EVENTS of the Year 1012, H.

Advantage gained by the rebel Delí Hasan.—Mahmúd Páshá is appointed in the room of Khosrú Páshá.

We have before mentioned how the rebel Delí Hasan, towards the conclusion of the preceding year, murdered Hasan Páshá in the city of Tokat, and we have also related his subsequent march into Anatolia. The beglerbeg of Diárbeker, vezír Khosrú Páshá, who had been sent with the troops of Haleb and Meræsh, to chastise this notorious rebel, failed in the attempt. Some of the above troops having refused obedience to his authority, left him, and went to Sivás. The rest, on seeing this, under the pretence that winter had arrived, dispersed themselves also, and left him without a man.

An account of these disastrous events having found its way to Angora (Ancyra), where the rebel then was, he hastened forward with the utmost boldness to attack Háfiz Páshá, who commanded in Anatolia. When Háfiz, who was by no means in a condition to face this formidable enemy, heard of his movements, he shut himself up in Kutahia. The rebel advanced and laid siege to the city: but after three days’ effort, in consequence of cold and rain, was obliged to raise the siege; but he set fire to the place, and set off for Karah Hisár, where he went into winter-quarters.

As soon as the Ottoman court had heard of these inauspicious affairs, it appointed Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá to succeed Khosrú Páshá in the chief command. This appointment took place in the month of Rajab.

Several changes take place.

In consequence of some malicious instigation of the soldiery, Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá was removed from the káímakámship, and Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá was appointed in his stead. These changes took place on the 20th of Rajab. Alí Aghá, ághá of the janissaries, was also deposed, and his office conferred on Delí Ferhád Aghá, a bostánjí báshí. Sáa’tjí Páshá was conducted to the Seven Towers. On the night of the 22d, the mufti, Mohammed Effendí, was deprived of his high office, which was conferred on Siná-allah Effendí. This is the second time this reverend prelate held this highest office of the priesthood. On this same occasion also the cazí of Constantinople, Abdulmíámin Mustafa Effendí, was appointed to succeed the cazí of Anatolia, Abdul Waháb, who had been in Egypt, and who now became cazí of Constantinople in room of the former.

Concerning Ghaznafer Aghá and Osmán Aghá, ághá of the palace.

On the 23d of Rajab the spáhí legion requested his majesty, the emperor, to call a general diván for the purpose of taking into consideration the state of the empire, every where torn and afflicted with rebellion and insubordination. His majesty complied with this requisition. Accordingly, the mufti, Siná-allah Effendí, the káímakám, Mohammed Páshá, Siderín Akhí Zádeh, Abdul Míámin Mustafa Effendí, and the ulemá, of all ranks, in all about thirty in number, met in council. On the part of the spáhís, Hasan Khalífeh, Poiráz Osmán, and the secretary Iksámí presented themselves before the royal diván and spoke thus: “Sire, in consequence of the war which you find necessary to carry on at a distance, the glory of the royal house is impaired, and its dignity is diminished. The empire, from one end to the other, is trampled upon. The government of Erzerúm is subjected to Gusah Nefer Páshá’s soldiery and levends (a kind of volunteers); the government of Sivás is under the oppressive rule of Ahmed Páshá; Caramania is in the power of Delí Hasan; the sanjáks of Merzefún, of Kostamúní, and of Kankarí, in like manner, are in the hands of the rebels Tevíl and Karah Seyed. The insurgents and rebels have seized the whole world. Five or six times a commander-in-chief has been appointed, but no good result has followed; nothing has been accomplished.” After talking a great deal in this manner, and pointing out the injustice and corruption which had crept into the administration, they adverted to one or two flagrant instances as proofs of their assertions. It was with great difficulty that Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had been confined in the Seven Towers, escaped undergoing the extreme sentence of the law on this occasion. The fourth vezír, Tarnákjí Páshá, was also brought forth, and would have undergone the sentence of death; but in consequence of the intercession of the janissaries he was pardoned. The kapú ághá, Ghaznafer Aghá, who had been the means of raising Khosrú Páshá and Osmán Aghá, the ághá of the palace, who were afterwards presented, were not so fortunate. The emperor, when all these transactions were over, returned to the haram or seraglio, whilst the exclamations of the people ascended to the very heavens in his behalf. The populace soon after dispersed themselves.

Yemishjí Hasan Páshá returns to Constantinople.

Soon after the grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, had dismissed the khán of the Tátárs, to go into winter-quarters at Petcheví, he delivered over to Lála Mohammed Páshá the whole of the affairs of the frontiers. The magazines of provisions and other stores in Belgrade he committed to Etmekjí Zádeh, the treasurer, and to Mohammed Páshá; and appointed his own lieutenant, Mustafa Aghá, to collect provisions in the districts of Bosnia and Buda.

Having heard of the late transactions in Constantinople which had been occasioned by the spáhís, he imagined, and not without good reasons, that he was in danger of losing his own life; he therefore took a company of unemployed servants along with him, and set out for Constantinople. On reaching Yaghodina he was met by Hasan Aghá, a kapújí báshí, who informed him that Siná-allah Effendí, in compliance with the wishes of the spáhís, had been created mufti. Another messenger, called Yemenlí Hasan Aghá, a khetkhodá of the court, brought him a letter, which stated that if he wished his own existence to be continued, to make all the haste he possibly could. He recommenced his journey immediately, but was considerably impeded in crossing the river Múrov, owing to the masses of ice which floated upon its surface. However, he got safely over it, and when he arrived at Nisa he met another messenger, who brought him a letter apprizing him of the fate of Ghaznafer, who suffered death along with Osmán. At a place called Khurmán he was met by two other kapújí báshís, who brought him a royal letter, and another from the queen-mother, both of which invited him to court, and which also were sufficient tokens of their good-will. He immediately returned a humble answer to these communications by the two persons who brought them to him. On his reaching Adrianople he took up his lodgings for a few hours in the house of Etmekjí Zádeh, his own treasurer, who was then at Belgrade. Yahiah Effendí, who was afterwards raised to the office of high priest, happening to be disengaged when the grand vezír arrived, waited on him, and both together, about seven o’clock in the evening, set out for the metropolis. On reaching Selivría they were met by Yemenlí Hasan Aghá, a kapú ketkhodá, and Sárí Alí Aghá, superintendant of the Soleimáníyeh, who strongly charged them not to delay entering the palace that night, for if they did, the messengers assured them the spáhís would next morning completely prevent their doing so. The grand vezír immediately descended from his chariot, mounted a swift charger, and reached the royal palace about four o’clock in the afternoon on the 25th of the month Shabán. The emperor received him most graciously, and welcomed his arrival in the kindest manner. After the grand vezír had delivered a statement to the emperor, of the affairs on the frontiers, he received a visit from the káímakám, Mahmúd Páshá, who no sooner departed, than the two military judges came to pay their respects to him also. When these exalted prelates were about retiring, he desired them to go to the mufti and give him his compliments; “Tell him,” said the grand vezír, “that had it not been the night-season, I would have called on him to pay him my respects in person at his own fortunate mansion; that as I did not wish to disturb him at so unseasonable an hour of the night, I have preferred waiting till tomorrow, when I shall not fail to visit him. But be sure,” continued he, “to come back and tell me how he received your message.” The reverend prelates, however, did not return. The morning arrived, and no word whatever from the mufti, nor any account of the prelates. This presaged no good. He, however, ascertained by some other means, that the principal actors in the late tumult had gone that morning to the mufti, and complained to him in the most violent manner against him. “This vezír,” said they, “has, by his bad management, and want of skill in the command of the troops on the frontiers, allowed the infidels to gain some important advantages over the orthodox Moslems, and has thus tarnished the glory and pride of the Osmánlís.” Having preferred this complaint, they insisted on the mufti’s giving them a decree to take away his life. The mufti complied. These accusers, after succeeding with the head of their religion, hastened away to the governor, Mahmúd Páshá, to show it to him. In some histories it is said that this decree was delivered to the soldiery by Mahmúd when the grand vezír was about entering the city on his return from Belgrade. However, to make the thing as sure as the accusers could, they went to the two military judges, and asked them to tell them if the instrument which the mufti had issued was legal, and if so, to sign it; which after some little importunity they did.

Mahmúd Páshá reports these proceedings to the Emperor, who refuses to sanction the deed of the Muftí.

Mahmúd Páshá, the governor of Constantinople, wrote out a report of the proceedings which were carrying on against the life of the grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, enclosed in it the decree of the high-priest, which had been confirmed by the signatures of the two military judges, and sent it to the emperor. In this report the cunning governor assured the grand sultán, that if he did interpose in behalf of his vezír serious mischief would inevitably be the result. The emperor, after receiving this document and its enclosures, caused it to be published that Mahmúd Páshá had stipulated with the heads of the disaffected to give them thirty thousand ducats, and that he, in the event of grace being shown to Yemishjí, had instructed them to raise a tremendous tumult. This was a sufficient answer to Mahmúd’s report. The emperor, moreover, declared that he had perfect knowledge of the whole of his vezír’s conduct, and that if it had appeared that he had acted unworthily of his high station, he, the emperor, knew how to punish him. He was much displeased with the interference which had been made.

