TRADE, &c. (continued 2)

As for the first; the necessity of having Forts Castles and Soldiers to defend the Trade, which could not be carried on without great Charge and a joynt Stock, these and such like Arguments attended with a Cloud of Guineas had force enough to prevail on an easie Prince, who though of a temper not inclined to Mischief, and had natural parts capable to understand both his own and the Nation's Interest, yet being perswaded by those Harpyes, who like so many Horse Leaches constantly hung upon him, and required more Treasure than his Income could afford, he was many times allured to do things which his own Judgment would not allow, so mischievous are evil Councellors (especially of the fair Sex) to the good-natur'd Prince.

But let us consider what these Fort Castles and Soldiers now settled by the Company are, their Use, and whither good Securities for the Trade may not be made by a regulated Company, out of Stock to be raised on its Members, to those to be admitted for small Fines, and to pay a Duty on the Goods they Export, such as the Court of Assistants shall think fit to settle; which Stock to be imployed for Buying or Building Forts where thought necessary, and defraying all publick Charges for carrying on the Trade.

I do not remember that the greatest number of Soldiers proved at the Committee appointed by the Honourable House of Commons, to enquire into that Affair did exceed one Hundred and Twenty on the whole Coast; nor did their Forts and Castles appear to be any thing else save Settlements for their Factors, which (to secure their Goods from the Natives, and the sudden Insults of other Nations) they guarded both with Men and Guns, all which was proposed to be done by a regulated Company; Besides, when more Factories are settled, consequently there will be more People, which will soon exceed their number of Soldiers, and be more formidable, whilst every Man fights for his own Interest, whereas those Soldiers (as it was there proved) were ill provided for, worse paid, and kept only by Constraint.

It was never made out (or indeed pretended) before that Honourable Committee that those Forts and Castles were to wage a National War, or to secure against a National Invasion, the defence of their Guns could not exceed their reach, which was not above a Mile at most; nor were there any Magazines of Provisions laid up to expect a Siege from the Natives; neither could they hinder Interlopers who traded on the Coasts of what Nation soever; but for that end the Company had obtained Frigats from the Government, who by illegal Commissions destroyed our own Merchants Ships (unless permitted on the payment of Forty or Fifty per Cent at home on the Goods they carried out) whilst they let others alone; This being seconded by their Factors in the several Plantations, who seized them and their Cargoes there if they escaped the former, discouraged our private Traders, who else found no Difficulties, the Natives receiving them as Friends, and choosing rather to deal with them than the Company; whose Factories also being at remote distances from each other, great part of that Coast was unguarded, and untraded too by them.

Nor do I see what need there was to fight our way into a Trade altogether as advantageous to the Natives as to us, for whilst we supply'd them with things they wanted, and were of value amongst them, we took in exchange Slaves, which were else of little worth to the Proprietors; and it cannot be thought that the People of England who have setled such large Colonies on the Continent of America (besides its several Islands) where there was no reasonable Prospect of Encouragement, and have increased their Numbers so as to be able to defend their first Footings without the help of a Company, not only against the Natives where they found any, but likewise against all other Nations, should fall short in carrying on this Trade, which doth at the first view offer the Prospect of so great a Profit.

Let us now consider the Inconveniences that have attended this Monopoly, and consequently the Conveniencies which would come to the Nation by digesting it into an open and free, tho' a regulated Company; sure if confining the working in a Golden Mine to one day in a week which would afford the like Treasure every day to the Nation cannot be its advantage, no more can the limiting this Trade; for if we send more Ships we fetch more Negroes, and vend more Commodities for their Purchase; besides every Negro in the Plantations gives a second Imploy to the Manufacturers of this Kingdom, and had we many more to spare the Spaniard would buy them, so there can be no Ground for putting this Trade into few Men's Hands, except 'tis designed those few shall grow Rich, whilst for their sakes the Nation suffers in its Trade and Navigation; The Company have made this detrimental advantage of their Charter, that they have thereby been enabled to buy up our Manufactures cheaper at home, and to make the Planters pay dearer Rates for Negroes abroad, than could have been done if there had been more Buyers for the former, and Sellers of the latter; besides the ill Supply they gave the Plantations, and the partiality in their Lots and Dividends there, the effect whereof was that one Planter who was befriended grew Rich by having good Negroes, whilst another was ruined by having none but bad; and this drew with it another ill Consequence, their Factors as it were Monopolized Trade to themselves, by obliging the Planters to deal with them for other things if they expected favour when the Negro Ships arrived, so that the rest of the Merchants were forced to look on whilst the others had any thing to sell, and all because they were restrained by a Monopoly from supplying the Planter with the same Commodity, for which likewise the Company expected ready Pay, whilst the others gave long time.

This was sully proved before the Honourable Committee at one of their Meetings, to whom I heard an eminent Merchant of London of an undoubted Reputation and well acquainted with the Trade to Africa affirm, That on a former little relaxation of the severity of their Charter, which was then called in question by the Honourable House of Commons, some of our Woolen Manufactures fit for that Trade rose instantly Fifty per Cent to his certain knowledge, occasioned by the Multitudes of Buyers, whereof he was one; and indeed it is not to be wondered at, for whilst that Company was in power many of the English Interlopers were forced to fit in Holland, where they also furnished their Cargoes, it being thought cause sufficient to stop a Ship here if any part of the Goods entered out gave Suspicion she was bound for the Coast of Guinea, which would have made a Stander-by to have thought that the Dutch had given Pensions in that Court as well as the French.

It is not to be doubted but that the Vendding our Product and Manufactures and promoting our Navigation on advantageous terms is the true Interest of this Nation, and all Foreign Commerce as it advances either is more or less profitable, now the Confinement of the African Trade to a limited Stock promotes the ends of neither, and I believe 'tis one reason why we know so little of that large Continent, because the Company finding ways enough to employ their Fund among those few Factories they had setled on the Sea Coast never endeavoured a farther Inland Discovery, whereas if it was laid open, the busie Merchant that Industrious Bee of the Nation would not leave one River or Creek untraded to, from whence he might hope to make Advantage.

It's to Trade and Commerce we are beholding for what Knowledge we have of Foreign Parts, and it is observable that the more remote People dwell from the Sea the less they are acquainted with Affairs abroad; Africa is a large Country, and doubtless the Trade to it might be much enlarged to our Advantage, and better Settlements made and secured if good Methods were taken; Use and Experience make us at last Masters of every thing; and tho' the first Undertakers of a Design fall short of answering their private Ends, yet they may not the Ends of the Nation, by laying open a beaten Path for Posterity to tread in with Success where they miscarry'd; when all places in England may freely send Ships, and be permitted to the management of their own Affairs, this encourages Industry, and sets Peoples Heads at work how they may outdo each other by getting first into a new Place of Trade; besides, the more Traders the more Buyers at Home and Sellers Abroad, and by this means our Plantations on that large Continent of America would be better furnished with Negroes, for want of which the Inhabitants there could never arrive to those Improvements they have done in the Islands, the Company having given them little or no Supply, who rather chose to send them to the latter, because they were able to make better Pay; But the Interlopers have done it, tho' under great discouragements from the Company and their Factors, who like the Dog in the Fable, would neither supply those Plantations themselves, nor suffer others to do it.

As for the other Commodities brought in Returns from Africa, Wax and Teeth, one serves for a Foreign Trade without lessening the Expence of our own Product, the other imploys our Manufacturers at home, and is afterwards Exported to other Markets; and as for the Gold brought thence, I need not mention how much it doth advance our Wealth, all agree it to be a good Barter.

On the whole I take the African Trade both for its Exports and Imports, and also as it supplies our Plantations, and advances Navigation, to be very beneficial to this Kingdom, and would be made much more so, and better secured, were it laid open by being formed into a Regulated Company.

Maderas.The next thing we will enter on is the Trade driven to Maderas; and here tho' I must confess I am in my own Judgment no Friend to Monopolies, and have not yet seen any reason to alter my Opinion, yet as that destructive Element of Fire may and often is used to Advantage in its proper place, and Poyson with Correction makes good Physick, so the ends of a Monopoly being truly answered, it may sometimes be very serviceable, such as are the vending our own Manufactures at good Rates in Foreign Markets, whilst for them we receive in Barter the Product of another Nation at reasonable Prices; And this effect cannot be produced by incorporating any Trade into a joynt stock so naturally as that of Maderas, where by the late ill management of our Factors things are come to such a Pass, that nothing less than this can recover it into a good Method, the Inhabitants of that Island by the others Imprudence have gotten so much Advantage of us that they take off little of our Woollen Manufactures, whilst on the other side we buy their Wines for Money, which heretofore we purchased in Truck; a Commodity loaden off thence chiefly by the English Nation, for the Dutch ship little, the French less, the remainer (except what is spent on the Island, or sent to Brazile) is drank in our Plantations; and yet we are treated by them, not as though they depended on us, but rather as if they thought we could not live without their Wines, prohibiting sometimes one part sometimes another of our Manufactures, instead whereof they supply themselves from Lisbon, with things tho' not so good, yet such as they content themselves with to promote Manufactures of their own, so wise are other Nations to choose rather to wear what is made amongst themselves than what is brought by Strangers, tho' better in its kind; whilst we preferr any thing that comes from abroad, only because it does so.

