,—

I beg you again to draw the attention of all the booksellers, stationers' shops, etc., by hand-bill or by means of the newspapers, that they are forbidden under any circumstances to display the portraits of the Royal Family of Belgium, either in the windows or in the interior of the shops.

Those who act otherwise will be severely punished.

The Commandant of the Magazine, P.O. (Signed) Henz. (Le Bien Public, 13th February, 1915.)

The German persecutions were resumed with renewed vigour on the approach of the 8th April, the King's birthday. At Antwerp the Germans took care to forbid, in advance, anything that might have passed for a royalist manifestation; but the inhabitants succeeded, none the less, under their enemies' noses, in celebrating their Sovereign's anniversary.

Elsewhere the Germans, in their incorrigible meanness, had a different inspiration. They suddenly had an intuition that the communal administrations of Brabant were going to dismiss the schools in honour of the King. Immediately circulars were distributed, forbidding the closing of the schools on that day. But these ineffable blunderers had forgotten one thing: namely, that the 8th of April fell in the middle of the Easter holidays! Certain communes permitted themselves the malicious delight of inquiring of the Germans whether they must recall the pupils for the 8th of April? The Germans, of course, missed the irony of the situation, and replied that it would not be necessary to resume the classes. Their second letter contains a particularly delightful sentence: "My will is merely that instruction shall not be specially interrupted in honour of the anniversary of H.M. the King of the Belgians." Another example of the unshakable determination to respect the Belgians' patriotism!

Obligation to Employ the German Language.

These letters are written in German. For that matter, it has become a rule with our enemies to write only in their own tongue, and often even in German characters. Better still: at Liége and Namur (L'Ami de l'Ordre, 31st August, 1914) they required the Belgians also to write in German. Yet another way of respecting our patriotism!

The Belgian Army is our Enemy!

Far from making an effort to respect our feelings, one would even imagine that they must make it a point of honour (German honour) to wound our loyalty. Thus, when they punish any one for rendering service to the Belgians, instead of expressing the matter simply, as we have done, they announce that the Belgian is convicted of relations with the enemy. They are speaking of their enemies. But "the enemy" implies that the Belgian Government or the Belgian army is the enemy of the Belgian people.

Better still: they inform us, by means of placards, that to aid the Belgian army is "treason." The Belgian becomes a traitor by rendering a service to his country! What a singular conception of honour!

Warning.

The military tribunals have lately been compelled to condemn to hard labour for attempted treason a large number of Belgians, who had assisted their compatriots subject to military service in their attempt to join the enemy army.

I again warn [the public] against committing such crimes against the German troops, in view of the severe penalties which they will incur.

The Governor-General in Belgium, General von Bissing, Colonel-General.

Brussels, 3rd March, 1915.

The "Brabançonne" Prohibited.

At Namur the Brabançonne was declared seditious on the 23rd March, 1915. But a month later the execution of the first four verses was declared to be permissible. What did the Germans mean by that? Let us remember that none of the known versions of our national song (the two versions of Jenneval and that of Rogier) consists of more than four verses. Which, then, are those that our persecutors forbid? In their rage for prohibition they have prohibited something that does not exist!—unless they were speaking of the verse invented by La Libre Belgique, and published in its tenth issue. It would be amusing if the German authorities had fallen into a snare set by a prohibited newspaper!

In Brussels the Germans had not dared openly to interdict the Brabançonne, as they did another national anthem which had, so to speak, the freedom of the city of Brussels: we mean the Marseillaise (placard of the 27th March, 1915). Never did one hear the Marseillaise so often as after the Germans forbade us to sing or play it; only it was now whistled. So, as might have been expected, whistling the Marseillaise was made a crime. As for the Brabançonne, it was prohibited in an underhand sort of way. It used to be sung every day in a school in Brussels; but two German soldiers of the Landsturm, who were guarding a neighbouring railway, heard it, and felt offended. Hence a letter to the communal authorities, demanding that the national anthem should be sung or played with more discretion. It is now seldom played save in the churches: at High Mass on Sunday and the funeral services for soldiers.

The National Anniversary of July 21st.