After having sent this answer to the proper quarter, he called an officer of the court, and instructed him in the necessity there existed of his going that very night and taking summary vengeance on Mahmúd Páshá, and which he conceived would have the effect of intimidating the disaffected soldiery. This commission was no sooner delivered than the emperor sent the whole of the papers which had been sent to him by Mahmúd to his grand vezír. The person to whom this business had been entrusted was Kásim Aghá, who on delivering the above papers to the grand vezír, informed him that he was on his way to murder Mahmúd Páshá. Mahmúd Páshá, however, had got scent of the purpose which had been formed against him, and either hid himself or absconded. The grand vezír, on examining the documents which had been put into his hand, was, no doubt, greatly astonished to find amongst them an official decree of the highest spiritual authority for the taking away of his own life.

After the grand vezír had fully weighed Mahmúd’s statement and the decree of the mufti, confirmed, as it was, by the authority of the military judges, was not only astonished and confounded, as might easily be imagined, but also greatly afflicted. The soldiery who had been anxiously looking for the emperor’s consent to his execution, no sooner heard of the kind reception the grand vezír had met with at court, than they began to vociferate loudly that they would proceed to his palace and there murder him forthwith. They, accordingly, rushed into the At-maidán, where they began to concert how they might be able to effect their bloody deed. The grand vezír was no sooner apprized, on the other hand, of the menacing of the mob, than he, in terror of his life no doubt, ordered his gate to be firmly barricaded, and ran to hide himself in the apartment next to that in which the sultana his bride lived; for the marriage was not yet consummated.

When the spáhí mob, in conformity to their plan, had reached the gate of the grand vezír’s palace, they found the gate firmly shut against them, but which, had it not been that the night was setting in, they would have burst open. This circumstance, it would appear, caused them to change their mind, and agreeing to defer their purpose till the following morning, they immediately dispersed.

The poor grand vezír and commander-in-chief felt the insecurity of their situation, and being haunted by the horrors of a cruel and untimely death, which his imagination pictured to him, he, at the hour when every true Muselman was offering up his nightly devotions, issued from his palace in disguised garments, accompanied by only two faithful servants, and proceeded to the palace of the ághá of the janissaries, called “the Palace of delight.” Here he was visited by Yemenlí Aghá and Sárí Alí Aghá who desired him to take his ink-stand and a few sheets of paper and to proceed without delay to the ághá of the palace. The unfortunate vezír mounted a horse and went as he was directed. On reaching the palace and entering into the hall of audience, he there saw Hasan Páshá and the ághá of the janissaries with his suite busily engaged in some affairs. The latter called the vezír to advance, and directed him to draw out the following statement:—“That the present acting mufti, Siná-allah Effendí, had been guilty of affording countenance and protection to some of the insurgents; that his brother’s son, Chelebí Kází, had, in a most unrighteous manner, accepted of thirty thousand dollars from the rebel Scrivano; that he had caused Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, to be deposed; that he had joined with the multitude of spáhís in intimidating the diván; that he had caused the ághá of the palace and the kizlar ághá (or ághá of the seraglio) to be beheaded; that he had thrown the whole of the community into a state of excitement by his murderous persecution of the grand vezír; in short, that he was the moving cause of all the disturbance, insubordination, rebellion and violence, which had lately taken place in the city. Further: that the whole of the janissaries were thoroughly convinced that this high-priest should be turned out of his office, as a preliminary to the settling of those commotions which agitated the public mind; that he should be banished to the island of Rhodes, and his place filled by a man possessed of piety and orthodox principles; that Mustafa Effendí, military judge of Anatolia, should be the person to succeed him in his high office, because he was a man possessed of piety and religion, and was, moreover, continent and abstemious.”

Such were the contents of the statement above alluded to, and which the grand vezír, when written out, wrapped up in a cloth and kept till the proper moment for presenting it should arrive. His friends also sent intimation, similar to what the statement contained, to the vezírs, ulemá, armour-bearers, heads of the artillery, and to all the principal persons in the community who were able to read; and all the faithful subjects of his majesty were called upon to assemble under arms at the mosque of Soleimán, and there wait to hear a declaration of his majesty’s will and pleasure.

The paper containing the accusations against the mufti was sent by night, by a trustworthy person, to the sultán in his own private apartments. The morning arrived, and the multitude began to assemble in the vicinity of the Soleimáníyeh. The whole of the janissaries stood fully accoutred under arms at the foot of the stairs opposite their own barracks, and all strangers were ordered to withdraw. Hasan Páshá and Ferhád Aghá, the ághá of the janissaries, stood forward on the top of the stairs above-mentioned, produced a royal letter which one of them read in the hearing of the janissaries. This royal letter assured them of his majesty’s good opinion of them, and said that they did and ever should participate of his grace and favour. “From the days of my august and noble ancestors until this day,” it was more particularly stated in this royal document, “you have always conducted yourselves with propriety, and have never been guilty of any irregularity or insubordination. You have uniformly obeyed my royal injunctions with the utmost zeal and precision; and now I request you to aid my grand vezír in chastising those unruly persons who have been the cause of exciting turbulence and commotion in our royal city.”

The janissaries who had been instructed how to act their part in this matter replied, after having pronounced many blessings on their sovereign’s head, that they had some certain reasonable things to advance, and begged they might be laid before the august throne. “The muftis of former days,” they said, “used to be very much attached to the royal house, but the present one, Siná-allah Effendí, was a traitor to the true interests of the Ottomans. He has been bribed by Scrivano, through his nephew, Chelebí Kází, with a sum of thirty thousand dollars; he has deposed Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá; he joined the turbulent multitude who lately intimidated the diván, causing some of its principal members to be executed; and at this moment he is exciting the mob to be satisfied with nothing less than the grand vezír’s life, having even issued a decree for this purpose. It is our opinion,” continued the janissaries, “that he should be forthwith chastised, and that Mahmúd Páshá, his chief coadjutor in this tumult, should be executed without delay; that the turbulent and seditious among the spáhí mob should be delivered up, and in the event of this being declined, to visit the whole tribe with summary vengeance. If they show a disposition to resist, then let them stand prepared for combat, for we are ready to meet them.”

The grand vezír expressed his satisfaction, came forward along with the ághá to their view, and sat down. The vezírs ulemá, and other dignitaries and nobles also assembled. Sinán Páshá, son of Jeghala, declined attending, but a messenger who was sent after him forced him to comply whether he would or not.

After these magnates had assembled in council, the names of the principal conspirators were all registered, their persons proscribed, and a list of them was sent to their chief commanders.

Next morning, however, the discontented spáhís assembled under arms before the menagerie. The grand vezír ordered some ághás to go to the spáhí troops and demand the persons whose names had been noted down. If they deliver them up to you, said he, bring them hither; if not, tell them they must abide by the consequence. The ághás did as they were commanded. On their appearing before the spáhís they showed their credentials and demanded the persons whose names had been taken down, but the spáhís declared they would not give one of them up, supposing, no doubt, the emperor would not proceed to extremities. These ághás sent back these lieutenants with the ungracious answer of the spáhís. In the meantime, two kapújís arrived from the palace, who delivered a packet to the grand vezír which announced to him that the change he had proposed in the muftiship was most graciously acceded to. He turned about to Abdulmíámin Mustafa Effendí and informed him that his majesty had most kindly appointed him mufti. The new mufti made a suitable reply, and the grand vezír, after considering the whole of the contents of the royal communication, took Mustafa Effendí by the arm and introduced him, as such, to all the vezírs and magistrates present, when they all paid him the homage due to his elevated rank.

After all these ceremonies were concluded, the new mufti was requested to wait on his majesty, who entered into conversation with him respecting the conduct of the insurgents, who still maintained their obstinacy, and asked him what punishment, he thought ought to be inflicted on them. The mufti replied, “that the law ought to take its course; that all who continued to manifest disobedience to his high injunctions were rebels; and that the spáhís ought to deliver up, for condign punishment, the chief actors in the tumult and rebellion which then reigned to so terrible a degree throughout the city.”

The grand vezír again addressed the lieutenants of the ághás who had brought him the resolution of the turbulent spáhís, and desired them to return and inform them of the judgment of the new mufti; then to come back to him, bringing along with them the proscribed persons, provided they gave them up. “If they do not deliver them up,” said he, “then inform them that the whole tribe of spáhís shall be entirely cut off from serving any longer in the state, and their privileges be done away with.” They were, moreover, to be informed, that the emperor expected immediate obedience; that if they did not at once show signs of regret by availing themselves of the overture made to them, he had determined to take summary vengeance on them all; that their heads would be cut off at the bottom of the stairs on which he, the grand vezír, stood. The officers proceeded with their message, and delivered it in due form.

In the meantime, however, the grand vezír called one Devlet Aghá, a kapújí báshí (who was in an after reign grand vezír), and desired him to take forty of the household troops and proceed to the house of Siná-allah, the mufti effendí, seize his person, put him on board a vessel, and banish him to the island of Rhodes. Devlet Aghá proceeded with his party to seize the person of the high priest, as directed, but before he had reached his house the reverend father had fled and hid himself.

Devlet Aghá not finding the object of his pursuit, called Hamza Aghá, a kapújí báshí, and Murád Effendí, the second recorder, and desired them to proceed and seal up the palace of the fugitive, Mahmúd Páshá, sometimes called Gúzelcheh Mahmúd Páshá. At the same time persons were sent to shut the gates of Constantinople, and to watch them. These proceedings were announced in the At-maidán to the assembled spáhís, who became so terrified that they all dispersed in the greatest dismay. The ághá of the janissaries mounted his horse, and conducting his troops through the streets of the city, soon restored peace and order in all quarters of Constantinople. The great men and vezírs returned to their respective mansions. Ferhád, the ághá of the janissaries, no sooner restored order in the city than he went in pursuit of the rebels. The grand vezír spent the remainder of that day in the house of the ághá of the palace; and Ferhád, on proceeding to a barrack belonging to the spáhís situate near the arsenal, immediately ransacked it of every thing valuable, and slew a number of this turbulent tribe. This circumstance laid a foundation of enmity between these two powerful bodies, viz. the janissaries and spáhís. The barring and locking of the gates of Constantinople proved also a great inconvenience to the inhabitants, inasmuch as they were prevented from burying their dead in the usual way.