But then great care must be taken that the Profit of this Monopoly doth redound to the Nation, and not only to the enriching private Persons, and that it be continued no longer than it appears to be for the public Good, and a fair Account must be given that the quantity of Manufactures carried hence do in some measure equalize the Wines loaden thence, also that the Plantations abroad be supply'd at reasonable Rates; By this means the English being the only Buyers, and they having put the Trade into one Hand, may sell their Manufactures for better Prices, and set the Rates of the others Wines, and consequently afford them cheaper in our Islands; Thus whereas those two Monopolies of the East-India and African Companies prey only on their fellow-Subjects, this would make its Profits on a Foreign People; besides it would as it were create a new Market in a place where our Manufactures are almost disused.

I confess could it be done any other way I should not advise this, but I know none, unless those Wines were for some time prohibited to be carry'd to the Plantations, which would be very inconvenient for the Inhabitants, who cannot well subsist without them; the heat of the Climate spends Nature apace, which must be supported, and nothing hath been found so agreeable to their Constitutions as the Wines brought from that Island.

Ireland.We come now to speak of Ireland; which of all the Plantations setled by the English hath proved most injurious to the Trade of this Kingdom, and so far from answering the ends of a Colony, that it doth wholly violate them; for if People be the Wealth of a Nation, then 'tis certain that a bare parting with any of them cannot be its Advantage, unless accompanied with Circumstances whereby they may be rendred more useful both to themselves, and also to those they left behind them, else so far as you deprive it of such who should consume its Product and improve its Manufactures you leffen its true Interest, especially when that Colony sets up a Separate, and not only provides sufficient of both for its self, but by the Overplus supplys other Markets, and thereby lessens its Sales abroad; This to a Kingdom so much made up of Manufactures as England is must needs be attended with great Disadvantages, and yet to maintain a good Correspondence with Ireland is very convenient, I shall therefore consider what Topicks may be laid down as general Rules for the Advantage of the former, and best agreeable with the true Interest of the latter.

It was a Question once put by Pilate, what is Truth? And when he had said this he went out again unto the Jews, &c. which Question seems to me rather to arise from a Perturbation in his own Mind occasioned by the fluctuating of several Interests, than from any Desire he had to receive an answer, for we do not find he staid to expect it; and the Consequence shew'd 'twas so, for his being willing to do the Jews a pleasure, and fearing lest he should not be accounted a Friend to Cæsar, made him pass Sentence against his Judgment on an innocent Person, of whom he confest, he found no fault in him; Interest doth generally biass our Judgments in such a manner that the very supposing a thing to be so makes us uneasie under any Discourse that perswades only to enquire into it; but Truth is the same still, and the easiest way to discover it is by walking in the Paths of Plainness; Falshood wants Sophistry to lacker and set it off, therefore Men usually represent their private Interests under the name of a public Good, and thereby endeavour to guild the Pill they would have go down.

The Heads I shall proceed on are these Two.

1. To shew that Ireland as things now stand is very destructive to the Interest of England.

2. That the Methods which may be used to render it more serviceable to the Interest of this Nation will also render it more serviceable to its own.

These are plain Propositions, understood by every Man, and I hope to make them out with the same plainness.

1. As to the first, that Ireland is now destructive to the Interest of England, I think it will admit of little Dispute; for as long as that People enjoy so free and open a Trade to Foreign Parts, and thereby are encouraged to advance in their Woollen Manufactures, they must consequently lessen ours, than which they cannot do us a greater Mischief, being the Tools whereon we Trade, when they sink our Navigation sinks with them.

Now the Advantage Ireland hath above England in making the Woollen Manufactures will soon give them opportunities of outdoing us therein, first as it produces as good or rather better Wool, and next as it furnishes all Provisions cheaper to the Workmen, which renders them able to live on easier terms than ours can here, and this will in short time give Invitation for many more to remove thither.

2. But 'tis the second Proposition which will not be so easily allowed; how the true Interest of Ireland will be advanced by such means as shall be used to promote that of England.

Here we must consider, what is the true Interest of Ireland, and wherein it doth consist? Whither in Trade and Manufactures, or in Improvement of its Lands by a good Settlement? And I doubt not but on a strict Scrutiny it will appear to be the latter; for indeed till that is made, no Trade can be serviceable to any People farther than it doth help towards it; Nor is it the Advantage of an ill-peopled Colony whose Riches are to be the Fruits of the Earth to divert any number of the Inhabitants from its Cultivation, whilst they can find Vent for their Product, and be supply'd with conveniencies another way; had our American Plantations done so, they had never been well setled, but much more of their Lands at this time unimproved; and this I take to be one great Reason why the English in Ireland have always lain open to the Insults of the Natives there, the Country being slenderly peopled in the more Inland Parts; if so, then certainly whatever hinders the Peopling, and consequently the cultivating and improving the Lands of Ireland, doth so far hinder the advancing its true Interest.

Now nothing doth this more than Trade Abroad, and Manufactures at Home.

1. As they divert great Numbers of People which cannot be spared from Husbandry.

2. As they so far lessen the Strength and Security of that Island.

The true Interest then of Ireland being Husbandry, Trade and Manufactures stand diametrically opposite thereto; for Trade being of it self less laborious, and the Poor maintained thereby living more easie than such as are employed in the Field, doth invite them rather to settle in that way than the other; this is the reason why such Multitudes of People daily flock into Cities from the Country, if they have either Encouragement themselves, or can foresee any for their Children, whereas few withdraw from Trade to the Labour of a Country Life; of this we have an eminent Example in New England, which tho' it was the first peopled, and by its Trade hath drawn thither great Numbers of Inhabitants, yet that large Colony hath not cultivated so much Ground as far less Numbers have in other Plantations much later setled; for whereas in them the Product was thought to be their Wealth, and therefore the Setlers disperst themselves, and with all the Assistance they could get endeavoured to clear and fit the Ground for breaking up, these took another Course, and by keeping together chose rather to live on Buying and Selling, by which means their Improvements are very small, and their Product of no value suitable to their Numbers, so that it seems at present rather a Magazine of Trade, their chief Imployment being to supply the other American Plantations with Fish catch'd on the Coasts, and some other things raised near the Seaside, and in Returns bring thence the Commodities of their Growth, which they again barter with us, or Ship to Markets themselves, and here it is to be noted that the great Ballance of their Ttade is Ships, which (having plenty of Timber) they build on reasonable Rates, either for Sale, or to be imployed for transporting their own Commodities, which being generally bulky, such as Timber, Mackrill, Bread, Horses, for the Plantations, and Codfish for Europe, great part of their value arises from their Freights; This was indeed their oversight at first, and now scarce to be retrieved; for had they then began with Planting, and followed that closely for some time, they might in all probability long since have made themselves Masters of a greater Product, which would have laid the foundations of a much larger Trade both to Europe and other places in America; they are indeed a thrifty sort of People, but want Commodities of their own Product, and the Profits of a Nations Trade being very much limited according to that, if the Parliament should think fit by new Laws to hinder the Freedom they now enjoy in our American Plantations (which I judge absolutely necessary, because so much abused by their carrying those Commodities to Foreign Markets without touching first in England, to the lessening our Customs, and discouraging our Merchants here) their Trade must sink, and they see their error too late.

2. And as Foreign Trade and Manufactures lessen the Number of Husbandmen in Ireland, so secondly it lessens the Strength and Security of that Island, which lies in a good Number of hardy People, enured to Labour, who with it defend their own Interests, and cannot depart thence without leaving their All; whereas Merchants and Traders being but Temporary Residents may and often do leave a place when it most requires their Stay for its Defence; an Instance of this we had lately, when the trading Part of the Inhabitants thereof who could remove their Effects left it soonest, whilst the Men of Land came more uneasily away, because they left their Estates behind them, and had no Methods of maintaining themselves in England but by living on what they brought with them, whereas the others soon fell into Trade here, and tho' they changed the place were still in their Employments; now the Security of the Freeholders of Ireland is to engage as many as they can in the same Interest with themselves, which may be done by dividing the Lands into particular Farmes, in bigness suitable to the Stocks of such as undertake them; by this means they fix their Roots in the Ground, and bind them with a Band of Iron; nor would many of their People (if Trade were discouraged) return to England again, but imploy themselves and their Stocks in improving such Farms as they should purchase either for Lives or Years at easie Rents, or making themselves Freeholders.

And as the security of Ireland is lessen'd at Land by Trade, so likewise at Sea, for which they depend on the Kingdom of England; now can it be thought this Nation will be at continual charges only to raise a People which shall vye with them in their Trade? Or that we can be able to do it when our Navigation decays? which it must do as the others increases, who afford us few Saylers towards Manning our Fleet, whilst our own are harrast by continual Presses; for let them be sure if the French King could have marched an Army thither as easie as he could to Flanders, the Lands of Ireland might long since have had other Landlords, maugre all the defence they could have made.

Nor does the Profit of this Trade and Manufacture redound to the Free-holders, but only to the Traders, who as I hinted before are a separate Interest, and remove at their Pleasures.