In July 1915 the people of Brussels hit on a new method of celebrating the national anniversary of the 21st July. Since our tyrants would obviously forbid us to fly our flag at half-mast, in token of our being for the time in mourning for our country, a number of shopkeepers announced, by means of a small printed notice, that "the shop would be closed on Wednesday, the 21st July." The Germans were displeased; moreover, they issued a decree forbidding all demonstrations.

21st July.

Order of the Governor of Brussels dated 18th July, 1915.

I warn the public that on the 21st July, 1915, demonstrations of all kinds are expressly and severely prohibited.

Meetings, processions, and the decoration of public and private buildings also come under the application of the above prohibition.

Offenders will be punished by a term of imprisonment not exceeding three months and a fine which may amount to as much as 10,000 marks, or by one of these penalties to the exclusion of the other.

They also announced, by means of the newspapers in their pay, Le Bruxellois and La Belgique, that the closing of the shops might be regarded as a demonstration. Their pains were wasted. On the morning of the 21st the shops and cafés remained closed; in private houses the shutters were not opened. In all Brussels only a few taverns were open—taverns frequented by the Germans, which a Belgian would never compromise himself by entering. All that day it was a comforting and impressive spectacle to see the crowd, in its Sunday clothes, grave and deeply affected, with never one uplifted voice, passing along the streets of closed houses. Never had the like been seen in Brussels. No one would have dared to hope for such unanimity of feeling after eleven months of occupation. The Germans were raging. They brought out troops, who, with bayonet and cannon, occupied the principal public squares; they ran an armoured motor-car up and down the most frequented streets; they dragged artillery along the avenues surrounding the city. But they did not succeed in fomenting the slightest disturbance; the Brussels public was too firmly determined to preserve its dignity and its tranquillity.

In all the churches the Te Deum was replaced by a High Mass, followed by the playing of the Brabançonne; the latter was sung in chorus by the congregation, who were moved to tears.

The comic note was struck by the Germans. Suddenly, in the afternoon, motor-cars began to hustle the crowds that had gathered; they bore red placards, which were immediately pasted up, announcing that the cafés, cinema-halls, etc., were to be closed at 8 p.m. Now all these establishments had been closed since the morning. The Germans must have lost their heads to make so grotesque an exhibition of themselves.

As a sort of reprisal, the authorities suspended the two newspapers which had not appeared on the 21st July: Le Quotidien and L'Écho de la Presse. Immediately La Belgique, which had appeared, suspended itself, in order to produce a belief that it was not German! As for the Bruxellois, it said not a word of the striking demonstration of the 21st.

In other Belgian towns the shops were closed. In Antwerp more than the shops were closed; the bureau of German passports, in the Place Verte, announced, by means of two written notices, in German and Flemish, that it was closed for the 21st July. The Germans were trying to repeat the trick of the ivy-leaf. In vain, however, since the 21st was to occur only once!

At Gand the Germans forbade the closing of the shops. And the latter were all open. But in many windows one saw, instead of the usual display of goods, a group of articles which comprised a bucket of water, a scrubbing-brush, and a chamois leather, with an inscription: "Cleaning To-day."

The Anniversary of the 4th August.

We must suppose that the unanimity with which the houses of Brussels were kept shut up touched the Germans in a sore place, for they prohibited the repetition of their manifestation on the 4th August, the anniversary of their entrance into Belgium.

Notice.

I warn the population of the Brussels district that on the 4th August any demonstration, including the decoration of houses by means of flags and the wearing of emblems as a demonstration is strictly prohibited.

All gatherings will be dispersed regardless by the armed forces.

Also I order that on the 4th August all the shops, as well as cafés, restaurants, taverns, theatres, cinemas, and other establishments of the same kind shall be closed after 8 o'clock in the evening (German time). After 9 o'clock in the evening (German time) only persons having a special written authorization emanating from a German authority may remain in or enter the streets.

Persons contravening these orders will be punished by a maximum imprisonment of five years and a fine which may amount to 10,000 marks, or one of these penalties to the exclusion of the other.