Such, for a whole day and night, was the agitated state of the city, occasioned by the events we have related.

Poiráz Osmán and other rebels executed.

The following day, at an early hour, the mufti, the vezírs, the grandees, the ulemá, and others, met for consultation in the house of the ághá of the palace, and continued their deliberations in reference to the interests of religion and the benefit of the state till the hour of prayer. The grand vezír then mounted his horse and went to pay a visit to his august majesty, accompanied by the new mufti and the military judge of Anatolia, Mustafa Effendí, who, it will be remembered, was recommended by the janissaries to fill the office of the high priest. The grand vezír was preceded by a body of armed foot soldiers to the imperial palace, and after having had the honour of kissing his sovereign’s hand, the emperor entered into conversation with him and the other august persons that accompanied him about the state of public affairs. The serdár, after the above interview, returned in great pomp to the At-maidán, where the janissaries, who had met there by appointment, fired several rounds, and the cavalry went through their evolutions in token of joy for the success which had attended the grand vezír.

The mufti and the military judge, after having conversed some little while with the grand vezír, retired to their own homes.

Now that peace and good order had been established, the inhabitants came forward in multitudes to congratulate the grand vezír on his escape from the snares which had been laid for him, and to express their gratitude for his having quenched the fury of the spáhís. On this same day, in the afternoon, two messengers, one after the other, arrived, and informed the vezír that Poiráz Osmán and Ohgúz Mohammed, two of the principal leaders in the late disturbance, had been seized, and that Mustafa Aghá, the ághá of the spáhís, was conducting these two culprits into his presence. In a short time they appeared bound in chains before him: the vezír addressed them thus: “Osmán Beg, I showed you much respect and attention in the late war on the frontiers; I conferred on you offices of trust and profit, and have heaped favours upon you. Is this, then, the return you make? Is this according to your solemn promises? What can be the reason that you have acted thus? Why have you joined yourself to my enemies?” Poiráz Osmán replied; “O, exalted páshá, why do you force me to speak? I certainly did not commit the evil you impute to me in order that I should afterwards offer an apology. What has happened to me has been my lot. I have not trampled on your goodness so as to banish from my view all thoughts of providence. I feel that I am every way worthy of punishment; at the same time I humbly request you, in the exercise of your consummate benevolence, not to allow me, a guilty man, to be strangled like a woman, but kill me yourself with your sword.” “God forbid,” said the vezír in return, “that we should kill a heroic man of your stamp, especially as we know you must have been disadvantageously placed. But what,” continued the páshá, “induced you to adopt the course you have taken? I wish you to give me an explanation;” and then urged him to do so. Osmán Beg replied, “When I came to Constantinople, I perceived the spáhís going on with their mischievous purposes, but at first declined taking any share in them. Kátib Jezámí and others came running about me; and when I tried to escape them they followed me, urging me to join them. They used to tell me this and that; that the mufti, all the vezírs, the military judge, and other great men were in the plot; that they should without doubt accomplish their purpose; ‘your making yourself singular,’ they said, ‘will not retard the execution of our plan, and your obstinacy will only serve to bring evil upon yourself.’ They took me one day to the mufti’s deputy, who invited me to a splendid feast; I assembled that day with the rebels, but did not, for a while, mix with them; I was afterwards invited by Mahmúd Páshá to wait on him. I did so, and he constrained me to declare my sentiments; to say on what side I was. ‘Osmán,’ said Mahmúd, ‘we have concocted this great measure, and your not taking a decided share in it is not wise; and to oppose the general voice, you know, is not safe, especially as the conspirators have thirty thousand ducats at their disposal. Do not, my friend, make yourself obnoxious;’ and much more to the same purpose. From Mahmúd’s I was conducted to the mufti effendí, Siná-allah himself, and thence to the military judge. Each of the spiritual dignitaries employed many arguments to induce me to join them. I was at last, from what I had seen and heard, persuaded that all the men of name and power had espoused this unfortunate party’s interest, and were united in carrying it forward to a conclusion. The thirty thousand ducats were every now and then referred to. To make the story short, the devil tempted me; I became one of their number, and was one of the most active in the whole of the disturbance and insubordination which have lately manifested themselves.” This seems a very candid confession, but it helped the unfortunate culprit nothing. The grand vezír looked in the poor devil’s face with astonishment, and wondered at his statement. He ordered Aghá Mustafa to conduct the culprits into the royal presence, where the whole of the above facts were again elicited, and the result was, that the emperor ordered their heads to be severed from their bodies, which was immediately complied with. A day or two afterwards the insurgent Dipa kiz Rizván met with a similar fate; so did also Ghuzáz Alí and Burnáz Mohammed; but the infamous and wicked Kátib Jezámí could nowhere be found. Strict search for him it must, however, be confessed, was not made. It appears that he had collected a great quantity of gold together, had himself put into a coffin, and was carried over from Constantinople to Uskudár (Scutari), whence, with a few servants, he fled on horseback. His servants, falling in love with his money, however, took the opportunity, when they reached a mountainous part of the country, to murder him, and took the whole of his gold to themselves. Whilst these wretches were disputing and maliciously contending as to the mode of dividing their spoil, one of their number fled from them; and thus the story of Kátib Jezámí was made known.

Hasan Khalífeh, another of the heads of the insurgents who had been previously involved in other desperate acts, thinking himself perfectly secure, entered into coffee-houses, and spent part of the nights of the month of Ramazán in gay conversation, and in the participation of good cheer along with some of his friends in the above houses; but on the 11th night of that month, whilst enjoying his pleasure in one of these cafés, he was seized and hurried away into the presence of the emperor, when he was without mercy instantly sent to the mansions of the dead. In this way the whole of the ringleaders of the insurgents were disposed of: the world was thus delivered from their mischievous existence.

As to Gúzelcheh Mohammed Páshá, the deputy-governor of Constantinople, he fled and hid himself at the very commencement of the tumult, as before observed; but he was afterwards discovered in the habit of a súfí, near the mosque built by Hájí Khosrú, a rich man, on the outside of Constantinople. He threw himself on the mercy of the sublime Sultán, and thus escaped with his life.

New troubles, however, arose. A foundation for enmity between the spáhís and the janissaries was laid by the proceedings of the grand vezír, as before hinted. Peace and order had scarcely begun to be felt, when a dispute arose between these two powerful military bodies, and was carried on with the utmost asperity. Whenever any of the one party met any of the other, a battle uniformly took place. But it was beyond the walls of Constantinople that this hostility was most fiercely manifested. The proud vezír’s passion for murder and bloodshed continued unabated: his thirst for vengeance against the remaining objects of his hatred he never failed to satiate whenever he found an opportunity of doing so. He thought that the measure he had employed in crushing the rebellion which had been raised against himself had been completely effectual. He was proud of his own doings, and began to publish abroad in the palace of the emperor Alexander (the court of Constantinople) his own mighty deeds; and supposed he was every way such a favourite with the emperor that nothing he could ask would be refused. In this exalted state of his imagination, he passed five successive inglorious fast days in the greatest transports and joy. Having fully acquired the victory and glory which he thought necessary for himself, he began to increase his own abstemiousness and piety in a corresponding measure; but his fury and malignity for promoting the purposes of his own heart were in proportion to the good qualities he had formerly manifested. In short, he exercised violence and cruelty without restraint. He shed blood, and punished to excess; any one who was so unhappy as to displease him, however trifling the offence might have been, was certain of feeling his vengeance, and that was generally death. Without even the shadow of any rational pretext whatever, he caused one Alí Aghá, the brother-in-law of the ághá of the palace, to be strangled. The very day after this deed was committed, he went to the diván, and caused Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá to be singled out from among the senators in the diván, and ordered his head to be struck off even under the sacred roof; but for what crime he suffered death no one knew. The grand vezír, in fact, was absolute and supreme, and therefore irresistible.

Hasan Páshá, formerly mentioned, was about this time appointed to the government of Baghdád, to which he repaired.

Azím Zádeh Effendí relates, what is not at all to be wondered at in those days of mourning, that this same grand vezír had formed the design also of numbering among the slain Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had been formerly governor of Constantinople, but that he had the good fortune to make his escape to Trebisond. Háfiz Páshá, the eunuch, who formerly had been káímakám of the Sublime Porte, was sent by him to the Seven Towers, and he lay there without the hope of escape. Others besides these now mentioned felt his resentment, and that too for mere trifles: for neglecting to shew him the respect he conceived to be due to him, or if he had any suspicion of their acting contrary to his views of such things.

About this same time also he began to lay his hand upon the merchants, and to extort money from them. By the advice of Yázijí Zádeh, he got the ulemá to extend his powers and privileges, by which means he exercised oppression and tyranny, cruelty and rapine, in every direction.

Other affairs of this period.