But if the People of Ireland think England is bound to defend them against a Foreign Invasion an Account of its own Interest and Security, they must be allow'd to be in the right, yer let them consider also that we have power to limit their Trade so as it may be least prejudicial to our own, which in my Judgment cannot better be done than by reducing that Kingdom to the State of our other Plantations, confining the Exportation of their Product only hither, and that also unmanufactured, and preventing their being supplied with Necessaries from other Nations; this will make Ireland profitable to England, and in some measure recompence the vast Charges we have been at for its Reduction and Delivery out of the Hands of Foreign Powers and Popish Cut-throats, and that not less than twice in forty Years, all paid by the People of England, a Guess whereat may be made by this, that the last cost above Three Hundred and Forty Thousand Pounds only in Transport Ships, for which we now pay Interest; and if the Charge of Transporting our Army thither with their Provisions and Ammunition cost so much, what did the pay of the first and Purchase of the latter amount unto? Now 'tis very reasonable the Nation should some way or other receive Satisfaction for its Expences, and none seems more just and equal than this, which would only limit the Profits of a few Merchants, who carry on a Trade to the Prejudice of England; As for the Freeholders, they would be supply'd with Necessaries on as cheap terms as now, and find Chapmen for their Product, which would be bought up by Factories setled from England, or they might send them hither themselves if they thought fit, and by this means all would be manufactured here, and Foreign Markets must be supply'd hence as they are now thence.

This is the way to prevent transporting their Wool for other Places to the Prejudice of our Manufactures, and Importing Tobacco with other of our Plantation Commodities directly thence to the prejudice of our Customs and Merchants; this also would imploy our Navigation, and by its short Voyages make Multitudes of Seamen; In short, we cannot imagine the Advantages it would bring to this Kingdom till Experience hath shew'd us.

Act of Prohibition.But then the Act of Prohibition must be repealed, there must be free Liberty to bring in Cattle both alive and dead, and all things else which that Land produces; and here I must again renew the Question, What is Truth? 'Twill be as difficult to perswade the Gentlemen of England that this is their true Interest, as it is those of Ireland that theirs does not consist in Trade and Manufactures, one being byassed by the breeding part of this Nation, as the others are by their Merchants, who represent their private Profits as the Nations; and it is not to be wondred they have Success therein when it carries so much the face of a present advantage; but that the Gentlemen of England should be still fond of that Act after so many Years smarting under it seems to me very strange, than which I know no Law in my time hath been more pernicious to the Traffique of this Kingdom; 'twas this first put those of Ireland on that Trade which hath since almost eat out ours; 'twas this set them on Manufactures, which were so far advanced before the late troubles, that the sales of one Market as I have been informed came to a Thousand Pounds per Week; for so long as they had Liberty of Importing their Product hither, and found a constant Sale when Imported, they were contented therewith, but being put on a necessity of finding out Foreign Markets for their Provisions, this made their Merchants (who were before generally Factors to those of England, and are to give them their due an ingenious prying People) dive deeper, and since we refused to take the Flesh, they chose to keep the Fleece, and either to Ship it to Foreign Countrys where 'twould yield a greater Price, or by a Manufacture to render it fit for those Markets wherein they vended the other; 'Twas this that hath produced such great Quantities of Wool in Ireland as have at least equalled if not exceeded England, for the greatest part of the Lands of that Kingdom by reason of the thinness of its Inhabitants being turned rather to pasture than Tillage, and this Prohibition discouraging the raising black Cattle, put the People on stocking them with Sheep; which Overplus would again decrease if Ireland becoming better peopled in its Inland Parts by laying aside Trade fell more on Tillage, or by repealing this Act the Inhabitants received Encouragement to betake themselves again to breeding black Cattle; now if it be true that not the quantity of a Commodity at Market but the Demand when there makes it bear a Price, it will appear that the Makers of that Law were out in their Politiques, by not considering that the Product of Ireland must be consumed somewhere, and if sent to Foreign parts formerly supplied hence 'twould abate the Exportation of ours, the Consequence whereof would be the lessening their Expence abroad more than it was increased at home; nor did they at the same time take care to put us on any footing equal with the others by abatement in the Customs on Exportation, and thereby enabling the Merchants of England to sell suitably with those of Ireland, but still continued Three Shillings per Barrel on Beef, and Four on Pork, whilst the others paid much less there, the same on Butter, Bread, Flower, and other Provisions, so that a Stander by would have thought this Law had been contrived for the Advantage of Ireland; all which proceeded from the mistaken Interest of one part of the Kingdom, which (were it true) ought not to prevail to the Detriment of a National Trade, and the true Interest of the Remainer.

Nor will it be reasonable unless this Liberty be given to bind up Ireland from a Foreign Trade, and consequently to confine the consumption of its Product to a Home Expence, except what we shall occasionally fetch from them to carry Abroad; This as it will discourage the Freeholders there, so will it Industry here, and the Trade must be managed by great Funds, small Stocks not being able to engage in transporting the Commodities they receive in Barter to Foreign Markets, which they might in bringing them to England, being a shorter Voyage; and so consequently the Product of Ireland would have more Buyers, and the Inhabitants be supplyed with Necessaries on cheaper Terms by this free Trade, than when their whole Dependance should be on those Monopolizers.

The next Question will be what effect the taking off this Prohibition will have on our native Product? Whither it will lessen its Consumption? I am of opinion it will not, because our Exports must be increased as theirs from Ireland are lessened, unless we do imagine Foreign Markets will not consume the same quantities they did before, or will find out new ways to be supplied with them from other places; besides, by how much more charges are added to the Products of Ireland (as those of Freight and other petty Expences on such bulky Commodities will be if brought hither) so much will ours be put on the same Footing with them, and bear a better price.

It's well known that the Exporting our Wool to Foreign Markets hath by the ill Consequences thereof abated its Price at Home; This hath been observed by Calculations made by considering Men, and the reason was, because those Countrys were thereby enabled to work up much larger Quantities of their own into various sorts of Manufactures, which both fitted their occasions at Home, and supplied Markets abroad where we generally vended ours; by this means our Sales growing slack, and finding new Competitors in our Trade, we were forced to sell our Manufactures cheap, and this was done by making them slighter, and by lessening the Prices both of Wool and Labour; whereas had we kept our Wool at Home these Mischiefs had been prevented, and the French and other Nations could not have made such a Progress in Manufactures as they have done; their Wool being unfit to be wrought up by its self (unless mixt with English or Irish) must have sought a Market here, and been returned again to them in Manufactures, which is the true way to enrich this Kingdom; This would have drawn over great Numbers of People to be employed in the Cloathing Trade, who would likewise have consumed our Product; and as these had increased so also had their Imployment, which would have kept up the Price of Wool, things being of value in Markets according as they are supply'd by Nation's standing in competition for Trade, and it must be allowed that it was not the Interest of England to fall its Manufactures abroad had we been the only Sellers, for according as they yielded there, so much is the Wealth of this Nation advanced; This our Fore-fathers knew when they made Laws not only to prohibit the Exportation of Wool hence, but also from Ireland, which Laws cannot be too strong, on whose due observation depends our Wealth or Ruin; now if the Trade of Ireland was reduced to that of our other Colonies, and the same Care taken about the Commodities of its growth, our danger from that Kingdom in Relation to this would be at an end, when Methods may also be used to prevent its being Exported hence.

Nor is there any reason to be offered why Ireland should have greater Liberty than our other Plantations, the Inhabitants whereof have an equal Desire to a free Trade, forgetting that the first design of their Settlement was to advance the Interest of England, against whom no Arguments can be used which will not equally hold good against Ireland.

1. As it was settled by Colonies spared from England.

2. As it hath been still supported and defended at the Charge of England.

3. As it hath received equal Advantages with the other Plantations from the Expence England hath been at in carrying on Wars Abroad and Revolutions at Home; And on this last there is greater Reason against Ireland than any of the rest, we having lately paid more Money for the Purchase of that Trade than the Profits thereof may bring to us and our Posterities for many Generations; so that 'twould be a piece of great Ingratitude for the Free-holders of Ireland unwillingly to submit to any thing whereby the Interest of England may be advanced, to the Inhabitants whereof they are indebted for their Lands, who have laid down their Lives and spent their Treasures to reinstate them in their Possessions.

As for Corn, Fish, and Horses, whither a Liberty may not be allowed to transport them thence direct for other Markets on Ships first entring here in England is a point worth serious Consideration.

But the main objection as to England is yet behind, a great part of the Gentlemen of this Kingdom thinking it will sink the Rents of their Lands if Irish Cattle are admitted to be brought over alive, others that the Importation of Provisions thence will fall the Price of our own; and though in the former they do not so generally agree, differing according as their Lands are Scituated, and proper for Breeding or Feeding, yet in the latter they more unanimously consent, and cry out, This is the great Diana of the Ephesians, the less Provisions are brought in, the more our own will be expended, whereas if they did impartially consider, they would find it an empty Idol; Nothing will advance their Lands like Trade and Manufactures, therefore what-ever turns the Stream of these elsewhere lessens the Number of Inhabitants who should consume their Provisions, and when those increase so do the others, which (besides a home consumption by People engaged in Imployments distinct from Husbandry) doth always invite many Foreigners hither, who being Temporary Residents spend our Product, it being a sure Maxim that where the Carcass is there will the Eagles be gathered together.