The shops and establishments beforementioned which, as a demonstration, shall close during the day of the 4th August will remain closed for a considerable period of time.

The Military Government, von Kraewel.

1st August, 1915.

The placard announcing these prohibitions forbade us to deck our houses with flags! Flags, good God! Who then would have dreamed of flying flags in commemoration of the rupture of an international pact! At the most the people of Brussels had intended to wear in the buttonhole a little "scrap of paper." But the wearing of emblems was forbidden.

What the Germans did not think of forbidding was the little demonstration of sympathy which they received on the evening of the 4th. In conformity with the order, all doors were closed at 20 hours (9 o'clock German time). But in several of the popular quarters of Brussels the inhabitants were no sooner indoors than the upper windows were thrown open, and a deafening concert issued forth, in which phonographs, alarm clocks, and saucepan-lids were predominant. The patrols demanded the closing of the windows; but the people climbed on the roofs to continue their charivari there. The military commandant was not pleased. It took him only five days to think of an appropriate punishment.

Official Communication.

M. Maurice Lemonnier, acting burgomaster of the City of Brussels, has just had posted the following communication:—

"To the Inhabitants of the Rue de l'Escalier and the Rue du Dam:

"I place before you the translation of an extract from a letter which I have just received from the German authorities.

"I call your attention to the penalties announced against those who shall contravene the measures ordained by the German Military Government."

Brussels, 9th August, 1915.

At the Sheriff's College, Brussels.

... Even if I am willing to recognize that the Administration of the City endeavoured, by means of its organs, to obtain the application of the prescribed measures on the 4th of this month, there yet remains the fact that in two streets isolated individuals were guilty, in a demonstrative manner, of gross misconduct toward the German patrols.

It is to be regretted that it has not been possible to discover the persons individually guilty; consequently nothing is left me to do but to take measures against the streets in which the offences were committed.

Consequently I order the following as regards the two streets, Rue de l'Escalier and Rue du Dam:

From Monday, the 9th of this month, and for the space of fourteen days, that is to say, until the 23rd of this month inclusively:

A. All business houses and cafés will be closed after 7 o'clock in the evening (German time).

B. After 9 o'clock in the evening (German time) no one must be found out of doors, in the street. After that time all windows giving on the street must be closed.

It is incumbent on the city to communicate the foregoing to the inhabitants of these streets, to apply the aforementioned measures, and to exercise a strict supervision in order that they may be observed.

Also I beg you to see that these streets are sufficiently lighted, until 11 o'clock at night (German time).

Moreover, I shall have these streets inspected by German patrols. If on this occasion fresh offences are committed against the German patrols, these latter will make use of their weapons.

With my utmost consideration (Avec haute considération distingué),

(Signed) von Kraewel, Governor of Brussels.

Our tyrants appeared greatly to fear popular demonstrations. The people of Liége had planned to honour, on the 6th August, in the cemetery, the soldiers who died for their country during the defence of the city in August 1914. Immediately the Germans made public their restrictive measures.

City of Liége.

To the Population.

Colonel von Soden, Commandant of the Fortress of Liége, has just addressed to me the following letter (in translation):—

"In the course of the morning of Friday, the 6th August, commemorative ceremonies will take place at the tombs of the soldiers killed in combat.

"I beg you to bring the foregoing to the notice of the population.

"I particularly insist that, during the visit to the tombs, or in case of participation in the military ceremonies, no demonstrative manifestation of any kind must occur."

Liége, the 2nd August, 1915.

The Burgomaster, G. Kleyer.

(Posted at Liége.)

The people of Liége retorted by putting their shops in mourning, and on the 6th August it was an impressive spectacle to see the shop-windows throughout the centre of Liége hung with deep violet.

School Inspection by the Germans.

In the schools the children were for a long time able to sing La Brabançonne on the sly; but this was not to last. The German authorities passed a decree against Germanophobe demonstrations in the schools.

Order.

Article First.

The members of the teaching staff, school managers and inspectors, who, during the occupation, tolerate, favour, provoke, or organize Germanophobe manifestations or secret practices will be punished by imprisonment for a maximum term of one year.