On the 11th of Ramazán, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá was appointed to take the command of the troops who had been ordered to act against the insurgents; but this appointment was again rescinded on the 25th following, and Jeghala Zádeh was fixed upon. Khosrú Páshá, who had been removed from the government of Egypt, was appointed vezír over the emperor’s private property, and was ordered to take his seat in the diván; and on the 1st of Dhu’l Kadah, he was appointed to take the command of the troops who served on the banks of the Danube. Ferhád Aghá having been deposed from the command of the janissaries, Kásim Aghá, deputy of the Kapújís, was appointed in his stead. Delí Hasan, the rebel-chief, who had gone to winter at Karah-hísár, sent his deputy, Sháh Verdí, to Constantinople, to solicit pardon for all his past offences, and promising obedience in future. Through the good offices of the túrnají báshí, who had recommended to employ him on the frontiers of Romeili, where he might have an opportunity of manifesting his courage, he was too suddenly received back into favour, and the country of Bosnia was rashly conferred on him. This same túrnají báshí accompanied Hasan’s deputy back, and carried with him for the reconciled chief a drum, a flag, and a robe of honour, which the government thought proper to send him. After having dispersed his rebel troops, he passed over to Romeili about the beginning of Dhu’l Kadah, and got the command of about four hundred men. The above-mentioned túrnají báshí was also sent with a body of janissaries to the camp of Mohammed Páshá at Belgrade, who had succeeded to the grand vezír in the command of the army on the frontiers, and having left Buda, had come to Belgrade. Here he collected his troops, and waited with some anxiety for the arrival of the janissaries, whom he expected the túrnají báshí would bring with him; and also for Delí Hasan. In the month of Dhu’l Kadah, Núh Páshá, the beglerbeg of Anatolia, who had succeeded Jeghala Zádeh in the east, and who had been appointed to the government of Caramania, Sivás, Merœsh, Haleb, and Adna, was appointed to conduct the war against those rebel chiefs who had continued their hostility, after Delí Hasan had reconciled himself. But when these rebels, however, did make peace, the sons of the khán of the Crimea, Salámet Gheráí, Mohammed Gheráí, and Shaher Gheráí, who had gone over to them, returned to the court of their brother, the ruling khán, when their unnatural conduct was pardoned. This took place towards the end of Dhu’l Hijja. On the 27th of the same month, the emperor was exceedingly enraged against the royal prince called Mahmúd Sultán, for some vicious conduct which had manifested itself in him. The true reason seems to have been this. One of the mesháiekh, or doctors, entered into a correspondence with Sultán Mahmúd, which flattered him with the prospect of mounting the Ottoman throne. This correspondence fell into the hands of the Kizlar Aghá, who informed the emperor of what was going on. The prince was first seized, then his mother, the sheikh or doctor, and all the other persons who were any away connected with the secret. This conduct, on the part of the persons concerned, awakened, as well it might, the suspicion of the emperor, who deemed it of so serious nature, that at the end of one month after they had been apprehended they were made to feel what they had every reason to dread. Mahmúd was a youth of great bravery and heroism. When at any time he saw his father in a thoughtful mood about the issue of the rebellion, which we have lately described, he used to say to him: “Make me commander-in-chief, and I will soon bring these rebels to submit, either by the sword or by acts of kindness: the thing is by no means difficult.” The emperor, however, did not like to hear him express himself in that way, and therefore prohibited the use of such language.

Among the strange events of this year is the following. Abd-ur-rahmán, sometimes called Nedázlí, a teacher in an academy in Constantinople, was apprehended on the 10th Jamadi II., and put to death in the royal diván on a charge of impiety and atheism. Akhí Zádeh Effendí the chief-priest of Romeili, and Asa’d Effendí the chief-priest of Anatolia, were the two judges who condemned the unhappy man. Asa’d Effendí, in a letter he sent to Tarnákjí Hasan Páshá, says “he had never met in all his life such another Zendik (sadducee) as Abd-ur-rahmán. He avowed most thoroughly,” continues Asa’d Effendí, “his disbelief of the resurrection, heaven and hell, reward and punishment. I asked him to reply to several texts, and employed many strong and perspicuous arguments with the view of rescuing him from his unbelief and depravity, but he would not recant. So great an unbeliever was he, in his perverted judgment on points on which there can be no doubt! But neither was he to be considered as an insane person, for he argued strongly for his own views and mode of belief. There is no hope whatever of convincing a madman; and this sadducee, when he was not brought to repentance, deserved to die, and to this doom he was subjected. If your excellency had been here you would, with your own hands, have slain him. The world is delivered from his corrupt opinions, Muselmans from his influence, and the orthodox faith from the slanders of his tongue.”

Concerning the operations of the new Commander-in-chief Mohammed Páshá.

Soon after the grand vezír’s return to Constantinople last year, Lálá Mohammed Páshá, whom he had left in the supreme command at Buda, was appointed serdár in his room, or commander-in-chief of the whole of the Turkish forces on the frontiers.

Lálá Mohammed Páshá, as before hinted, left Buda and came to Belgrade, whence he issued orders to all the troops to assemble at his head-quarters. After these orders had been attended to, and the various troops had accordingly assembled at Belgrade, he found it would be too late in the year to wait for the arrival of the janissaries, whom the túrnají báshí was conducting to him from Constantinople, or for Delí Hasan (lately a powerful and mischievous rebel). In short, the season had already been far advanced, and therefore Mohammed Páshá returned towards Buda with the whole of his army. After crossing the bridge of Usk he encamped at a place called Kúrwah, where he received a visit from Delí Hasan Páshá, now the beglerbeg of Bosnia. When this man first came over to Romeili, under the semblance of having returned to obedience, he still cherished in his heart, notwithstanding this appearance, his old sentiments of disaffection. For some small offence which the master of the vessel in which he sailed from Anatolia had given him, he got into a rage and shot him dead. His conduct at Adrianople was still more flagrant. He collected there, by violence, an immense quantity of spoil; robbed the saddler of that place of all the furniture he had in his premises; laid a heavy contribution on the inhabitants, and did not leave the place till a certain number of yúks of money had been given to him. He acted in this tyrannical way at Philippopolis, Sofia, and other cities through which he passed with his troops, amounting to ten thousand foot and horse, on his way to join the commander-in-chief. These troops had a most strange appearance. Many of them were naked-looking wretches, wearing amulets and chains about their necks; others of them had camel-bells fixed to their stirrups, and also wore amulets and chains on their backs; others were without caps or bonnets, and wore long hair like women, divided into tresses; others again had no covering for their legs. Each man of this motley crew carried a sort of spear, having a white flag about two spans long at the top. Thus arranged and accoutred, they surrounded the serdár’s tent with their matches burning in their hands, and crooked daggers stuck in their girdles. After having arranged themselves properly and being put in right order, the serdár sent one hundred and forty garments for the better sort amongst them, and cloth for as many more. Four hundred of them offered to enter the ranks of the serdár; but he replied he would see about it, and afterwards dismissed this savage-looking multitude.

His royal highness Ghází Gheráí, khán of the Crimea, who had wintered at Petcheví, made an excursion into the enemy’s dominions, but had not been so successful in the enterprize as he at first anticipated. When the commander-in-chief11 was on his way from Buda to Belgrade he paid his royal highness a visit; but on account of some misunderstanding or other, the khán returned to his own dominions without offering, in any way, to assist the besieged in Buda, which we lately left under the command of Mohammed Páshá, afterwards appointed commander-in-chief. The enemy’s camp, below Pest, was about fifty thousand strong. They had constructed a bridge across to the island of Chíl, and occupied that island with the view of preventing boats passing with provisions to Buda.

When the army under Mohammed Páshá, the commander-in-chief, had taken up its position in the neighbourhood of the enemy’s camp, the whole of the enemy’s guns were directed against the Moslems, who, from the necessity they were under of preparing themselves trenches, were not in a condition to act on the offensive, or even on the defensive. The Moslems appeared, even to themselves, to have been in a dilemma at this time, and did not seem to know how to conduct their military manœuvres. They were aware, at least some of their leaders were so, that if they had sent out detachments to harass the country around Pest, the enemy would not fail to take advantage of this, and come and attack them when less able to offer them effectual resistance. As the recovering of Buda was their chief object, they were unwilling to retire before they had at least supplied it with a sufficient quantity of provisions, and thus encourage the Budians to maintain their heroic resistance. The opinions of the warriors, however, were various and conflictive: one party proposed one thing, another opposed this, and a third had a new plan altogether. At length, however, now that Yemishjí Páshá was no more at their head, they resolved on constructing bridges, and attacking the enemy that had taken possession of the Chíl. This was talked over and considered. Kúchuk Osmán Aghá, Fedái Beg, ághá of the salihdárs, some emírs well acquainted with the use of small-arms, and three thousand segbáns, with ten pieces of cannon, were ordered to effect a landing on the island during the night, and raise bastions, mounds, &c. The commander of the segbáns, who acted in the room of the ághá of the janissaries, came forward, and said that he had ordered three or four thousand of the common soldiers to this service, as it was unnecessary, and even improper, he said, to employ the janissaries in a species of labour which was beneath their rank in the army. These sentiments did not sound well in the ears of those veterans who thought otherwise; they said that the success of the undertaking depended on the janissaries being employed in it. A warm discussion ensued, and every one gave his own opinion. One party proposed that Serkhúsh Ibrahím Páshá, cousin to the commander-in-chief, should conduct this expedition. This was opposed by another party, who proposed that Murád Páshá, beglerbeg of Romeili, with his provincial troops, should be sent. This was also rejected; and it is no wonder if the conflicting opinions which prevailed in the Moslem camp on this occasion should have proved the means of its utter ruin and destruction. From this very terrible result, however, they were saved, though at the expense of many lives.