Besides, when the Irish Provisions are broughr hither, those Markets which were supply'd with them thence before will then have them hence, tho' perhaps at dearer Rates, and with them great Quantities of our own; No Man can imagine what Expence there would be of English Cattle were we once fallen into the Trade of making Provisions here, England as well in its Beef as Manufactures exceeding all other Countrys, with this farther Advantage, that the former for Goodness and Price cannot be supplied from any other place save Ireland; nor do I suppose it so much the Interest of this Kingdom when Provisions are advanced only by a Home Expence, as when 'tis done by a Foreign Export, the first makes particular Men grow Rich by preying on their Neighbours, but the Nation grows Rich by the latter, when we vend them abroad at good Prices; nor would our Plantations which now take off the greatest part of the Cattle slaughter'd in Ireland spend one Barrel less if kill'd here.

All Trade had a beginning, occasioned by some lucky Accident which put People on new Projects, and why England which hath so many Plantations depending on it should suspect a consumption for its Cattle I cannot imagine; we might then set the Rates of Provisions there, and the Merchants afford to give better Prices for them here, when they shall load them at Home, and save the Charges of going to Ireland, without fear of having their early Markets forestall'd thence; and the Planters being now grown rich are likewise able to give greater Rates for them than they could at their first Settlement; England had never a fairer Opportunity of making an Entry on this Trade than now it hath, which would soon consume great Numbers of Cattle, and consequently give Encouragement to our Breeding Countrys as well as the Feeding.

But if a Manufactury is thought fit for Ireland, and its Circumstances will admit thereof, let that of Linnen be encouraged, this may draw over Multitudes of French Refuges, and put them upon an Imployment wherewith they were formerly acquainted, which we must assist by the benefit of Importation Custom free, and the Advantage of Fashion; and then these two Kingdoms encouraging different Manufactures will be serviceable to each other, for which Stocks would not be wanting even from the People of England, who would delight to see Ireland thrive when their Manufactures crost not ours; This would in time alter the Ballance of our Trade with France, when we shall send thither more Woollen, and receive thence less Linnen.

If the wisdom of the Parliament shall think fit by these or any other Methods to make Ireland more serviceable to the Trade of England it will advance both the Lands and Traffick of this Kingdom, and so make us all better able to pay the Charge of this long and expensive War.

Scotland.I shall next say something to the Trade of Scotland, which hath formerly consumed more of our Woollen Manufactures than now it doth, since that Nation is fallen on making them there, which they do out of their own Wool, with the help of what they get from us, also of Spanish, both from hence and from Holland.

But their chief Manufactures are Linnen, Butter, and Herrings; 'twere to be wish'd the former was more encouraged by this Government, with Liberty to bring it hither Custom free, provided they would send us also their Wool, and then our Manufactures would not justle with each other; King James the II. limited their Trade to his Pleasure by Act of Parliament, which I take to be a great reason why that People were so much at his Devotion, but the Liberty of a free Trade was made one of the Terms whereon his present Majesty received the Crown, who hath since given them Encouragement to settle Plantations abroad, such as they shall either plant, or buy from Foreign Princes, which he hath promised to enfranchise with the same Rights and Priviledges he doth grant in like Cases to the Subjects of his other Dominions.

They have also fallen lately on the thoughts of Codd-Fishing, whereof they have great shoals about their Coasts, which formerly they used to pickle and send away in Casks, but now intend to cure after the manner 'tis done in Newfoundland.

And doubtless these three things would much encourage Trade had they Stocks to manage them, but those they want; I have heard it discours'd that the Cash of that Kingdom amounted to One Million of Pounds Sterling, but I scarce believe it does to One Half, perhaps not one Third which properly belongs to its Inhabitants; therefore they propose to carry on the Woollen Manufactures Plantations and Fishery by English Stocks, the two last by Companies, which will consist chiefly of Londoners, who first promoted the Designs, and will furnish Monies for managing them; Now I cannot think any Nation can settle Plantations abroad to advantage which wants Stock and Manufactures of its own to supply them, the great Profit of Plantations being to encourage Manufactures at Home, and the means to settle them is by giving long Credits to the Planters abroad, and when this is done by Money taken up at Interest from another Nation the whole Profit will redound to the Lenders, so that the Scotch may make Settlements abroad, but if neither the Stock nor Manufactures are their own, they will have only the name of being Proprietors whilst others carry away the Profits, like a Gentleman who pays as much for Interest yearly as the Rents of his Lands bring in, he may have the Possession, but the Userer has the Income of his Estate; so for their Fishing, which being managed on English Stocks will bring them only so much as shall pay for the labour of those imployed about it; The same for their Woollen Manufactures.

On the other side if the Trade to these Plantations is driven by an English Corporation, the Scotch indeed will get Imployments for their Saylors, but all the Product will be other Men's, who will take care for their own advantage to keep the Planters poor abroad, and the Inhabitants from inspecting into it at home.

Besides, that Kingdom being now supplied from England with West-India Commodities at cheaper Rates than they can expect to raise them, will want vent for their new Product when brought Home, unless absolutely prohibited to be imported thither from hence, which will be a new Tax on the Spender, paid only to a Foreign Monopoly; neither can they Export them to sell on equal Terms with the English; so that on the whole I cannot see what advantage the Scotch can make at this time of day by setling Plantations, which if they do attempt, we must besure to take care of Ireland, and by reducing it to the terms of a Colony prevent their selling the Product there, which I am apt to think is the main thing they aim at.

Canarys.The Canary Trade brings us nothing but what we consume, and takes from us little of our Product or Manufactures, we chiefly purchase those Wines for Money therefore if it was reduced to the same Terms I have proposed for Maderas it would do very well: By this means we should at least buy Wines cheaper there, and then their Prices must be limited at Home, both on the Importer and Retailer; 'twill be convenient to regulate this Trade, but not to discourage it, for since we must drink Wines, 'twere better we had them from the Spaniard than the French, the first takes off much of our Manufactures, the other little, and tho' perhaps the Canary Islands may not, yet I am apt to think those Wines are paid for out of what we send to the Continent of Spain.

Spain.This brings me to the Spanish Trade, which I take to be very profitable to this Kingdom, as it vents much of our Product and Manufactures, and supplies us with many things necessary to be used in making the latter; I shall divide it into three parts, Spain, Biscay, and Flanders.

To begin with Spain; by which I mean that part from the Bay of Cadiz Eastward into the Streights of Gibralter; whither we send all sorts of Woollen Manufactures, Lead, Fish, Tin, Silk and Worsted Stockings, Butter, Tobacco, Ginger, Leather, Bees-Wax; and in Returns we have some things fit only for Consumption, such as are Fruit and Wines; others for our Manufactures, such as are Oyl, Cochineal, Indigo, Anato, Barilia; with some Salt; but the greatest part is made in Bullion, both Gold and Silver, with which this part of the Kingdom abounds, being supplied therewith from their large Empires on the Main of America, whither they again Export much of the Goods we carry thither.

The Spaniards are a Stately People, not much given to Trade or Manufactures themselves, therefore the first they drive on such Chargeable and Dilatory terms both for their Ships and Ways of Navigation, that other trading Nations, such as the English, French, Dutch, and Genoese, take advantage thereby, only that to the West-Indies is on strict Penalties reserved to themselves, but having no Manufactures of their own, the Profit thereof Returns very much to those who furnish them; indeed of late they have made a small beginning on Bayes, but will not be able to hold it when the War is ended; Nor have they so well secured the West-Indies but that it is very plentifully supply'd by us with Manufactures, and many other things from Jamaica, which is accompanied with greater Advantage than when sent first to Cadiz; for whereas we generally sold them there at Twenty per Cent advance, we do by this Means make at least Cent per Cent, all paid for in Bullion, which adds to the Wealth of the Nation; this I take to be the true Reason why our Vent for them at Cadiz is lessened, because we supply New-Spain direct with those things they used to have thence before.

By Biscay I mean all that part under the Spanish Government which lies in the Bay of that Name; the Commodities we send thither are generally the same; likewise formerly great Quantities of Refined Sugars, till we gave the French and Dutch leave to undermine us, partly by the Advantages they had by the late Imposition on Muscovadoes, and partly by the Imprudence and ill Management of our Sugar-Bakers, who would not take Pains to comply with the humours of that People as the others did; but I hope if due care be taken, that profitable Trade may be recovered again.

The Commodities we have thence are very advantageous, such as Sheeps Wool, Iron, and Bullion, whereof the first is the best, as being the subject Matter of a great Manufacture, which could we secure wholly to our selves (tho' it cost all Bullion) 'twould be of great Advantage to the Nation, but both the Dutch and French come in for their Shares.

The third part of our Spanish Trade is that to Flanders, whereby I mean all that part of the low Countrys now under its Government; whither we send Commodities much of the same nature with those we send to the other Parts, tho' not in so great Quantities; and among our Woollen Manufactures more course Medlys; also Coals from Newcastle; but not so much Leather, being supplied freely with raw Hides from Ireland, which are tann'd there; This might be prevented were that Kingdom reduced to the State of a Colony, and the Profit thereof would then return hither; We have thence Linnens, Thread, and other things, which are used at home, and shipp'd off to the Plantations.