Article Second.

The German authorities have the right to enter all classes and rooms of all schools existing in Belgium, and to supervise the teaching and all the manifestations of school life with a view to preventing secret practices and intrigues directed against Germany.

Article Third.

Whosoever shall seek to oppose or prevent verifications and inquiries relating to infractions mentioned in Article 1, or the measures of supervision ordained by Article 2, is liable to a fine of 10 to 1,500 marks or to a maximum imprisonment of six months.

Article Fourth.

The infractions provided against in Articles 1 and 3 shall be tried by the military courts.

Brussels, 26th June, 1915.

Der General Gouverneur in Belgiën, Freiherr von Bissing, Generaloberst.

Our children will have to unlearn the national anthem, which, in the present circumstances, is evidently Germanophobe; and the teachers of history, too, must keep a watch upon their words. During the French lesson there must be no more recitations of Andrieux' Le Meunier de Sans-Souci. It may even be necessary to make deletions in the Latin classics; for one can see the military tribunals inflicting severe penalties on Tacitus, for even in his days Gallos certare pro libertate, Batavos, pro gloria, Germanos ad prædam (The Gauls fight for liberty, the Batavians for glory, the Germans for pillage). Another Latin author who would certainly be proscribed is Velleius Paterculus; he states in his Roman History: At illi (Germani), quod nisi expertus vix credat, in summa feritate versutissimi natumque mendacio genus (The Germans ally an extreme ferocity to the greatest knavery; they are a race born to lie; and one must have mingled with them to believe this). Velleius Paterculus was a good observer.

The morality—or immorality—of this long series of broken engagements, which might be indefinitely prolonged, has had the result that no one can any longer put his trust in Germany. None the less does Germany continue to make promises, and is even annoyed and irritated when one doubts her word. Thus the Chancellor said, in a speech delivered to the Reichstag on the 23rd May, 1915, at the time of the negotiations with Italy:—

"Germany had given her word that the concessions offered [by Germany] should be actually accorded [by Austria][43]; consequently there could no longer be any reason for distrust." Italy, strong in the experience acquired by Belgium, decided, on the other hand, that there was reason for distrust from the moment Germany pledged her word; and accordingly she broke off negotiations in order to declare war.

C.—Incitements to Disunion.

Divide et impera ("Divide in order to rule") is a maxim which has largely inspired the Germans in their relations with the Belgians. They therefore do their utmost to divide the nation from its King, to excite the Belgians one against another, and finally to kindle discord between our Allies and ourselves.

We have just seen by what unjustifiable methods, after promising to respect our patriotism, they proceeded systematically (as they do all things) to thwart our sentiments of fidelity to our King and our nationality. Not content with opposing—sometimes openly, sometimes with hypocrisy—all our loyalist manifestations, they endeavour to embroil us with our Sovereigns.

Incitements to Disloyalty.

While they accuse the Belgian nation of having sold itself to the Triple Entente, they hold the King personally responsible for this "conspiracy." Having become the "valet" or the "slave" of England, the Sovereign could not accept the friendly hand which the Kaiser tendered him on two occasions—the 2nd and the 9th of August, 1914.

At Antwerp the Germans alone appear to have heard the absurd declaration, that he vowed to "die in the city with his last soldiers." Then he betrays his army and "takes to flight, amid the maledictions of his subjects," deserting them for those that seduced him.

Then we have him on the Yser, the melancholy king "abandoned by God." He would ask nothing better than to conclude peace. But England holds him still in her toils, and prevents him from accomplishing this wise project. It is Le Réveil, that peculiarly truthful newspaper of Düsseldorf, which reveals this sinister exploit of Albion. The Hamburger Nachrichten receives the same report from Brussels.

King Albert wishes to make Peace.

Hamburg, 14th November, 1914.

From Brussels the Hamburger Nachrichten hears from a very reliable source that the report is confirmed which states that serious differences exist between Belgium and England—that is, that all personal relations are interrupted between King Albert and the British Staff.

The King desires an understanding with Germany, which Great Britain is endeavouring by all means to prevent.

(Vossische Zeitung, 15th November, 1914.)