Dervísh Páshá, who had been deposed from the government of Bosnia, was finally fixed on to conduct the expedition. On his reaching a bridge which the Moslems had just constructed for his use, he broke out into a rage when he saw it, and declared it altogether defective and dangerous. Mohammed Páshá, when the fact was explained to him, smoothed him down by telling him it should be, without delay, put into a proper state. “I need only tell you,” said the serdár, “in order to secure your services, that the janissaries in Constantinople, in consequence of their having met with the emperor’s countenance, and that of the prime minister, have become excessively tyrannical and turbulent. When you reflect on this, and when you consider that those of the same body of men amongst us here have manifested a similar spirit, you will not, I am sure, flinch from the duty assigned you.” This speech had the desired effect. Dervísh swore that he regarded his own life no more than he did a draught of water. “My reflection forbids me,” answered he, with no small degree of generous warmth, “to feel concern about self, but it demands of me, on the other hand, to be every way alive to the interests of my government, and to the glory of my religion. No sacrifice can be too great for either of these.” Thus saying, he proceeded. By means of boats four or five thousand horse and ten thousand foot were conveyed across to the above island under covert of the night.

It is very singular, as well as very remarkable, that at this time Mohammed Páshá was visited by a sort of deep lethargy, which seemed extremely alarming; so much so, in fact, that he could not raise his head, and when he opened his eyes he spoke nonsense. In the meantime midnight had passed away, and the troops, which had effected a descent on the island of Chíl, had made no trenches nor erected any bastions. The segbáns who formed part of the expedition obstinately refused to open trenches. “We fought on the other side,” said they, “without the use of trenches, and we will not use them here.” The other janissaries, however, dug trenches for themselves.

On the morning of the 4th of the month Sefer these unruly troops stood forth without order, and without any preconcerted plan, just like an army of locusts; and instead of acting in concert, and under regular authority, they spread out into small parties, and began to harass and plunder the country round Pest. They killed a few in these excursions, and seized a handful of others, with whom they returned to their camp. The bridge above referred to, though immense labour had been used in getting it ready, was not as yet fully finished. The enemy, who had been watching the movements of the Moslems, now put themselves in motion. They resembled a horde of swine following each other. The Hungarian cavalry attacked with fury those of the Moslems, and the bloody contest continued for several hours. It was very awful to see so many thousands of men in battle-array, some dying on the field and others drowning in the Danube. An auxiliary force of some hundreds of Moslems was conveyed over to the aid of their brethren in the island, whilst the cannon in the camp were made to play on the enemy with some effect. Dervísh Páshá, who commanded the expedition, was left with only ten pages around him; but he maintained his ground with matchless heroism. He tried, though in vain, to rally around him his troops, who were flying in all directions. Seeing himself abandoned by his men, and having no hope of succour from any quarter, he rushed in among a body of the enemy with the few who had remained faithful to him, and died sword in hand.

In this very disastrous attempt no less than six thousand of the turbulent segbáns perished. The enemy, on perceiving the advantage they had gained, advanced their guns to the edge of the river, and destroyed the bridge which had cost the Moslems so much trouble in constructing. This was not all. They soon after sent over in boats a host of troops to the Moslem side of the river, and during the night effected a number of trenches. They also commenced constructing a bridge, and every thing seemed to pronounce in favour of the enemy. The Moslems had met with a severe check, and the enemy was advancing upon them. For three successive days they remained (i.e. the Moslem army) in a state of apparent inactivity, and the enemy had nearly finished their new bridge, when, on the fourth day, Delí Hasan Páshá, by order of the serdár, advanced with his troops to the very edge of the enemy’s new trenches; but finding it impracticable, from their great depth, to penetrate them, he returned. He contrived, however, a more effectual method; this was, to divide his men into two bodies, and cause them to enter in at the two ends of the trenches. Never was any thing more decisive. Out of ten thousand of the very best part of the enemy’s troops, and which had occupied these trenches, only about two hundred of them escaped the edge of the sword: all the rest perished. The two hundred who did escape, made towards their boats; but had scarcely reached the middle of the river, on their return to the Chíl, when their boats upset and all on board sunk to the bottom.

After these wonderful and auspicious events, the serdár, Mohammed Páshá, raised his camp and directed his steps towards Buda; but the enemy, not in the least awed by the heavy loss they had just sustained, sent another body of several thousands to attack him in the rear. Few of these returned to their camp. Mohammed Páshá, who had fortunately received an augmentation of two thousand men from Buda, attacked the pursuing army from two points, and utterly defeated them. On the 12th of the month, when engaged in throwing provisions into Buda, the enemy again advanced, in the hope of thwarting the páshá’s purpose; but they were met with such vigour, that they were obliged to retrace their steps as fast as they were able. The enemy now retired upon Pest, removing, as they advanced on that place, the bridges which they had constructed on the Danube.

The winter season having set in, the serdár directed his thoughts towards making arrangements for the better protection of Alba Julia and Buda. With this view, Hasan Aghá, the túrnají báshí, was left with a number of troops to watch the movements of the enemy. The válí of Romeili, Murád Páshá, with his provincials, was left to garrison Buda itself; and Delí Hasan Páshá, beglerbeg of Bosnia, was sent to Usk. On the 14th of Rabia II. the commander-in-chief, with the remainder of his army, returned to Belgrade, which he reached about the end of the month. The troops were allowed to retire into winter-quarters, and a report of the whole of the campaign was sent off to Constantinople.

In the month of Moharrem of this year, Súfí Sinán Páshá was recalled to Constantinople, and raised to the dignity of vezír. The government of Shám (Syria) was conferred on Ferhád Aghá, who had been deposed from the ágháship of the janissaries. Núh Páshá was appointed commander-in-chief in Anatolia, and Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was recalled from Kutahia to Constantinople. He arrived there on the 24th of Sefer, and brought fifteen thousand ducats along with him, which were all seized by the government. The day after his arrival he went and took his seat in the diván; but towards the evening of the same day, Kásim Aghá, the ághá of the janissaries, seized him in his own palace, sealed up his effects, and conducted him to the Seven Towers, whence, after eighteen days’ confinement, he was set at liberty, and sent off to his own villa in the neighbourhood of Mikhalij (Moalich). The whole of his property in Constantinople was taken possession of in the name of the emperor. Had it not been for the interposition of the vezír, Hasan Páshá, and others, he certainly would have been put to death. In the month of Moharrem, also, Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá was appointed to the government of Erzerúm, and was sent away during the severity of the winter by sea to Tribazond. Núh Páshá, who had been appointed commander-in-chief in Anatolia over the troops who were to act against the insurgents in that quarter, was displaced by the grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, in consequence of an old grudge which he still continued to cherish against him, and Nesúh Páshá, beglerbeg of Haleb, was appointed in his room. Nesúh Páshá was a man of great worth, probity, and experience. He was ordered to go to Larenda, in his native country.

The grand vezír Yemishjí Hasan Páshá is deposed.—Dies by a violent death.

The grand vezír, Yemishjí Hasan Páshá, took care to appoint skilful commanders every where on the Turkish frontiers; succeeded in crushing the sedition which had broken out in the city, and in restoring tranquillity; tamed the spirit of his factious and turbulent troops, and took ample vengeance on all his enemies. In short, Hasan Páshá, the prime minister, was without a rival, and acted with absolute authority. His success was his ruin. His insolent vapouring pride and vanity grew to such a height, that even the friendship of those who were most attached to him was turned into hatred and enmity, and their esteem into disgust. The reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí, Mustafa son of Rázieh, the ághá of the janissaries, Kásim Aghá, besides other persons of note, began now to cherish an utter aversion towards this unsufferably proud and haughty vezír. These great men, and others of their order and rank, ventured, at last, to make a communication of his tyranny and misrule to the emperor; who, on receiving it, immediately wrote to the mufti, and others learned in the law, with regard to the nature of the misconduct charged against his vezír, and requested their opinion. These great and wise men acted their own part, and the result was, that both secret and open hostility began to be exercised against the grand vezír. It was alleged that he had the settled intention of banishing the queen-mother; that to accomplish this he had secured the concurrence of the janissaries, by promising to break open the treasury-chest of St. Sophia, and distributing the money in it amongst them. Kásim Aghá, to give this story the appearance of veracity, pretended he was able to substantiate the whole by credible witnesses. In short, the emperor and his mother were thoroughly persuaded of the truth of these allegations, and the following assertion had the effect of strengthening his majesty’s convictions: “If your majesty,” said his accusers, “were just now to send for the seals of office, he would refuse to deliver them up.”

One day, when the grand vezír, without entertaining the least suspicion of what was going on against him, went to Dávud Páshá on a visit to the emperor, and not finding the ághá of the palace, felt some concern as to how he might be introduced to his majesty, and therefore sent in a note intimating he had important communications to make to his royal ear; instead of having been graciously invited to enter, as he expected, he was coolly told, he would have an opportunity of laying his communications before the diván. This cold reception, as well as the answer which was returned him, he was at no loss to interpret: he perceived at once a change had taken place in his majesty’s mind towards him. He waited, therefore, with anxiety for the meeting of the diván, which took place on the Saturday following. Prior to the meeting of the diván, however, the ághá of the janissaries wrote a note to his majesty, which insinuated that there was great danger to be apprehended from the grand vezír, and that if prompt measures were not immediately taken with him, a serious tumult would most certainly ensue. In the diván, he stated the same things at great length, and concluded by saying, “that if instant precaution was not taken to thwart the purposes of the proud vezír, the seditious doctrines he had sown among the janissaries would soon, he was afraid, be felt in all their mischievous consequences. Try,” continued the ághá, “and require him to deliver up the seals of his vezírship, and I am willing to forfeit your majesty’s good-will if the janissaries do not rise to a man in resistance.” This speech excited his majesty’s anger.