Portugal.The next is the Trade we drive to the Kingdom of Portugal; where we vend much of our Product and Manufactures, little different in their Kinds from what is sent to Spain; and from thence we have in Returns Bullion, Salt, Oyl, Woad and Wines; of the latter we have lately imported great Quantities, which as they take well with the People of England, so its more our Interest than to have them from France, whence our Imports are more than our Exports, and to this Kingdom our Exports are greater than the Product thereof can make us Returns, especially since we have desisted from bringing home their Sugars, a Commodity wherewith we are more advantageously supplyed from our own Plantations, and did before the War furnish Foreign Markets cheaper than they could.

This People were formerly the great Navigators of the World, to whom we are indebted for their many Discoveries both in the East and West-Indies, besides the several Islands of the Azores, Cape de Verde, and also Maderas; to these Islands they admit us a free Trade, but their remoter Settlements on the Continent of America they reserve more strictly to themselves, whither they Export many of the Commodities we send them, and in Returns have, Sugars, Tobacco, with some other things, which are again Transported to the European Markets, tho' little of them hither; Their Islands we supply direct from England with our Manufactures, and from the Azores load Corn, Woad, some Sugars, Wines and Bullion, all received in Barter for them, but chiefly the first, which we carry to Maderas, where 'tis again Barter'd for Wines, shipp'd thence to our Plantations in America; in all these the Inhabitants live well, and are very rich, but those residing on the Cape de Verd Islands are generally a poor despicable People, made up of Negroes, Molattoes, and such like, who having but little Product to give in Returns are therefore but meanly supplyed with Commodities, and those very ordinary, so that they have scarce wherewith to cover themselves, much less for Luxury; Asses Bieves and Salt being all we have from them, which we generally carry to our Plantations in America; Beife might be made very cheap there could it be saved, being purchased for little, and Salt for less, but the Climate will not admit it; the chief of which Islands is St. Jago, very rich, well governed, and a Bishops Sea, where they are well supplied, because they have Money to pay for what they buy.

The Portugueze as they are now become bad Navigators, so they are not great Manufacturers; some sorts of course Cloth they do make, and did once attempt Bayes, for which they drew over some of our Workmen, but it soon came to an end, and they returned home again by Encouragements given them hence, so prudent a thing it is to stop an Evil in the beginning.

Since this War they have had great Advantages in their Navigation, for being engaged on neither side they have by that means drawn Imployments from all; Lisbon hath also been as it were a free Port for several Commodities to be thence Transported to France, whence among other things it hath been supply'd with Lead, which occasioned once an Order of Council here for stopping all Ships bound thither with that Commodity, esteem'd so useful to them in carrying on the War, but on second Thoughts it was recall'd, for which Order there seem'd to be no good Ground at first, as if the French King, who doubtless would not refrain taking the Plate out of his Churches to support the Charge of his War, should out of Reverence spare the Lead that covered them if he wanted it, and could not elsewhere be supplyed with it, which was not probable, since 'twas so plenty in every part of his Kingdom, one Tun whereof according to a moderate Computation making above Thirty Thousand Bullets; I wish he were better furnish'd with our Product and Manufactures, and we had his Money for them, which would much more weaken him, than the other would enable him to carry on the War; Ireland supplies Portugal with tann'd Leather and Woollen Manufactures, which would be sent hence if the Trade of that Kingdom was well regulated.

Turky.The Trade driven to Turkey is very profitable, which affords us Markets for great Quantities of our Woollen Manufactures and Lead, shipt hence to Constantinople, Scandaroon and Smyrna, and from thence disperst over all the Turkish Dominions, also to Persia: The Commodities we have thence in Returns are Raw Silk, Cotten Wool and Yarn, Goats-Wool, Grogram-Yarn, Cordivants, Gaules, Potashes, and some other things, which are the foundations of several Manufactures different from our own, by the variety whereof we better suit Cargoes to Export again; and though it must be allowed that the Turky Merchants carry thither Bullion, and 'twas to be wish'd the Trade could be driven without it, being better for this Nation if we bought all things in Barter for our Product and Manufactures, (which above the Foreign Materials they are made off are all Profit) yet if we rightly consider, we shall find great difference between Buying for Mony Commodities already manufactured, which hinder the use of our own, such as those brought from the East-Indies, or things to be spent on our Luxury, such as Wines and Fruit, and buying therewith Commodities to keep our Poor at work, these must be had though purchased with all Bullion, and therefore we ought highly to esteem that Trade wherein we receive so great a part of them in Barter for the other.

Italy.To the several Ports of Italy we ship great Quantities of Lead and other our Product, and many sorts of Woollen Manufactures, but chiefly those made of Worsted, also Fish, and Sugars both White and Brown, the last principally to Venice, but more thereof in times of Peace than we do in this time of War, Freights being high, and the Commoditie dear at home; we bring thence Raw and Thrown Silk, and Red Wool, which are wrought up here; also Oyl and Soap, used in working our Wool; some Paper and Currants.

Both Venice and Genoua have made some Progress in a Woollen Manufacture, being furnished with Wool from Alicant and those Eastern parts of Spain; wrought Silks and Glass are not so much Imported thence as they were, since we have fallen on making them at home.

Holland.The Dutch do likewise buy many of our Manufactures, and some of our Product, as Coals, Butter, Lead, Tin, besides things of smaller value, such as Clay, Redding, &c. which are all Exported to Holland, not only for their own use, but being a Mart of Trade for Germany they disperse them for the Expence of those Countrys, among whom also they vent our West-India Commodities, as Sugars, Tobacco, Indigo, Logwood, Fustick, Ginger, Cotten Wool, besides what they use themselves; These are an industrious People, but having little Land do want Product of their own to trade on, except what they raise by their Fisheries, and bring from the East-Indies, whereof Spices and Salt-Peter are many times admitted to be brought hither, though contrary to the Act of Navigation; Indeed the Trade of the Dutch consists rather in Buying and Selling than Manufactures, most of their Profits arising from that and the Freights they make of their Ships, which (being built for Burthen) are imployed generally in a Home Trade for Bulky Commodities, such as Salt from St. Ubes to the Sound, Timber, Hemp, Corn, Pitch, and such things thence to their own Country, which Ships are Sailed with few Hands, and this together with the lowness of Interest enables them to afford those Commodities at such Rates that many times they are fetch'd thence by other Nations cheaper than they could do it from the Places of their Growth, all Charges considered; 'tis strange to observe how those People buz up and down among themselves, the vastness of whose Numbers causes a vast Expence, and that Expence must be supply'd from abroad, so one Man gets by another, and they find by Experience that as a Multitude of People brings Profit to the Government, so it creates Imployment to each other; besides, they invent new ways of Trade, by selling not only things they have, but those they have not, great quantities of Brandy being disposed of every Year, which are never intended to be delivered, only the Buyer and Seller get or lose according to the Rates it bears at the time agreed on to make good the Bargains; such a Commerce to England would be of little Advantage, no more than jobbing for Guineas, this Nation would no way advance its Wealth thereby, whose Profits depend on our Product and Manufactures; But that Government raising its Incomes by the Inhabitants, (who pay on all they eat, drink, or wear) cares not so much by what means each Person gets, as that they have People to pay, which are never wanting from all Nations, for as one goes away another comes, and every Temporary Resident advances their Revenue; therefore to increase their Numbers they make the Terms of Trade easie; contrary to the Customs of Cities and private Corporations with us, the narrowness of whose Charters discourages Industry and Improvements both in Handecrafts and Manufactures, because they exclude better Artists from their Societies, unless they purchase their Freedoms at unreasonable Rates.

Hamburgh.Another great Market for our Manufactures in Hamburgh: This City vents great Quantities of our Cloth, Sugar, Tobacco, and other Plantation Commodities, which are thence sent into Germany; from whence we have Linnens, Linnen Yarn, and other Commodities, very necessary both for the use of our selves and our Plantations, and no way thwarting with our own Manufactures.

Poland.Poland also takes off many of our Manufactures, wherewith it is supply'd chiefly from Dantzick within the Sound, whither they are first carry'd, and thence disperst into all parts of that Kingdom, which hath but little Wool of its own, and that chiefly in Ukrania; but the Expence of our Cloth hath been lessened there, since Silesia and the adjoyning parts of Germany have turned their Looms to that Commodity, occasioned by our disusing their Linnens, and wearing Calicoes in their room; We have thence some Linnens, also Potashes.

Russia.Russia is likewise supplyed both from Dantzick, and also by way of St. Angelo with our Woollen Manufactures, and in Returns we have Linnen, Potashes, Hemp, Leather, and many other Commodities, both useful at Home, and fit to be carry'd Abroad.