The propagandist pamphlet Lüttich is less severe to our Sovereign, since it invokes, as an extenuating circumstance, his "blindness, which verges on stupidity." Incommensurable pride or imbecility—such are the characteristics of King Albert! Do these paladins of tact and delicacy show any greater respect for our Queen? Be sure they do not! An article on King Albert and the Triple Entente, in the Deutsche Soldatenpost of the 10th October, 1914, a newspaper intended both for the troops and the Belgian public, states: "From the outset the Queen was initiated into the King's plans. She has not uttered a single word of reproach for the horrible brutalities of which the principal victims were innocent young German girls in Brussels and Antwerp."

Well, we know that none of these "proofs" have shaken our fidelity. Despite all prohibitions, despite all the fines imposed, thousands of copies of the portraits of the King in the midst of his troops, and of the Queen, our dear little Queen, tending the wounded, are sold every day of the year. The patriotism of the Belgians is certainly incurable!

The Walloons incited against the Flemings.

So the Germans sought a new device. As they could not cause disunion between the people and the Sovereign, they tried to sow dissension between the citizens themselves, by envenoming the problem of language and reviving political rancour.

At first they exploited, in the most virulent manner, the Flemish-Walloon conflict. As in all countries in which several tongues are spoken, there is naturally in Belgium a struggle between the Flemings, who speak a Germanic language, and occupy the northern portion of the country, and the Walloons, who speak a Latin tongue, and occupy the southern provinces. But this conflict, however lively it may have been, has never touched the foundations of our national conscience, and we have always felt ourselves Belgians before everything.

At the outset, confesses Herr Kurd von Strantz, the Germans did not realize what profit they might derive from the antagonism of races in Belgium: an antagonism which they believed to be profound, but which was only skin-deep. Since the month of August, however, they have been trying to make up for lost time; they no longer lose a single occasion to excite the Flemings against the Walloons, and in particular they seek to make the latter believe that the Flemings already entertain feelings of sympathy towards their executioners.

Only two months after the occupation of the capital the Germans, organizing their conquest, attempted to win over the Flemings by feigning to espouse their grievances and by exploiting their racial relationship, in order to divide them from their Walloon fellow-citizens. Suddenly, in the official communiqués, Flemish took the place until then occupied by French, and the German newspapers began to display a touching sympathy for their "Flemish brothers," and for their country and their art. We did not even need to read the article published by the Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant on the 11th December (which was seen by M. Paul Hymans), in order to divine, at the root of these sudden and simultaneous manifestations, the orders issued by the German official circles.

For it was not thus during the first weeks of the occupation. Then correspondence was permissible only in French and German: Flemish was not tolerated. The official notices were printed in French and German only. Then, on the 25th August, the Government placards appeared in German, French, and Flemish. Finally, on the 1st October, Flemish had the advantage of French. Although from the standpoint of Belgian law the latter measure was legal in the Brussels district, the by-law ordering the cinema-houses to publish their programmes in Flemish as well as French was not so; very often the manager is innocent of Flemish, and the Flemish programme is spelt in the most fantastic manner. Absolutely illegal, too, is the by-law compelling shopkeepers in Bruges and Ostend to replace their French shop-signs by signs written in Flemish. Still more galling was the outcome of a certain trial at Tongres. Some young men, Flemings and Walloons, were accused of the same offence. They were inscribed on separate lists, according to their origin. The Walloons were condemned to severer penalties than those inflicted on the Flemings. One sees the double object here: to mollify the Flemings and to make the Walloons suspicious of them. We may compare this with the fact that the majority of the Flemish civil prisoners have been repatriated, while the Walloons are still in Germany.