In the meantime, the ketkhodá of the kapújís went to the grand vezír, and informed him how matters stood, and of the part Kásim Aghá had acted; and also that the military judges demanded his presence in the diván. The grand vezír, however, did not think proper to appear in the diván; but this ághá, bent on ruining him, did not leave a stone unturned in trying to accomplish his purpose. Towards evening, one Turk Ahmed Aghá, a kapújí báshí, brought the vezír a written message, which purported to be from his majesty. On reading this document, he set off in a sorrowful mood towards the imperial gardens, but contrived at the same time to send word to those ághás who were his friends, of the emperor’s purpose to deprive him of his office; and who immediately went to stir up the janissaries to offer resistance. They assembled themselves together in a tumultuous manner, hastened to Kásim Aghá’s gate, and charged him with being the cause of the emperor’s change of mind towards the grand vezír, shut him up in one of his rooms, and made his gate fast with locks and bars: thence they proceeded to the mufti and military judges, and threatened that if they did not immediately induce the emperor to restore Yemishjí Hasan Páshá to the premiership they would burn down their dwellings, and shed the blood of any who should venture to oppose them. They also wrote out their own sentiments, in order to present them to his majesty, but which they delayed sending till the following day. After having menaced the reverend and learned gentleman above-mentioned, they returned to pay Kásim Aghá a second visit; but he had effected his escape, and had gone to Jeráh Mohammed Páshá. On not finding Kásim Aghá a prisoner in his own house as they had left him, the enraged janissaries took the seals of his ágháship, and conferred them on Turk Ahmed Aghá. The vezírship they conferred on Sárukjí Mustafa Páshá, who had been governor of Wán; but the seals of the premiership they meant to confer on Yávuz Alí Páshá, who was expected from Egypt.

Such were the transactions which took place on the above occasion, and such the result. The diván, as a matter of prudence, was forbidden to meet for a week.

On the following morning the infuriated janissaries, with one accord, proceeded to the emperor’s palace, and demanded with a loud voice that Yemishjí Hasan Páshá should be reinstated in the premiership. This demand, however, was only made to the officers and servants of the palace, but no doubt with the view of their communicating the desire of the janissaries to the royal ear.

It happened that on that day the reverend mufti, and other spiritual dignitaries, had gone with their retinue to the royal palace, where they met the new-made ághá of the janissaries, Turk Ahmed, and whom they earnestly exhorted to retrace his steps, and not follow irregular courses. In short, this mode of address made an impression on the mind of Turk Ahmed, and it seems to have communicated itself to the rest of the mutineers; for we find the janissaries suddenly changed their minds, and said, “It is no matter of ours who is at the helm of affairs: the emperor may appoint whom he pleases.” The unfortunate grand vezír’s friends among the ketkhodás and chief chávushes, and some others, still maintained his cause, and continued for a while longer to persevere in his behalf; but they, too, when they saw that their perseverance would end in no good in his behalf, followed the example of the others.

This unsettled state of things continued for the space of ten days, when ten eunuchs, under the command of the bostán báshí, by supreme authority suddenly seized on Yemishjí Hasan Páshá in the royal mint, dragged him forth into the garden of Khundán Aghá, and there despatched him, leaving his friends and followers to lament over him. Thus ended the life and activities of Yemishjí Hasan Páshá.

It may not be improper briefly to advert here to the cause of that enmity which excited Kásim Aghá against the grand vezír, and which had its origin in the following circumstance.

When Háfiz Ahmed Páshá was sent to the Seven Towers, and his property seized, that part of it which was not considered fit to be appropriated to his majesty’s own use was ordered to be sold. Kásim Aghá was the person appointed to execute this business in the first instance; but the grand vezír, on the part of the diván, associated with Kásim the son Poghacha, the third treasurer. The latter, perceiving some disposition to purloin in the former, withstood him. Kásim, fired with indignation, said that the emperor had committed to him the sale of the confiscated property, and asked him, with an air of disdain, by whose authority he had ventured to mix in matters that did not belong to him. The other defended himself, and maintained that it was the special duty of the defterdárs to attend to matters of that kind, and not to ághás. “Why,” said Kásim, in wrath, “I hope it will be my lot one day to dispose in this very way of your property, and of the property of him who sent you hither.” The treasurer, who was not possessed of superabundant meekness, communicated these unguarded sayings to the grand vezír, and of course displeased him exceedingly. When Kásim, some time afterwards, appeared before him, he reproved him for his conduct, and threatened to be revenged on him. This, then, was the cause of that hostility and ill will manifested by Kásim Aghá, as above related, and which also led him to other actions not less vindictive and cruel. After the murder of the grand vezír had been perpetrated, he not only got the treasurer, Altí Poghacha’s son deposed, but succeeded also in keeping him confined in the Seven Towers for a considerable time, and caused the whole of his property to be confiscated—thus verifying, in part at least, the truth of his own prediction. Yemishjí Hasan Páshá’s secretary he caused to be arrested, and made him advance security for his future conduct. Yáishá Zádeh Hamzah Effendí, the reïs-ul-ketáb, or reïs-effendí, was by his means sent to prison, and the whole of his property would also have been confiscated, had it not been for the good offices of the ághá of the salihdárs, who interfered in his behalf. Kátibmim, the secretary to Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, was made reïs-effendí in room of Hamza Effendí.

This Kásim, though only an ághá, seems to have acted with as much authority and controul, in fact, as if he had been possessed of absolute and supreme dominion over the lives and fortunes of men. We shall hear more of him just now, and still more afterwards.

Kásim Páshá is made Governor of Constantinople.

In consequence of the káímakám having been afflicted with the gout, he found himself unable to attend his duty in the diván, and therefore did not appear there, except on the days on which petitions were presented to his majesty. Hamza Páshá, the lord high chancellor, acted for him, and gave him a detail of all such matters as usually came before that assembly.

One day, however, Kásim Páshá (very lately only an ághá) invented some means or other of getting the reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí, invited to the royal palace, where the emperor conversed with him on topics of a general nature, and afterwards suddenly adverted to the case of the afflicted Jeráh Páshá; spoke of the excellent fitness of Kásim Páshá for the despatch of public affairs, and so forth. It now began to be circulated abroad that the mufti had said that Jeráh Páshá, the most laborious and active of all the emperor’s servants, and the most beloved among the list of vezírs, was, in consequence of disease, unable to attend to the arduous services which his responsible situation demanded, or even to be present in the diván. The part which Hamza Páshá, the lord high chancellor, had acted in the diván, was mentioned with approbation, and, in words, encouraged; but the affairs of government, it was said, had become so very great and numerous, that it was absolutely impossible for him, however willing he might be, to fulfil the duties of the governor or deputy of Constantinople; and therefore it was considered more advantageous to the state to allow Jeráh Páshá to retire, and appoint another able person to the deputyship. It was urged that Kásim Páshá was a man every way qualified for the high situation, and on the 8th of Jemadi II. Jeráh was informed that his further continuance in office was dispensed with, and that Kásim Páshá was appointed to succeed him.

Kásim Páshá entered on the duties of his high station with zeal and alacrity, and, along with the mufti, attended incessantly to all the variety of business which came before him, with the most consummate skill and prudence. Mustafa Páshá, one of the vezírs, on account of some impropriety which appeared in his conduct, was sent to Anatolia, and Kúrd Páshá was appointed to fill his situation in the diván.

The mufti and the new deputy took care, however, to get their own friends and favourites into comfortable and snug places, by turning others out.

Yemishjí Hasan Páshá was deposed in the month of Rabia II. and assassinated in Jemadi II. following of this current year. In consequence of there having been no vezír in the diván at the death of the late grand vezír, who was considered worthy of wearing the robes of the premier, the seals were deposited, in the meantime, in the treasury of the Soleimáníyeh. Jeráh Páshá, the deputy of Constantinople, and his successor Kásim Páshá, attended to the duties peculiar to the premier’s office till a new one was appointed, which was not long after. Yávuz Alí Páshá having been recalled from the government of Egypt, he appointed the oldest of the emírs of that province to act as his deputy, and immediately commenced his journey towards Constantinople. His near approach to that city was no sooner ascertained, than the seals of the grand vezírship were sent him by the hands of Kúlí Dilsiz, a relation of his own. This took place in Jemadi II., about the time the late grand vezír was assassinated.

The commencement of a rupture with Persia.

This year, one thousand and twelve, is recognized in the history of the empire as a year of defection and rebellion. It was this year that the ungracious Sháh Abbás, the king of Persia, violated his engagements with the Sublime Porte, by stirring up rebellion and exercising tyranny and oppression on her frontiers. The governors and commanders on the frontier provinces had hitherto manifested the strictest obedience and good government, but now became tyrants through the influence of Persia. Neglecting the law of God and despising the commands of the emperor, they began to exercise their tyranny and oppression not only on the peasantry but even on those in power. In short, the Persians succeeded amazingly in perverting and corrupting the hitherto faithful Moslems on the frontiers.