Sweden.Sweden and its Territories take off great quantities of our Manufactures both fine and course, besides Tobacco and Sugars; but the Sale of our Broad Cloth hath been much lessened there of late, occasioned by their loading it with great Duties, on purpose to encourage a Manufacture of their own, their Wool is course, but Scotland sends them finer to mix with it, so consequently the Cloth made thereof must be ordinary, however the King encourages its wearing by his own Example, and thinks it his Interest so to do, as it advances his Revenue by better enabling his People to pay it, yet this Manufacture must fall, especially if Scotland sets up any themselves, however all sorts of Serges, Stuffs, and Perpets, are carry'd thither as freely as before; whither we formerly sent also great Quantities of Calamy, till by a late Act its Exportation was loaden with a Duty above its value, occasioned by a wrong Information given the House of Commons, that it could not be supplyed from any other place, the smart whereof those concerned in the raising and calcining that Commodity have felt, none being Shipt off ever since, Sweden being furnished therewith from other Countrys, who formerly sent it thither, tho' they could not do it on such reasonable Terms as we did, whereby we beat them out of the Trade, but by this means having the Market wholly to themselves will thereby receive such Encouragement as to put an end to ours, unless that Act be soon repealed.

Denmark and Norway.Denmark hath no Supply of Woollen Manufactures but from us, yet takes no great Quantities, and Norway less, the People of the latter being generally very poor are content with any thing they can get to cover themselves; some Tobacco and Sugar is also Shipt hence, and spent amongst them.

From these Northern Kingdoms we are supply'd with Pitch, Tar, Hemp, Masts, Timber, Iron, all very useful in our Navigation, and without which we cannot carry it on, Commodities which we must have though purchased with Money; I look on any thing which saves our Timber at Home to be advantageous to this Nation, which the great quantities of Baulks and Boards imported thence do.

France.The French Trade hath every age grown less and less profitable to our Woollen Manufactures, not only as the Inhabitants make wherewith to supply themselves, but also other Nations, which they could not do were they not furnished with Wool from hence and Ireland, their own being unfit to work by it self; if the latter were reduced to the Terms of a Colony it would put a stop to it there, and then ways might be found out to prevent it here; nor doth France spend much of our other Manufactures, or of the growth of this Kingdom, or Product of our Plantations, some Tobacco it doth, also Coals, Butter, Calve-Skins, Bottles, and a few other things; it also furnishes us with nothing to be manufactured here; so that the Trade we drive thither turns rather to their Advantage than ours, which being generally for things consumed amongst us, and our Imports exceeding our Exports, must needs be loss to this Kingdom; But if Linnen Manufactures can be setled in Scotland and Ireland, Distilling, Paper, and Silk Manufactures, encouraged here, the Ballance will soon be altered, especially if the Portuguese make Improvements in their Wines, for which they now receive great Encouragement, the People of England being not so fond of the French as they were.

What Foreign Trades are profitable, and what are not to our Manufactures.And thus I have run thro' most of the Trades driven from this Kingdom, and shew'd how they advance its Interest by taking off our Product and Manufactures, and supplying us with Materials to be manufactured again, wherein `tis a certain Rule that so far as any Nation furnishes us with things already manufactured, or only to be spent among our selves, so much less is our Advantage by the Trade we drive thither, especially if those Manufactures interfere with our own; therefore I think the East-India Trade to be unprofitable to us, hindring by its Silks and Calicoes the Consumption of more of our Manufactures in Europe than it doth take from us; the Spanish, Turky, and Portugal Trades are very advantageous, as they vend great Quantities of our Product and Manufactures, and furnish us with Materials to be wrought up here, and disperse our Commodities to other places where we could not so conveniently send them our selves; This Spain doth to all parts of its Settlements in America, Turkey to the Black Sea, Persia, and all its Territories both in Europe and Asia; Portugal doth the same to Brazile; the Dutch, Hamburgh, and Dantzick Trades are very useful, as they supply Germany, Poland and Russia, with our Manufactures, and little interfere with us therein; Sweden and Denmark are profitable, both in what they take from us, and what they supply us with again; Ireland as now managed is destructive to us; Scotland, for want of Stock is not capable of making any Advance either in Manufactures or Plantations to our Prejudice; Italy takes off great Quantities of our Worsted Manufactures, and sends us little of its own save wrought Silks, whereof we shall every Year Import less as we encrease that Manufacture here; but above all I esteem the African and West-India Trades most profitable to the Nation, as they imploy more People at home, and encourage Navigation abroad, all their Product is our Wealth, and hath been a means to ballance our Losses this War, and yet they might be better improved to our Advantage; but the French Trade is certainly our Loss, France being like a Tavern, with whom we spend what we get by other Nations; 'tis strange we should be so bewitch'd to that People, as to take off their Growth which consists chiefly of things for Luxury, and receive a value only from the Esteem we put on them, whilst at the same time they prohibit our Manufactures, in order to set up the like amongst themselves, which we encourage by supplying them with Materials; and not only so, but they lay a Tax on our Ships for fetching away their Product, which must else perish on their Hands.

The Ballances of Foreign Trades.The Ballance of that Trade is always against us, from whom we have in Goods more than we Ship them; The Ballance of Spain and Portugal is always in our Favour; as for the Dutch, Germany, and Hamburgh, their Ballances in Trade are not yet agreed on, some think we ship them most, others that we receive most from them, I encline to the former, the Exchange at all times seems to confirm me therein, and tho' a Pound in Holland is now worth above a Pound sterling, yet I judge it to proceed from the great Remittances we are forced to make for our Armies, which the Exchangers know how to improve to their own Advantage; the Northern Crowns supply us with more than they take from us, but the Commodities we have from them are better than Money; Turky takes Money from us, yet is very beneficial; Italy will grow more and more in its Ballance on our side every year, as the Importation of Wrought Silks is lessened and turned into Raw and Thrown; Now considering that almost the whole World is supplyed by our labour, and that our Plantations do daily bring us such Incomes, 'tis strange if this Nation should not grow Rich, which doubtless it would do above all its Neighbours were things well managed.

What Nations do chiefly cope with us in our Manufactures.Those who cope with us in our Manufactures are chiefly, the French, Dutch, and Ireland; as to the latter, it lies in our Power to give Rules to them; and for the French, let due care be taken to prevent their being supply'd with Wool from hence and Ireland, and we shall soon see an alteration therein; 'tis true they are of more danger than the Dutch, because they have more Wool of their own, but this they cannot work without ours or Irish; The Commodities they make are generally pretty slight Stuffs, wherein they use a great deal of Combing Wool, and these they not only wear themselves, but send to Portugal and other Places with good Success, to countermine which we have fallen on the same by Assistance of the French Refugees; I wonder at the fancy of those who are always finding fault that we do not make our Manufactures as good and as strong as formerly we did, wherein I think they are to blame, for we must fit them to the humours of the Buyers, and slight Cloth brings an equal Profit to the Nation with strong, and gives the same Imployment to our People; yet where Seals and other Marks are set I would have them be certain Evidences to the truth of what they certifie, either to the length of the Peece, or that the inside is suitable to the outside, or that 'tis truly wove, and without Flaws; the same in respect to the Colour, that 'tis woaded, or madder'd, or the like; and I take it to be a great deal of difference between this and obliging the Manufacturer to make his Cloth or Stuff to a certain weight and thickness, without any respect to the humour of the Buyer, or the Climate of the Country to which it is sent; As for the Dutch, as I take them to be no good Planters, so no good Manufacturers, their Heads are not turned that way, but rather to Navigation and Traffick, they were once famous in the Art of Cloth-making, which was maintained by the Wool they fetch'd hence, but King Edward the III. considering the Advantage they made by imploying their People with our Growth whilst our own stood still, prohibited the Exportation of Wool, and the Importation of Foreign Cloth, and cunningly perswaded the Dutch Manufacturers by Priviledges granted them to settle here; if then the prohibiting Wool to be carried out had so good an effect at a time when cloathing was the great Support of that People, why should not our greater Care to prevent it now have a far better, when the whole Trade of that Nation seems to be in the United Provinces, and they chiefly set on Buying and Selling? We cannot hinder them from Spanish Wool, but we may from our own and Irish: As for Scotland and Sweeden, their Manufactures will come to nothing, and it would be the great Wisdom of this Nation to encourage them to bring all their Wool hither, though at some charge to the Publick; as for Germany, the Woollen Manufacture is not so natural to them as the Linnen, which they would soon turn to, if we gave them Encouragement by wearing it here and in our Plantations; this would be more advantageous to England than by the use of Calicoes to force a Neighbouring Nation to fence with us at our own Weapons, which they very unwillingly undertake; the Woollen Manufactures in Italy are but small, and those chiefly among the Venetians, something among the Genouese, these we cannot hinder, being supply'd with Wool from those parts of Spain which are near to them, except we could promote a Contract with the Spaniard for all he hath, to which we never had a fairer Opportunity, and I do not believe the Dutch would much oppose it if we gave them liberty to bring it in as Merchandize, I should be glad to see such a Barter made, tho' by relinquishing to them our part of the East-India Trade; Had we once the Command of all the Wool of Europe, we might then set what Prices we would on our Manufactures in Foreign Markets, which now we cannot do, but must sell them cheap, lest we be undersold by other Nations who vye with us therein, and our Manufactures selling well abroad, Wool would yield a good Price at home; But if it be doubted that too much Wool will be Imported, 'twould be better to burn the Overplus at the charge of the Pub¦lick (as the Dutch do their Spices) than to have it wrought up abroad, which there is no reason to fear, seeing all the Wool of Christendom is manufactured some where or other; and if the Act for Burying in Woollen did extend to our Plantations, 'twould be of great use towards the Consumption of our Wool: Thus when the Nation comes to see that the Labour of its People is its Wealth, 'twill put us on finding out Methods to make every one work that is able, which must be done either by hindring such swarms from going off to Idle or Useless Imployments, or by preventing such Multitudes of lazy People from being maintained by Begging.