However, the daily task of insinuation and persuasion is undertaken by the German press. In the first place it lays stress on the great affinity of character, historical past, origin, and language between the Germans and the Flemings (Düss. Gen. Anz., 4th December, 1914). The Germans must humour the Flemings and make friends with them. One reason why it would not do to treat Belgium more harshly (as had been demanded) is that there is a racial relationship between a portion of the population and that of Germany. There is no Belgian people (Voss. Zeit., 1st March, 1915). Much is made of the distant echoes of the linguistic quarrel (Voss. Zeit., 1st March, 1915; K.Z., 18th March, 1915; Frankf. Zeit., 24th March, 1915; Osswald, Zur Belgischen Frage).—The ill-feeling of the Flemings toward the "purely Walloon" Belgian Government must be fomented (Frankf. Zeit., 24th March, 1915), and also their dislike of the Belgian press printed in the French tongue, both Government and press having been long ago won over to France and the hatred of Germany (K.Z., 15th November, 1915). La Croix Rouge is published in three languages, Flemish preceding even German, and the French occupying only the extreme right of the sheet; each number contains only one feuilleton, and that is a novel in Flemish. A little Flemish conversation manual—Vlamischer Sprachführer—is published in Düsseldorf for the use of Germans, and of soldiers in particular. In order to compromise the Flemish, the Germans pretend that well-known Flemings are already working hand-in-hand with the German administration. It is even stated that a pro-German group of young Flemings exists (K.Z., 18th March, 1915). In verse translations, the Dietsch or duitsch of the Flemish poets is rendered by "German," whereas these words signify simply the Flemish or Dutch language (Lüttich, p. 127; Köln. Volksz., 25th January, 1915). Herr Karl Lamprecht, the well-known historian, who knew that his translation was dishonest, was one of those who translated dietsch by "German" (Die Woche, No. 12, 1915). Better still, in the same article Herr Lamprecht feigns to believe that by the expression Noord en Zuid Emmanuel Hiel intended to denote the Germans and the Flemings; whereas he is speaking—and no confusion is possible—of the Dutch (Noord-Nederlanders), and the Flemings (Zuid-Nederlanders).

A short story by M. Maurice Sabbe was published in the Berliner Tageblatt on the 25th December, 1914, with an introduction which was peculiarly compromising to the author's patriotic sentiments. His extremely plain reply was as follows:—

How Fräulein Dämchen was Buried. (Reproduction prohibited.) By Maurice Sabbe, Professor of Germanic Languages at the Malines Athenæum.

(The sketch was preceded by a brief introduction, which we quote.)

The sketch we publish here deserves particular attention. Maurice Sabbe is a scholar and a Flemish writer of repute, who, during the bombardment of Malines, fled into Holland. Sabbe knows Germany, thanks to a long residence at Weimar, and the military situation has not succeeded in destroying his feeling, which is exempt from prejudice, for Germany and Germanism. He expresses his opinion with sympathy in the lectures which he is delivering in Holland, and, in the same spirit, he has addressed, through his translator, to a German journal, the Berliner Tageblatt, this short story of life in Malines, which describes an episode of the war: the first contribution which, coming from Belgium and written by a Belgian during the war, has been destined to find publication in Germany.

The Editor. (Berliner Tageblatt, 25th December, 1914.)

Bussum, 28th December, 1914.

Sir,

I beg your hospitality for the following lines:—

In the November number (1914) of the review Onze Eeuw I published a literary version of an episode of the bombardment of Malines. A Dutch writer, M. E. Meier, requested my permission for the publication of a translation of this sketch in a German newspaper. I granted it him without hesitation and even with a certain pleasure. My narrative emphasized the kindness and magnanimity of my countrymen towards their enemies, and, at a moment when the German press was accusing every Belgian of being a franc-tireur, I thought myself fortunate to be able to place a contrary example beneath the eyes of the German public.

I left the choice of newspaper to my translator, and the translation appeared in the Christmas number of the Berliner Tageblatt.

But here the plot thickens. Unknown to me, the editors of the Berliner Tageblatt prefaced my story with a notice highly compromising to me. It asserts, in short, that I have German sympathies which the war has not succeeded in shaking, that I am giving lectures in Holland in order to express these feelings, and that I wrote my short story especially to be published in Germany!

The last assertion is already contradicted by the fact that the sketch in question is a translation of the text which appeared in a French review two months ago. As for my sentiments, they are what they have always been, those of a Belgian unshakably attached to his unhappy country and his noble King. These, and no others, are the feelings I have expressed in my lectures in Holland. My numerous auditors can testify to this.