Amongst those who had been thus gained over by one means or other to the side of the heretical Persians was one Ghází Beg, a descendant of Sháh Kúlí of Kúrdistán, and governor of Silmás. He and some of his followers dreading the resentment of the Sublime Porte, wrote letters to the Persian sháh to take them under his protection, and requested him to send them aid. The fox-like sháh, however, cunningly put off granting them their request for some little time, thinking it too early for bringing about the base designs he had formed against the Osmánlís. He, however, sent to Ghází Beg, by a hypocritical impure wretch of the name of Jemshíd, a cap, a sword, and a shawl, flattering him with every sort of promise of support from the sháh. Ghází Beg, thinking he had got all he wanted, began to force the people of his government to wear caps similar to the heretical one which was sent to him, instead of those they usually wore. In short, Ghází Beg and his associates became complete heretics and did not scruple to show it.

The people of Tabríz were thrown into a state of great rage and indignation at this conduct, and determined on making Ghází Beg and his followers to feel it. They accordingly resolved on calling to their aid the people of Nakhcheván, a city not far from Tabríz, in the view of bringing the people of Silmás to an account for their infidelity and heresy. This mission was committed to the care of the válí of the province of Tabríz, Alí Páshá, who, along with others who had accompanied him, no sooner reached Nakhcheván, than they made known to the citizens the purport of their embassy. Adherence to the emperor of the Muselmans, on the one hand, and the chastisement of the apostate sháh, on the other, was the burden of their message and the subject of consultation. The enlightened vezír, Sheríf Páshá, válí of Reván (Erivan), in the view of suppressing the rising rebellion and corruption, wrote to all quarters, exhorting every one to lend his aid to this good work; but without any good effect. Finding his exhortations had not been attended to, he ordered his deputy, Osmán Aghá, to march with a general army against the heretics; but carefully warned them to show the heretics, in the first instance, forbearance and compassion. “If they,” said the mild páshá, “abjure their heresy and return to the bosom of Islamism again, well; if not, then you must commence a regular war against them.” The troops from Nakhcheván and those of Tabríz met at a place which had been previously fixed on; but before proceeding to extremities they, in conformity to the orders received from the páshá, first despatched a messenger to recall the heretics in question to their ancient faith. The proud and haughty apostates, however, were not to be gained over in that way. They had taken refuge in the fortress called Karní Yáruk, and from their batteries answered the Moslem messenger with the sound of cannon and musketry, as a token of defiance. This was enough: the means of recalling them to the true faith had been employed, but were contemptuously rejected; it was therefore proper to attempt their reduction by force. The Moslem and orthodox army accordingly advanced and environed Karní Yáruk with the view of laying siege to it, notwithstanding its immense elevation and great strength. With the utmost care, and avoiding, as well as possible, the showers of bullets and arrows which were discharged from the ramparts of the garrison, they succeeded in mounting so far as to place their standard on its walls. After employing a whole week in scattering fire and death among the besieged, the author of the evil began to perceive that all further resistance would be vain, and, therefore, leaving his wife and child, threw himself over the wall of the garrison, and made the best of his way to the sháh. His sons and followers maintained their resistance for a day or two longer, and then proposed to capitulate. The orthodox permitted them to retire to any place they chose, and to take the whole of their property along with them; every Osmánlí having been prohibited, in the strongest manner, laying a finger on them, or on their goods, which they were allowed to take along with them. After this fortress and a few others had been reduced under the Ottoman power, the troops of Nakhcheván and of Tabríz returned to their respective homes.

The Sháh of Persia marches upon Tabríz.

After the Kúrd, Ghází Beg, had made his escape from Karní Yáruk, as above related, he made his way to the court of Persia, at Ispahan, where he related the dangers he had undergone and escaped, the success of the Osmánlís, and earnestly and vehemently urged the Persian monarch to instant and open hostility against the Turks. He represented the country of the fire-worshippers, especially the principal city in it, Tabríz, as abounding with wealth, and that the treasury of it at that moment was full of money. He said, moreover, that the troops were very few, if any, and that that was a proper time for pillaging it.

This representation of the Kúrd was all that was necessary for awakening the cupidity of the perverted sháh, who at once resolved on reducing the whole of that country under his own authority. This avaricious sháh, regardless of treaty and common faith, thought of nothing else but how he might succeed in the attempt. Two or three thousand of his best troops, Mamlúks, were pushed forward from Ispahan to Tabríz, by means of caravans, a journey of twenty days, but which these caravans accomplished in nine, such was the mighty haste they had made. On the 19th of Rabia II. they erected the standard of hostility in the plains of Tabríz.

A day or two after the appearance of these invaders the treacherous Zulfekár Khán, and a number of other rebels, to the number of fifteen thousand, collected together at a village belonging to some súfís, with the view of intercepting the Tabrízian army returning from Nakhcheván; and there they proposed to give them battle as soon as they arrived.

The Tabrízian warriors, after having parted with the Nakhchevánís, began to retrace their steps homewards, and had reached within a short distance of the very place where their enemies lay encamped, with the view of intercepting them and cutting them off. Their commander-in-chief, Alí Páshá, was made aware by letters of the state of matters, and of the defection which the presence of the Mamlúks had occasioned. These letters were sent him from some of the emírs on the frontiers; but to prevent discouragement arising in the minds of the Tabrízian warriors, and in order to keep them together, he kept the information he had received to himself, determined to meet the Persian heretics with his little orthodox band, only fifteen hundred, whatever might be the number that should oppose him.

On the morning of the 22d of the month last-mentioned, at sun-rise, the enemy presented themselves in battle array, their unfurled banners streaming in the air; and such was the majestic but terrific appearance which this host of heretics showed, that it completely awed the little band of Tabrízian troops into something like terror. The sháh of the red heads (i.e. of the Persians) put his host, numerous as ants, into order, and his trumpets began to be sounded. This sight increased the terror of the Moslems; but they were determined to meet them, whatever might be the result. They did so, and fought the infidel host with a bravery altogether unparalleled; the skill and management they manifested was extraordinary. They scattered death and fury amidst the odious heretics. By their immense ardour, their hearts burning bright with the purest zeal, they successfully repulsed the successive assaults of the cold-hearted heretics, and fairly despoiled them of their vain-glorious appearance of valour. A noted rebel of the name of Gholám Alí Oghlí, who had acted in the capacity of a cherkají báshí to the enemy, and who had manifested great bravery among the heretics, fell by the hands of the heroic Karah Hasan. When this circumstance happened, the cowardly and heartless heretics began to give way; they were evidently disheartened. It so happened, however, that at this time one Timúrjí Oghlí, a well-known person, but whose principles were more detestable than even those of the heretics, though he pretended every thing valorous, went over, nevertheless, to the enemy with a hundred of his followers; a circumstance, it must be acknowledged, which had a powerful effect in depressing the hearts of the faithful few.

But soon a fire broke out within them, which not only destroyed every thorn of doubt, but also burned up all the rubbish of their suspicious speculations, with regard to the point to be gained, when again, with redoubled valour, they set their faces firmly to the contest, and fought with such desperate courage as can hardly be described. The contest, however, was most unequal: a few hundreds against many thousands; but yet a most bloody one. Many a sultán’s head remained bonnetless on the field of battle; many a khán’s family was left unprotected in this most desperate struggle, which lasted from sun-rise till mid-day. True it is that the Tabrízians are a most bold, fierce, and heroic tribe; and yet, notwithstanding these qualities which shone in them so conspicuously on the above occasion, their caution and acuteness was such, that only ten or fifteen of them tasted the cup of martyrdom, a circumstance which seems truly wonderful. It is recorded, that a man of immense strength, belonging to the Tabrízians, vanquished by his sword about sixty of the enemy, the greater part of whom he made thorns and briars for the fire of hell.

The result of the bloody contest we have to record was fatal to the Tabrízians. The hateful heretics, like a multitude of ants, ran upon their antagonists and overcame them by dint of numbers. On that lamentable day, Mohammed Páshá, who had formerly been governor of Nakhcheván, and the beglerbeg of Akhiska, Khalíl Páshá, after having blotted out of the book of life many of the red heads, fell martyrs on the field. Alí Páshá, himself a Tabrízian, the válí of the province, performed, on the above day, the most incredible acts of bravery recorded in history. The sháh himself could not help admiring the heroism which inspired Alí Páshá, and spoke with approbation of the wonderful feats he performed before him. In short, the sháh himself declared that had there not been treachery somewhere, the victory would not have been so easily won. Such of the brave Tabrízians as had not the good fortune of falling in battle contending with these hateful heretics were, of course, subjected to a fate which they esteem truly vile and abject. They were made prisoners.

The city and fortress of Tabríz, about the middle of the first Jemadi, after a siege of twenty-two days, yielded, on the conditions of their persons and property being respected. These the heretics promised, but failed most shamefully in fulfilling them. As soon as they got possession of Tabríz, they began to plunder and rob the inhabitants without mercy, made their persons slaves, and furthermore began to annoy them with the delirium of their heresy. The cazí effendí of the city, not choosing to submit to heretics, fled the city, and endeavoured to make his way to Wán, but he was pursued by some of the red heads, who cruelly murdered him on the road.

The heretical sháh, in addition to all the other enormities he and his despicable soldiery committed, violated also the chastity of the females of Tabríz, without ceremony and without compunction.

After Tabríz had fallen into the hands of these heretics, its inhabitants robbed and made slaves, and the women ravished, the sháh turned his thoughts towards vanquishing other cities, and accordingly sent off troops in all directions. The sháh himself determined on the reduction of Nakhcheván, and therefore made every preparation for the attempt. Two days were spent in the plains of Tabríz in making them, during which time the heretics enjoyed themselves in eating and drinking.

One of those detachments sent out by the sháh was headed by a vile person of the name of Kesáb Hájí, a noted heretic of Urdúbád, his native city, and famous from ancient times for its heresy and atheism. When the Osmánlís first conquered this city, for it was at the time we are speaking of under the Ottoman dominion, it was wonderfully raised and exalted by means of the self-evident and convincing doctrines of the Koran, which were introduced amongst its inhabitants; but the wicked people, notwithstanding, turned again to their beloved heresy. Kesáb Hájí, with the troops committed to his charge, marched upon this city. His thorough acquaintance with the people, and his knowledge of the country round about, pointed him out as the most fit person for the undertaking. When this corrupted fellow, and his no less corrupted soldiery had crossed the river near Urdúbád, and appeared before the walls of the city, the hypocritical and disaffected inhabitants came forth to meet them with demonstrations of joy, and hastened to show them all the honour and respect they were able. As a proof of the sincerity of their joy they garnished their houses and streets, shaved their under-beard, and changed the make of their garments. In this way, and by these means, the city of Urdúbád, or otherwise called Sawed Kallah, was taken.

For a day or two the Ottoman garrison in the fortress showed some disposition to maintain the place and respect the honour of the sultán; but the inhabitants of the country came forward to the aid of the invaders, and with their assistance the walls were thrown down, the arms of the garrison and also their property, whatever it was, the conquerors distributed among themselves, and afterwards gave themselves up to eating and drinking.

Another, of the name of Cherak Sultán, commanded a second of those companies or cohorts sent out by the heretical sháh, and was ordered to attack a village called Gelha, which, with the aid of its inhabitants, he took without opposition. Mustafa Aghá, who had been sent thither by the court of Constantinople for the purpose of collecting and managing grain and fruit, with difficulty escaped with his head.

Several other places were subjected in a similar manner, and the heretics spared no means whatever in accomplishing their purposes against the Osmánlís. Information reached Nakhcheván of the success which had attended the enemy every where, and of the tyranny and oppression they exercised over the lives and fortunes of those who had been so unhappy as to fall into their hands. The Nakhchevánís were greatly distressed, and fear seized them. However, a reverse of fortune seemed to be awaiting the orthodox believers. Kesáb Hájí, who had subdued Urdúbád, remained in it as governor and commander in the name of the sháh of Persia, but his exaltation was not of long duration. The válí of Reván, Sheríf Páshá, an aged and experienced general, perceiving the general defection, and that there was no end to it, was roused to indignation, and determined on endeavouring to stop the torrent that seemed to threaten the whole of the Osmánlí dominions in that quarter. He accordingly deputed Mohammed Páshá, son of Khezer Páshá, to march against Urdúbád with five or six hundred veterans and surprise its new governor. These veterans, with the speed of messengers of death, arrived one morning before daylight at the place of their destination, and, as a visitation from heaven, fell upon the wretched heretics with such sudden fury and effect, that only a few of them escaped the edge of the sword. Those of them who did escape the vengeance of the orthodox Moslems, fled into holes and caves in the mountains and in the fields and hid themselves. Kesáb Hájí, who by some means or other had been deprived of his horse, scampered off from the scene of carnage, and, like a fox, secreted himself in a den, leaving his associates to struggle the best way they could: but it was to no purpose; he did not save himself; for one of the veteran Moslems having perceived him, followed him into his hole, and seized him. His associate in the government of Urdúbád, one Beyendur, suffered the death due to his villany and crimes; but Kesáb Hájí himself, though he was afterwards put to death, had the honour of having a crown of infamy placed on his head, was dragged by Mohammed Páshá to the residence of the válí, and along with the whole of the severed heads of the infidels of Urdúbád, was presented in his presence. The judicious and experienced válí failed not to pay all due respect to the hero of the victorious Moslems.

It is worthy of remark, however, that the enemy no sooner came to know of the movements of the Moslems, in reference to Urdúbád, than they sent off a considerable force in the view of succouring the heretics in it, in the event of the Moslems offering to subdue that city. They were too late, however, to gain their object, and when they heard of its fate they retraced their steps.

The capture of Nakhcheván.

The fortress or city of Nakhcheván was a place of no great strength, having been built of weak materials. Most of its buildings were made of clay and mortar; its walls low; and ever since the time the greater part of them were thrown down, provisions have not been very plentiful in it. But it was near to Reván, and if it happened at any time to be deprived of the aid of the military, and was in danger from enemies, Reván formed a near and accessible asylum for their families and property, and whence they might easily annoy their enemies. Reván itself was exceedingly strong and well fortified, having abundance of cannon and provisions within it. A river, like Kokjeh-sú, ran under its walls, and the country every where around it was fertile. Such at least was the account of it which its rulers, at that time, sent to the sháh when they had reason to expect the place was likely to be subjected to difficulties, and which was conveyed to him by one Mohammed Aghá, an officer of the páshá.

The heretics, notwithstanding the several checks which they had received, continued, nevertheless, to make encroachments on the Moslem frontiers. Nakhcheván fell into their hands, and some other places also; but though they struggled hard, for three successive days, to reduce Reván, they were, in the end, obliged to retreat, leaving nearly two hundred of their number on the field, whilst only six or seven of the Moslems met their death in the contest.

When the news of the sháh’s perfidious breach of the peace, and of the disastrous events which followed thereon, reached the court of Constantinople, the emperor and his ministers were plunged into a state of the greatest surprise and consternation. The communications which had announced this unwelcome intelligence were despatched by Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá, who had been sent to the government of Erzerúm, and by Sheríf Páshá, governor of Nakhcheván and Reván. The intelligence referred to, not only spoke, in particular, of the conquests which the sháh had gained on the frontiers, and of his having put Alí Páshá, beglerbeg of Tabríz, in irons; but also depicted, in the strongest and most explicit manner, that unless a speedy and efficient reinforcement were afforded the Moslems in Asia, not only Reván but other important cities would, unquestionably, fall into the hands of the heretics.

Such were the alarming accounts which, at this period, troubled the Sublime Porte; but they were no sooner received than the káímakám, the civil and military governor of Constantinople, immediately despatched an officer to assemble together the mufti, the vezírs and the military judges, in order to lay these important matters before them. This council, after having fully considered the various topics which had been submitted to them, sent a report of their deliberations to his august majesty, who was pleased to express his approbation of their resolutions. Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá was, accordingly, appointed to the chief command in the east: and whatever number of troops and apparatus of war he might require for effectually repelling the heretics, were likewise ordered to be sent to him forthwith. An imperial edict, in conformity with these resolutions, was immediately issued to the various commanders in the eastern provinces; but in consequence of the emperor’s translation to another world, an event which took place soon after the issuing of the above edict, the preparations in favour of Sáa’tjí Hasan Páshá were necessarily postponed for awhile.

Death of Sultán Mohammed Khán, son of Murád Khán.

On the 22d of Jemadi II., as the emperor, Sultán Mohammed Khán, was returning to his royal palace from some place where he had been, he was met by an inspired person, at the head of the street which conducted to his royal mansion, who cried out, that in fifty-six days a very important event would happen, and then warned his majesty to take care of himself. This extraordinary and unexpected mode of salutation not only surprised his august majesty, as well it might, but also the whole of the citizens. It so happened, that on the 14th of Rajab the emperor’s constitution became so very much altered and weakened as altogether to baffle the skill and advice of his medical advisers. Nothing that they could devise had the least effect in affording him any relief, and in four days afterwards, on the 18th of the above month, his triumphant spirit, in the thirty-seventh year and eighth month of his age, took its flight to the upper world; having reigned nine years and two months.

Sultán Ahmed Khán, the heir apparent, was declared his father’s successor, and early on the following morning, the whole of the vezírs, emírs, and other magnates of the state, assembled in the royal diván to express their allegiance to the new emperor, and to do him the honours peculiar on such an occasion. The royal coffin for the deceased monarch was brought into the court of the palace, where an immense multitude had collected to hear the funeral service performed by the reverend mufti, Mustafa Effendí. This ceremony being over, the royal remains were removed and deposited in a tomb in St. Sophia, near that of Sultán Selím.

Sultán Mohammed Khán was a prince who possessed rare talents and acquirements. His manners were grave, and his deportment polite and dignified, though it had something of severity in it. He was kind, generous and benevolent, and most attentive to the duties of religion, but at the same time most strict in the administration of justice. He uniformly maintained a punctual regard to the appointed or canonical hours of devotion; and, in short, was a bright example of religion and piety to the whole of the community. The fame of his virtues, like those of his exalted progenitors, have all been embalmed in the poetry of his people.

Of his noble and exalted sons, Sultán Selím entered Paradise on the 3d of Ramazán 1005. The cup of martyrdom was administered to Sultán Mahmúd on the 27th of Dhúl hijja 1011. Note. It has been recorded that a certain sheikh had announced to Sultán Mohammed Khán, that this young prince had formed the design of ascending the Ottoman throne, for which reason his father, as soon as he was made acquainted with the fact, employed the above sheikh to deprive him of his life. The prince, however, was innocent of the charge laid against him. He was buried in the mausoleum allotted to the princes of the blood. Ahmed had the good fortune of succeeding his father, as we have already noticed, and Sultán Mustafa chose a retired life, though in the course of his eventful life he twice became emperor. Sultán Jehángír died in infancy.