Difference between imploying our own Ships, and those of other Nations.And this is farther to be noted, that where a Nation doth fetch from us our Manufactures themselves, and Imports to us Materials, we get less by that Trade than if we did it in our own Bottoms, because that doth also encourage our Navigation; thus we get more by the Spanish Trade, because we both supply them with the former, and fetch their Wool, Oyl, &c. in our own Ships; and we lose more by the French when they bring us their Wines and Brandy than when we fetch them our selves, and accordingly we must take our Measures in judging of all other Trades.

Whither the Ballance of Foreign Trade may be truly judged.It hath been a great Debate how the Ballance of our Foreign Trade shall be computed, and what Methods must be taken to know whither we get or lose thereby; some have thought that if we Export more than we Import we lose by Trade, others that if we Export of substantial Commodities more in value than we Import in such we then lose by it, and this seems to be the most rational Computation, but I do not think there is any certainty in the Account we can have of either; our Exports indeed are better known than our Imports by the Custom-House Books, the Bullion and such things being not entered there, and seldom presented, besides many Commodities both outward and inward are run, and never come under the Cognizance of those Officers; but suppose a more exact Account could be kept, since so great a part of the Trade of England is driven by Exchange, and such vast quantities of Commodities are imported from the West-Indies and others exported thither for Account of the Inhabitants of those Plantations, the Ballances whereof they design to lie here as foundations of a secure Settlement for themselves at home, which Commodities are Exported to Foreign Nations on the Accounts of its Inhabitants, who pay for them here by Bills of Exchange, I cannot see how any moderate Computation can be made thereby of our general Trade, much less of that we drive with any particular Nation, the Commodities which we receive at one place being often carried to another; Thus we transport to Italy the Sugars we receive for our Manufactures in Portugal, and bring thence Silks and other things to be manufactured here; thus we carry to Turky the Money we receive at Cadiz, which helps us there in the selling our Manufactures, and purchasing Materials more protable to this Nation than the Money would be if Imported in Specie; and yet we must not conclude we lose by the Portugal or Spanish Trades because the Returns fall short by the Custom-House Books, or that we get more by the Italian Trade because it doth not appear by them how we exported Commodities to pay for those we Import, so the thing must still remain doubtful.

A Committee of Trade would be of great advantage to the Kingdom.I think it would be a consideration becoming the wisdom of the Nation if a standing Committee of Trade were appointed at the charge thereof, made up of Men both honest and discreet, and I doubt not such may be found, whose only business should be to consider the State thereof as to its Trade; to find out ways how it may be improved both in its Husbandry, Manufactures, and Navigation; to see how the Trade with Foreign Kingdoms grows more or less profitable to us; how and by what Methods we are outdone by others in the Trades we drive, or hindred from enlarging them; what is necessary to be prohibited both in Imports and Exports, and for how long time; to hear Complaints from our Factories setled in Foreign Kingdoms; to correspond with our Ministers abroad about Trade, and to represent all things rightly to the Government, with their advice what Courses are proper to be taken for its Encouragement; and generally to study by what Means and Methods the Trade of this Nation may be improved both abroad and at home; if this was well setled, the good Effects thereof would soon be seen; but then great care must be taken that these Places be not fill'd up with Courtiers, who know nothing of the Business, and so this excellent Constitution become only a Matter of Form and Expence; and herein I would propose for Pattern the Members of the Bank of England, who wisely foresaw if that project should fall into such Hands, 'twould soon come to decay; therefore the first thing they did was by fundamental Rules to shut out all from having a share in the management, who had not a good Interest in its Profits or Losses, and next to choose out of that number such for their Officers, who being bred up in Business knew how to improve it to the best advantage: The French King found this Method very useful in the Management of his War, and his Opponents soon saw that Monsieur Colberts Head did them more Mischief than an Army in the Field, because the latter only put in Execution abroad what he advised at home; and I think there is not more need of Policy in War than in Trade, the curious Fibres by which it moves are so fine and thin that if strained by injudicious Hands they are soon broken, and yet our Parliaments generally handle it very coursely, and usually do more Hurt than Good when they meddle with it, not foreseeing the ill consequences of what they do will overballance the Good they intend, and that the Methods they use will not answer their ends, the reason whereof is because the Conceptions they have of it are too gross for a thing so full of Spirit as Trade is; He that will but consider the Irish Prohibition Act, the Clogg put on Distilling by the Barly Act, and on Navigation by the Tunnage Act, will soon see they are in Truth Hindrances to what that Honourable Assembly intended by them, the Advancement of Land.

Insurance.I cannot close this Discourse without saying something of Insurance, the first design whereof was to encourage the Merchant to export more of our Product and Manufactures, when he knew how to ease himself in his Adventure, and to bear only such a proportion thereof as he was willing, but by the irregular Practices of some Men (especially since this War) the first Intention is wholly obviated, who without any Interest have put in early Policies, and gotten large Subscriptions on Ships, only to make advantage by selling them to others, and therefore have industriously promoted false Reports, and spread Rumours on the Exchange to the Prejudice of the Ship or Master, filling all Mens Minds with Doubts, whereby the fair Trading Merchant when he comes to insure his Interest either can get no one to underwrite, or at such high Rates that he finds it better to buy the others Policies at great advance; by this means these Stockjobbers of Insurance have as it were turned it into a Wager, to the great Prejudice of Trade; likewise many ill-designing Men their Policies being over-valued have it's to be feared to the Disparagement of honest Traders contrived the loss of their Ships; on the other side the Underwriters when a Loss is ever so fairly proved boggle in their Payments, and force the Insured to be content with less than their Agreements, only for fear of engaging themselves in long and chargeable Sutes.

Now if the Parliament would please to take these things into consideration, they might reduce Insurance to its first Intention, by obliging the Insured to run a proportionable part of his Adventure the Premio included, and the Insurers to pay their full Subscriptions without abatement, and if any differences arise, to direct easie ways for adjusting them, without attending long Issues at Law, or being bound up to such nice Rules in their Proofs as the Affairs of Foreign Trade will not admit; and for the better security of the Insured it will be worth consideration whither the Subscriptions of the Insurers should not be of equal force in Law with their Bonds.

Whither the Price of Labour discourages our Manufactures, or hinders Improvements in our Product.Here I intended to have made an end; but being lately present where among other Discourses the question was put by an Ingenious and Worthy Gentleman, (a true Lover of his Country) whither the labour of our Poor in England being so high does not hinder the Improvement of our Product and Manufactures? Which having some Relation to the Subject Matter of this Discourse, I humbly make bold to offer my Thoughts thereon, viz. That both our Product and Manufactures may be carried on to advantage without running down the labour of the Poor.

As for the first, our Product, I am of opinion that the running down the Labour of the Poor is no advantage to it, nor is it the Interest of England to do it, nor can the People of England live on such low Wages as they do in other Countrys; for we must consider that Wages must bear a Rate in all Nations according to the prices of Provisions, where Wheat is sold for One Shilling per Bushel, and all things suitably, a labouring Man may work for Three Pence per diem, as well as he can for Twelve Pence where it is sold for Four Shillings; and this price of Wheat must arise from the Rates of Land; it cannot be imagined that the Farmer whose annual Rent is Twenty Shillings per Acre can afford it as low as he who pays but Half a Crown, and hath the same Cropp, nor can he then expect labour so cheap as the other; This is the case of England, whose Lands yielding great Rents require good Prices for their Product; and this is the Freeholders advantage, for suppose Necessaries were the currant Payment for Labour, in such case whither we call a Bushel of Wheat One Shilling or Four Shillings it is all one to him for so much as he pays, but not for the Overplus of his Cropp, which makes a great difference into his Pocket; you cannot fall Wages unless you fall Product, and if you fall Product you must necessarily fall Land.

And as for the second, our Manufactures, I am opinion that they may be carried on to advantage without running down the labour of the Poor; for which I offer,

1. Observation, or Experience of what hath been done, we have and daily do see that it is so; the Refiners of Sugars lately sold for Six Pence per Pound what yieled twenty Years since Twelve Pence; The Distillers sell their Spirits for one third part of what they formerly did; Glass-Bottles, Silk-Stockings, and other Manufactures, (too many to be enumerated) are sold for half the Prices they were a few Years since, without falling the labour of the Poor, or so little as not to stand in Competion with the other.

But then the question will be, how this is done? I answer, It proceeds from the Ingenuity of the Manufacturer, and the Improvements he makes in his ways of working thus the Refiner of Sugars goes thro' that operation in a Month, which our Forefathers required four Months to effect; thus the Distillers draw more Spirits, and in less time, from the Simples they work on, than those formerly did who taught them the Art; the Glass-maker hath found a quicker way of making it out of things which cost him little or nothing; Silk-Stockings are wove instead of knit; Tobacco is cut by Engines instead of Knives; Books are printed instead of written; Deal-Boards are sawn with a Mill instead of Men's Labour; Lead is smelted by Wind-Furnaces, instead of blowing with Bellows; all which save the labour of many Hands, so the Wages of those imployed need not be lessened.

Besides this, there is a Cunning crept into Trades; the Clockmaker hath improved his Art so high, that Labour and Materials are the least part the Buyer pays for; The variety of our Woollen Manufactures is so pretty, that Fashion makes a thing worth both at Home and Abroad twice the Price it is sold for after, the humour of the Buyer carrying a great sway in the value of a Commodity; Artificers by Tools and Laves fitted for different Uses make such things as would puzzle a Stander by to set a price on according to the worth of Mens Labour; The Plummer by new Inventions casts a Tun of Shott for Ten Shillings, which an indifferent Person could not guess worth less than Fifty.

The same Art is crept into Navigation; A Tun of Sugars which cost a few Years since from Six to Eight Pounds Freight from the Plantations, was commonly brought home before the War for Four Pounds Ten Shillings, and whereas it then weighed but Twenty-five Hundred, 'taws increased to Forty-five, and yet Saylors Wages were still the same; Ships are built more for Stowage, and made strong enough to carry between Decks; Wool is steeved into them by Skrews, so that three or four Baggs are put where formerly one would scarce lie; Cranes and Blocks draw up more for One Shilling than Men's Labour could do for Five.

New Projections are every day set on foot to render the making our Manufactures easie, which are made cheap by the Heads of the Manufacturers, not by falling the Price of poor Peoples Labour; cheapness creates Expence, and Expence gives fresh Imployments, so the Poor need not stand idle if they could be perswaded to work.

The same for our Product; Pits are drained and Land made Healthy by Engines and Aquaeducts instead of Hands; the Husband-man turns up his Soil with the Sullow, not digs it with his Spade; fowes his Grain, not plants it; covers it with the Harrow, not with the Rake; brings home his Harvest with Carts, not on Horse-backs; and many other easie Methods are used both for improving of Land, and raising its Product, which are obvious to the Eyes of Men verst therein, though do not come within the Compass of my present Thoughts; all which lessen the number of Labourers, and make room for better Wages to be given those who are imploy'd.

Cheapness of our Product no Advantage to our Inland Trade.Nor am I of opinion with those People who think the running down the Prises of our Growth and Product (that so they may buy Provisions cheap) is an advantage to the Inland Trade of this Kingdom, but on the contrary I think 'twould be beter for it if they were sold higher than they are, which may seem a Paradox at first, till the thing be rightly stated; suppose then the common and usual price of Beef to be Two Pence half-penny per Pound, and Wheat Three Shillings and Six Pence per Bushel, and all Flesh and Grain suitable, 'twould be better for our Inland Trade if the former yielded Four Pence, and the latter Five Shillings, and other things in Proportion.

To prove this, let us begin with the Shop-keeper or Buyer and Seller, who is the Wheel whereon the Inland Trade turns, as he buys of the Importer and Manufacturer, and sells again to the Country; suppose such a Man spends Two Hundred Pounds per Annum in all things necessary for his Family, both Provisions, Cloaths, House-Rent, and other Expences, the Question will be what proportion of this is laid out in Flesh, Corn, Butter, Cheese, &c. barely considered according to their first cost in the Market? I presume we shall find Fifty or Sixty Pounds per Annum to be the most, and suitably the advance thereon will be about Twenty-five to Thirty Pounds per annum, but the Consequence thereof in the Profits of his Trade will be much more; for by this Means the Farmer may give a better Rent to his Landlord, who will be enabled to keep a more Plentiful Table, spend more Wines, Fruit, Sugars, Spices, and other things wherewith he is furnished from the City, wear better Cloaths, suit himself and his Family oftner, and carry on a greater Splendor in every thing: The Farmer according to his condition may do the same, and give higher Wages to the Labourers imployed in Husbandry, who might then live more plentifully, and buy new Cloaths oftner, instead of patching up old; by this means the Manufacturer would be encouraged to give a better price for Wool, when he should find a Vent as fast as he could make; and a Flux of Wealth causing variety of Fashions would add Wings to Mens Inventions, when they shall see their Manufactures advanced in their Values by the Buyer's Fancy; this likewise would encourage the Merchant to increase his Exports, when he shall have a quick Vent for his Imports; by which regular Circulation Payments would be short, and all would grow rich; but when Trade stops in the Fountain, when the Gentleman and Farmer are kept poor, every one in his order partakes of the same fate; and this hath been a certain Rule grounded on the Observation of all Men who have spent time to look into it, that in those Countrys where Provisions are low the People are generally poor, both proceeding from the want of Trade: So that he who would give a right judgment must not always consider things primâ facie, as they offer themselves to us at first sight, but as they appear to be in their Consequences.

The Poor.Having thus gone through the State of this Nation in respect to its Trade, we will next consider it with respect to the Poor.

And here it cannot but seem strange that England which so much abounds in Product and Manufactures, besides the Imployment given in Navigation, should want work for any of its People; the Dutch (who have little of the two former if compar'd with us, and do not exceed us in the latter) suffer no Beggars; whereas we whose Wealth consists in the labour of our Inhabitants seem to encourage them in an idle way of living, contrary both to their own and the Nation's Interest: Idleness though it cannot be called the Image of the Devil, who is a busie active Spirit, yet fits for any Impression, for whilst People neglect by some honest Labour to serve the publick Good, they too often fall on such Courses as render them publick Evils: Livy (that famous Historiographer) observed it was the greatest Sedition that ever was in Rome, when the Citizens went about with their Hands in their Pockets, and would do nothing: Hence it is that so many die Spectacles at Tyburn, and offer themselves up Victims to Vice, no councels could perswade nor Examples fright them from those evil Habits they had contracted by Idleness: The Curse under which Man first fell was Labour, That by the Sweat of his Brows he should eat his Bread; this is a State of Happiness if compared to that which attends Idleness; he that walks the Streets of London, and observes the Fatigues used by the Beggars to make themselves seem Objects of Charity, must conclude that they take more pains than an honest Man doth at his Trade, and yet seem to me not to get Bread to eat; and I wish that was all the Encouragement they met with, I fear it is not, such swarms of idle Drones would not then fill the Streets, who are a Nursery of Vice: Beggary is now become an Art or Mystery, to which Children are educated from their Cradles; any thing which may move Compassion seems a livelihood, a sore Leg or Arm, or (for want thereof) a pretended one; the Tricks and Devices I have observed therein have often made me think that those parts if better imployed might be more useful to the Common-Wealth.

In handling this subject let us consider,

1. What hath been the cause of this Mischief of Idleness, and how it hath crept in on the Nation.

2. What must be done to restrain it from growing farther.

3. What Methods may be used to provide for those who are past their Labours.

As to the first; we shall find that Sloath and a Desire of Ease is the principal Cause; which appears by People's setting themselves on such ways of Living as our Fore-fathers would have been ashamed of; nothing but this could induce young Men in their full Strengths slavishly to attend on selling a Cup of Ale, or depreciate themselves to be Pimps to Vice, they think by these ways to be maintained in Sloth; Hereby Religion is despised, and Vice promoted, Men thinking if they should profess the first or discountenance the last they could not live on such lazy Terms; and whence doth this proceed? Truly partly from the abuse of those Laws we have, and partly from want of better: Licenses for Ale-houses were heretofore granted for good Ends, not to draw Men aside from their Labour by Games and Sports, but to support and refresh them under it; And as they were then a Maintenance to the aged, so poor Families had opportunities of being supplyed with a Cup of Ale from Abroad, who could not keep it at Home; great observation was also made to prevent idle Tipling, our Forefathers considered that time so spent was a loss to the Nation, whose Interest was improved by the work of its Inhabitants; whereas now Ale-houses are encouraged principally to promote the Income of Excise, on whom there must be no Restraint, lest the King's Revenue be lessened; thus we live by Sence, and look only to things we see, without revolving what the Issue will be, not considering that the Labour of each Man if well imployed whilst he sits in an Ale-house would be worth more both to the King and Nation than all the Excise he pays; Industry usually brings Wealth as its Concomitant, and though Success may not always accompany private Men's Labours, yet the Publick gets thereby.

Nor did we fall into this Habit of Sloath at once, but by degrees; when Luxury first crept in this was in the Embrio, but hath been cocker'd up under it to the Pitch 'tis now arrived; much proceeds from Imitation, our Gentry who have Estates betaking themselves to an useless way of Living, those who had them not soon fell in love therewith, and to this much of the Misery of the Nation is owing, Men affect to be thought what they are not, and leaving honest Labour spend their Patrimonies in fine Cloaths, and keeping Company, till being put to their shifts they are forced to betake themselves to play or begging.

Another thing which hath increased our useless People is the Nobility and Gentrys leaving the Country, and choosing to reside in London, whither they bring up with them Multitudes of lusty young Fellows, who might have done good Service at the Plough had they continued there, but having now no other Imployments than to hang on their Masters Coaches forget to work, and rarely or never return again to Labour.