You will give me a sensible pleasure, sir, by inserting this letter, thus assisting me to avoid any misunderstanding.

Accept, etc., Maurice Sabbe.

This is only a detail in the conflict we are sustaining against invading Germany, but it is a very instructive detail, because it shows that before accepting any assertion on the part of our oppressors we must always ask ourselves how much of it is a lie. The same question arises à propos of a letter written by a Fleming living at Liége and speaking "in the name of the Flemish population of Liége," which aspires to live under the German domination. By the singularities of his syntax and his orthography this Fleming from Liége can only be of German origin (Düss. Gen. Anz., 11th February, 1915).

Once there was even a kind word spoken for the Walloons, vindicating the dignity of their dialects, which are by no means dependent on the French. (It is true this bold assertion comes from Herr Kurd von Strantz.)

Inciting the People against the Belgian Government.

On the other hand, they hope to detach the Belgian people from its Government. Especially during the siege of Antwerp did they heap effort on effort of this kind. It was then greatly to their interest to send as many troops as possible to the Western front (so says Lieutenant-General Imhoff, in his introduction to Delbrück's Der Deutsche Krieg in Feldpostbriefen, pp. 11 to 13). Now hundreds of thousands of their men were delayed in Belgium by the siege of Antwerp. At all costs these had to be liberated in order to lengthen the battle-front towards the north-west and the sea. Towards the middle of September they did not hesitate for the third time to make peace proposals to the Government—proposals which were rejected with disdain, as were the previous ones (pp. 50-1). After this repeated diplomatic failure they attempted trickery, a speciality in which they shine to more advantage. As they could not succeed in directly influencing the leaders of Belgian politics, they endeavoured to act on them indirectly through the people. A newspaper was established, L'Écho de Bruxelles, "for the general welfare," to which a certain "Aristide" contributed. He professed to be an occasional correspondent, although his articles were really the pretext for issuing the paper.

In the first number he published a detestable letter in which he called upon the Belgian Government at all costs to make peace with Germany. This proceeding was so improper that the N.R.C. even, while reprinting the letter, could not refrain from criticizing it harshly. In No. 4, which appeared on the 4th October, 1914, and which was entirely devoted to an attempt to cause mental anxiety in the people of Brussels, he condemned as unpatriotic "the man who does not rise up to cry to the people of Antwerp that they must cease from this sanguinary, disastrous, and useless struggle for a cause which is not ours." The same accusation was made against "those divisional Generals whom the laurels of General Leman will not allow to sleep." "The laurels of General Leman, great God!" he adds, and thereupon he moves heaven and earth to prove the notorious insufficiency of the valiant defender of Liége. No, he says, "the true and only heroes of this melancholy war in Belgium are those who ... have proposed to treat with Germany. These, Ministers and generals, have given proof of courage and wisdom, exposing themselves to the vengeance of a mob over-excited by a system of lies and delusions.... And the public will kick out these French journalists and these hawkers of French journals who for years have whispered hatred of neighbour against neighbour, the latter being the best customer Belgium possessed." We have cited only the more scandalous portions of this article, ignoring the merely ignoble passages.

While "Aristide" was endeavouring to influence the civil population, aeroplanes were distributing to the Belgian troops in Antwerp circulars, printed in French, and in another language which had a certain resemblance to Flemish; and these strange handbills informed the Belgian soldiers that they had been deceived by their officers and by the authorities; that the Belgian army was fighting for the British and the Russians, etc.

Declaration.

Brussels, 1st October, 1914.

Belgian Soldiers,

Your blood and your whole salvation, you are not giving them at all to your beloved country; you are only serving the interest of Russia, a country which desires only to increase its already enormous power, and, above all, the interest of England, whose perfidious avarice has given birth to this cruel and unheard-of war. From the commencement your newspapers, paid from French and English sources, have never ceased to deceive you, telling you nothing but lies as to the causes of the war and the battles which have followed, and this is still done every day. Consider one of your army orders which affords fresh proof of this. This is what it contains: