FOOTNOTES: (continued 2)

November 25: The French are protesting against the Continental Commercial Bank Loan, in so far as the security is concerned. The security of the tobacco and wine tax had been assigned to some previous French loans. I saw Doctor Chen, and Count Martel called on me. I take the position that as the French loan—which is small in amount and will require only a very minor portion of the proceeds of the tax—remains entitled to be the first lien, the French interests are in no way prejudiced. I imagine what they really object to is the eventual appointment of an American auditor or co-inspector for this revenue. As this, however, would still strengthen the security for their loan, I do not see that they have any reason for complaint. The representative of the French bank which is interested, saw me and made a tentative suggestion that if advisorships were established, the French might take the wine tax, and the Americans the tobacco tax. I feel, however, that the hands of the Chinese were perfectly free when the loan was made; there can be no objection, except on the supposition that whenever the Chinese do business, no matter how small, with respect to any subject matter, they impliedly give a lien on all future dealings.

December 4: I called on Doctor Morrison to take a look at his library. This unusual collection contains about twenty thousand books in European languages, dealing with China. The rare editions of early works are almost completely represented. Doctor Morrison, who lives in a Chinese-style house, has built a fireproof building for his books. He has devoted the last fifteen years to getting them together, and I believe has spent the larger part of his income on them. Recently he married a lady who had been for a while his secretary. They now have a little boy. I am told that his marriage and fatherhood have greatly augmented Doctor Morrison's standing and influence among the Chinese. A bachelor does not fit into their scheme of life. We repaired to his study, and for a long time were discussing affairs. We spoke particularly about the railway situation and the fact that construction on all the lines contracted for has practically been stopped. This is an enormous disadvantage to the Chinese. They have to pay heavy interest charges on the initial loans, for which there is as yet no income-paying property to show, but only surveys and partial construction. We agreed that the Four-Power bankers, for instance, have a very weak case if China should decide to cancel their contract for non-performance, as money to continue the building is not forthcoming. On the British concession of the Pukow-Singyang Railway, on which virtually no work has yet been done, the Government nevertheless has to pay interest on a million dollars of capital that has been advanced.

December 7: I visited Prince Koudacheff, the Russian minister. I jokingly asked him whether he found that the Chinese thought of the Russians as half-Asiatic, therefore as brothers. "No," he replied; "they count us with you and with the other Europeans, as a scourge and pestilence." In this conversation the Prince uttered a prophecy. "As a result of this war," he said, "the empire will be abolished in Germany."

(Neither of us at this time dreamed of the enormous subversions and convulsions which were soon to take place in Russia.)

December 8: I called on President Li in order to present a personal letter from President Wilson, in which the latter sends his good wishes. We discussed the American loan policy. The President, like other Chinese, finds it difficult to understand why America, with her great capital strength and industrial development, is so slow in taking advantage of opportunities for investment and development in China. The President said: "Americans love pioneering. In China there is pioneering to do, with the added advantage of having a ready labour supply and local capital, which may be enlisted. Why are they so slow to come in?" I agree with him that it is difficult to understand.

December 16: Mr. Victor Murdock is in Peking, bringing a breeze of American good-fellowship, and a vision unobstructed by theories. He finds China interesting, but, I fear, he will suffer the usual disability of the passing visitor, that is, he will see the unfavourable aspects of Chinese life and will not stay long enough to appreciate the deeper virtues.

This diary account of some of the happenings during the fall of 1916 contains nothing of the daily work of conferences, discussions, interviews, dictations dealing with the innumerable problems that come up from the consulates, or that arise in the capital directly, or referring to general policies which are hammered out and formed for action.

A great part of the work of a legation is concerned with foreseeing trouble and trying to avoid it. Such work usually does not appear at all in the record. In a country where conditions are complicated as they are in China, where there is such a crisscrossing of influences, it is easy to make a mistake if constant care be not exercised to keep informed of every detail and to head off trouble.

CHAPTER XXI

CHINA BREAKS WITH GERMANY

The time came for the United States to sever relations with the German Kaiser's government. I had taken advantage of the clear sunshine and mild air on Sunday, February 4, 1917, to visit Doctor Morrison at his cottage outside of Peking near the race-course. After lunch a messenger came from the Legation, bringing word that an important cablegram had arrived and was being decoded. I returned to town, and at the Legation Mr. White handed me the decoded message which said that the American Government had not only broken off diplomatic relations with Germany, but that it trusted the neutral powers would associate themselves with the American Government in this action of protest against an intolerable practice; this would make for the peace of the world. I was instructed to communicate all this to the Chinese Government.

After a conference with the first secretary, Mr. MacMurray, and the Chinese secretary, Doctor Tenney, I made an engagement to see the President and the Premier on that same evening. I felt justified in assuming that the invitation to the neutrals to join the United States was more than a pious wish and that there was some probability that the European neutrals would support our protest. As to China I had already informed the Government that we could reasonably expect support there. I therefore considered it to be the policy of the Government to assure a common demonstration on the part of all neutral powers, strong enough to bring Germany to a halt. So far as my action was concerned, I therefore saw the plain duty to prevail upon China to associate herself with the American action as proposed by my government.

I found President Li Yuan-hung resting after dinner in his palace and in an amiably expectant mood. With him was Mr. Quo Tai-chi, his English secretary. He was plainly startled by the prospect of having to consider so serious a matter, and did not at first say anything, but sat silently thinking. His doubts and objections were revealed rather through questions than by direct statements. "What is the present state of the war, and what the relative strength or degree of exhaustion of the belligerent parties?" "Could the Allies, even with the assistance of the United States, win a decisive victory?" Finally, he said: "The effect of such a far-reaching international act upon the internal situation in China will have to be carefully considered."

The President's secretary appeared strongly impressed with the favourable aspects of our proposal, so that he began to argue a little with the President. On my part, I pointed out the effects which a positive act of international assertion in behalf of a just cause and well-disposed associates would have upon China by taking attention off her endless factional conflicts. When I touched upon the ethical phases of the matter, the President fully agreed with me. I had particularly impressed upon him the need of prompt action in order that counsels might not be confused by adverse influences from without.

We next drove to the residence of the Premier, General Tuan Chi-jui, who was then playing an important part in the politics Of China. I recalled my first interview with him when he had received me in a dingy room, himself wearing a frowzy long coat and exhibiting a general air of tedium and lack of energy. There was no suggestion of the military man about him. The qualities upon which General Tuan's great influence is founded become apparent only upon a longer and more intimate acquaintance. Despite his real indolence, his wisdom, his fundamental honesty, and his readiness to shield his subordinates and to assume responsibility himself have made this quiet and unobtrusive man the most prominent leader among the Chinese militarists. His interest centres chiefly in the education of military officers. He is no politician and is bored by political theory. He is always ready to turn over the handling of affairs to subordinates, by whom he is often led into a course which he might not himself have chosen. This, coupled with extraordinary stubbornness, accounts for his influence often tending to be disastrous to his country. His personality, however, with its simplicity and pensiveness, and his real wisdom when he lets his own nature guide him, make him one of the attractive figures of China.

Though in himself the principal influence in the Government, Tuan left all details to his assistants, Mr. Tsao Ju-lin and General Hsu Shu-cheng. He preferred to play chess. He was, however, always ready to shoulder responsibility for what his subordinates had done. Often when he was deep in a game of Chinese chess, his mind focussed on the complexities of this difficult pastime, General Hsu would approach him with some proposal. Giving only half an ear to it, the Premier would respond, "All right" (How how). When, later, the results of the action thus taken turned out to be bad and the Premier asked for an explanation, he was reminded that he had himself authorized it. He would then faintly recollect, and would make a gesture toward his shoulder, which indicated that—very well—he took the responsibility.

But on this occasion General Tuan was all attention. He had with him Mr. C.C. Wu of the Foreign Office, who continued throughout these negotiations to act as interpreter. The circumstance that the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Dr. Wu Ting-fang, was ill and had to be represented by his son, and that in all important interviews both the Premier and young Mr. Wu were present, greatly facilitated the business and saved time which would have been needed to carry on parallel conversations in the Foreign Office and with the Premier. General Tuan was far from accepting the proposal at first sight. "It would be wise for Germany to modify her submarine policy," he stated, "because in land warfare she could press her opponents so seriously that her absolute defeat would be difficult unless the United States entered the war." He appeared to contemplate the possibility of China taking so unprecedented a step as the breaking of relations with a great power with less concern than did the President. We arranged for a longer discussion on the following day.

Far into that night I was in conference with the legation staff, and with certain non-official Americans and Britishers of great influence among the Chinese. These men looked with enthusiasm upon the idea of an association with the United States, aligning against Germany the vast population of China. While the energies and resources of China were not sufficiently mobilized to be of immediate use in the war, yet by systematic preparation they might bring an enormous accession of strength to the Allies if the war should last long. We felt, also, that through positive alliance with the declared policy of the United States, China would greatly strengthen herself internally and externally.

Dr. John C. Ferguson addressed himself directly to the Premier and the President; his thorough knowledge of Chinese enabled him to bring home to them the essential points in favour of prompt action. Mr. Roy S. Anderson and Mr. W.H. Donald, an Australian acting as editor of the Far Eastern Review, who were close to the members of the Communications Party and the Kuo Min Tang, addressed themselves especially to the leaders in parliament. Dr. G.E. Morrison, the British adviser of the President of China, had long worked to have China join in the war: he quietly used all his influence with the President and high officials, in order to make them understand what was at stake. Other Americans and British newspapermen, like Charles Stevenson Smith and Sam Blythe, who happened to be in Peking, all tirelessly working in their own way with men whose confidence they enjoyed, urged the policy proposed by America. These men made a spontaneous appeal based upon the fundamental justice of the policy of resisting an intolerable practice, and on the beneficent effect which a great issue like this would have in pulling the Chinese nation together and in making it realize its status as a member of the family of nations. However, what counted most with the Chinese was the fact that America had acted, and had invited China to take a similar step.

At a second long interview with the President, he asked me: "Would not a positive active foreign policy, particularly if it should lead to war, strengthen the militarist party?"

I replied that in my opinion such a contingency would strengthen decisively the Central Government, enabling it to keep the military in their proper place as an organ of the state and preventing the further growth of the pseudo-feudalism inherited from Yuan Shih-kai.

"But would the American Government assist China in bearing the responsibilities of such a step?"

Before replying to this question, I had to cable the Department of State for instructions as to what assurances I would be authorized to give to the Chinese Government in the event of their taking the action suggested by the United States. Unfortunately, as was several times the case during some critical situation, the cable connection was broken and I failed to get any reply to assist me during the negotiations.

With a map the Premier and I, later that afternoon, analyzed the military situation of the European Powers. From the analogy of the American Civil War, I expressed to him the belief that Germany could not resist the enormous pressure from all sides. "What," the Premier asked, "may be expected of America by way of direct military action? Bear in mind that I wish for nothing more than for a strong America, able to exercise a guiding influence in the affairs of the world."

My positive belief that America would, if necessary, follow the severance of relations with the strongest kind of military action interested him. America had been represented to the Chinese as a big, over-rich country which lacked energy for a supreme military effort.

"What, then, will happen at the conclusion of the war?" he asked.

The fact that Japan had already made efforts to assure for herself the right to speak for China was worrying the Chinese. With the Premier, as with the President, the idea that, through breaking with Germany, China could assure herself of an independent position at the peace table, had much weight. Both men also faced the possibility of being drawn into the war. The Premier appeared to regard this with a certain degree of positive satisfaction; to the President it seemed a less agreeable prospect. I made it plain that the American proposal did not go beyond breaking off diplomatic relations with Germany, and, that by taking that step, China would effectually rebuke and discourage the illegal and inhuman acts of Germany on the high seas, keeping her hands entirely free as to future action. Should further steps be later needed, the road would be open.

Intensive discussions were going on all day Monday and deep into the night among the Chinese officials and the leaders of parliament. I received calls on Tuesday from many Chinese leaders who wished to talk over the situation. The progressive, modern-minded, and forward-looking among the Chinese readily supported the idea that China should range herself alongside the United States in this action. Admiral Tsai Ting-kan, who was very close to the President, laboured in company with Doctor Morrison to bring before Li Yuan-hung all the considerations favouring positive action. The President, however, still adhered to his idea that it was safer for China to remain entirely neutral.

In the cabinet, Dr. Chen Chin-tao, the Minister of Finance, and Mr. C.C. Wu, representing the Minister for Foreign Affairs, from the earliest moment associated themselves with those of the opinion that China must act, and they led the younger officials. In the Kuo Min Tang, Mr. C.T. Wang, vice-president of the senate; Dr. Wang Chung-hui, the leading jurist of China; and General Niu Yung-chien, of revolutionary fame, were the first to become active. The Peking Gazette, with its brilliant editor, Eugene Chen, came out strongly in favour of following the United States. A powerful public opinion was quietly forming among the Chinese. The Young China party was beginning to see the advantage which lay in having China emerge from her passivity.

When I returned from a dinner with the Alstons at the British Legation on Tuesday night, Mr. C.C. Wu brought me word from the cabinet that it would be quite impossible to take action unless the American Government could adequately assure China assistance in bearing the responsibilities which she might incur, without impairment of her sovereign rights and the independent control of her national forces.

The Chinese ministers had in mind two things: In the first place, the need of financial assistance, in order to make it possible for China eventually to participate in the war, if that should be desired; and, second, the prevention of all arrangements whereby Chinese natural resources, military forces, arsenals, or ships, would be placed under foreign control incompatible with her undiminished national independence.

All through Wednesday I struggled with this difficult problem. I had to act on my own responsibility, as I could not reach the Department of State by cable. If all the influences unfavourable to the action proposed were given time to assert themselves, the American proposal would be obstructed and probably defeated. The Chinese Government would act only on such assurances as I could feel justified in giving to them at this time; if I gave them none, no action would be taken. It seemed almost a matter of course, should China follow the lead of the American Government, that the latter would not allow China to suffer through lack of all possible support in aiding China to bear the responsibilities she assumed, and in preventing action from any quarter which would impose on China new burdens because of her break with Germany. Unable to interpret my instructions otherwise than that a joint protest of the neutrals had actually been planned by the American Government, and feeling that the effect upon Germany of the American protest depended on the early concurrence of the important neutral powers, I considered prompt action essential. I was sure that all sorts of unfavourable and obstructive influences would presently get to work in Peking.

When discussion had reached its limit, on the afternoon of February 7th, I felt it necessary to draw up a note concerning the attitude of the American Government. The tenor of this note I communicated to the Premier and the Foreign Office, with the understanding that I should send the note if favourable action were decided upon by the Chinese Government.

I believed that without such assurances the instructions of the American Government could not be carried out, and that it would act in all respects in a manner consonant with its position as a powerful government and as a leader of protest among the neutrals; moreover, that its relations with those who gave support in a policy of such fundamental importance would be determined by principles of equity and justice. I felt that the United States could not be less liberal toward a country coming to its support than toward those countries which the American Government was now going to help. It was only these self-evident conclusions which I cautiously expressed in my note. The text of this note, in its essential part, had the following form:

Excellency:

In our recent conversation concerning the policy of your Government in associating itself with the United States in active opposition to the unrestricted submarine warfare by which Germany is indiscriminately jeopardizing the lives of neutral citizens, you have with entire frankness pointed out to me that, whereas the Chinese Government is in principle disposed to adopt the suggestion of the President of the United States in that regard, it nevertheless finds itself in a position in which it would not feel safe in so doing unless assured that it could obtain from American sources such financial and other assistance as would enable it to take the measures appropriate to the situation which would thus be created.

With like candour I have stated to you that I have recommended to my Government that in the event of the Chinese Government's associating itself with the President's suggestion, the Government of the United States should take measures to put at its disposition the funds immediately required for the purposes you have indicated, and should take steps with a view to such a funding of the Boxer Indemnity as would for the time being make available for the purposes of the Chinese Government at least the major portion of the current indemnity instalments; and I have indicated to you my personal conviction that my Government would be found just and liberal in effecting this or other such arrangements to enable the Chinese Government to meet the responsibilities which it might assume upon the suggestion of the President. I should not be wholly frank with you, however, if I were to fail to point out that the exact nature of any assistance to be given or any measure to be taken must be determined through consultation of various administrative organs, in some cases including reference to Congress, in order to make effective such arrangements as might have been agreed to in principle between the executive authorities of the two countries; and I therefore could not in good faith make in behalf of my Government any definite commitments upon your suggestions at the present time.

I do, however, feel warranted in assuming the responsibility of assuring you in behalf of my Government that by the methods you have suggested, or otherwise, adequate means will be devised to enable China to fulfill the responsibilities consequent upon associating herself with the action of the United States Government, without any impairment of her national independence and of her control of her military establishment and general administration.

Final presentation of everything that had to be considered in making a decision was arranged with the Premier for Wednesday evening. I found General Tuan alone. We spoke awhile about the news of the day, then I began to go into the main matter. But General Tuan appeared weary and worried. This may have been the reason for the failure of the interpreters to make smooth connection: I suggested, as the Premier had had an excessively long day, that we meet again the following morning. It was arranged for ten o'clock at the cabinet office, just before the Thursday morning cabinet conference.

I had just dined with Mr. C.T. Wang and a number of parliamentary leaders. They were keen on the policy of following the United States. They had seen President Li during the day; he was still full of doubts, but stated that he would leave the decision in the hands of the cabinet, and would abide by the results. Mr. Wang believed that the President was gradually coming around to the American point of view, and that his acceptance of it would be the stronger and heartier because of the conscientious doubts which he was overcoming.

The negotiations of these three days had gone on quietly. The men upon whom rested the responsibility of making the decision were constantly in conference. Several men of influence worked with officials of the Government and leaders in parliament. But the outside foreign public was not fully alive to what was going on, and those who knew and were interested generally believed that ancient China would not take so unprecedented a step. The Japanese minister, Baron Hayashi, was absent from Peking. The German official representatives apparently had no idea that any radical action could come from the Chinese Government.

I arrived at the cabinet office on Thursday morning, at ten, and was shown to the room where the Premier was to receive me. As he had told me that Mr. C.C. Wu would be present to interpret, I had not brought an interpreter for this informal and intimate interview. The Premier soon entered unattended and we sat down together, smoking cigarettes, and observing an enforced silence, as Mr. Wu had not appeared. We were without an interpreter, but even in such circumstances the perfection of Chinese manners allows no embarrassment to arise. We had been sitting in mute thought a little while, when Admiral Chen, the Minister of the Navy, came in; he spoke English quite well, so that our conversation could begin; soon we were in the midst of earnest discussion. Within another ten minutes Dr. Chen Chin-tao, the Minister of Finance, arrived, and shortly after him came Mr. C.C. Wu. Thus, quite by chance, I had the opportunity of talking over these momentous matters jointly with the representatives of the four departments of government most nearly concerned: Foreign Affairs, Finance, War, and Navy.

We could now once more thoroughly go over all doubts and objections, and look at the proposed policy in all its manifold aspects and probable results. In this intense and earnest conversation no formal interpreting was needed. Whoever replied to my remarks would first repeat in Chinese what I had said for the benefit of the Premier. When the Premier had spoken, Mr. Wu would interpret his thought for me. All the others addressed me directly in English. I advanced arguments on every point, of which the following is a memorandum:

The American Government has taken the present action because the wilful disregard of neutral rights went to the extent of imperilling not only neutral property, but the lives of our citizens. In this matter the interests of China are entirely parallel to those of the United States; both nations are peaceful and see in the maintenance of international right and peaceful conditions a vital guarantee of their national safety. Through association with the United States, China would enter upon this controversy with a position consonant with every tradition and interest of her national life, a position which would have to be respected by friends and foes alike, as dictated by the highest principles which could guide national action. By taking this action, China would improve her independent standing among the nations, she would have to be consulted during the course of the controversy and at the conclusion of the war; she would, in all this, be most closely associated with that nation which she has always looked upon as peculiarly friendly and just to her. In addition to these arguments, many favourable results were discussed which China would obtain in international diplomacy.

Many arguments were advanced by the Chinese officials in doubt of the policy suggested; it was stated that China had not led up to a breach with Germany by notes of protest, such as had made the action of the United States seem natural and unavoidable; Germany had of late years always been considerate in her treatment of China, a sudden breach might seem treacherous; it might also be taken by Japan as so surprising an action as to give a favourable pretext for pressing the dreaded demands of Group V. It was also apparent that the representatives of the European Allies were not in a position to give China, at the present time, any advice favourable to the action suggested.

I pointed out in turn that were the action suggested once taken by China, the representatives of the Allied Powers would have no choice but to applaud it, which some of them, at least, would do from the fulness of their hearts. As far as Japan was concerned, the situation would be such as to indicate that that country, too, would decide to express approval of the action. Having taken a definite position on this side of the controversy, without yet entirely associating herself with the Allies, China would be in a position to command their goodwill; any interference with China's sovereign rights would be rendered more difficult because of the situation thus created. It was almost inconceivable that coercive action should be taken against the friend who had declared himself. Moreover, the United States having taken the initiative in inviting China to participate in the protest, it would be unlikely that any action could be taken over the head of the United States or without consulting the American Government.

As to the suddenness of the action suggested, I urged that the action of the German Government in announcing unrestricted submarine warfare was itself so astounding in its disregard of neutral rights that no action taken in reply could be considered too drastic. It was virtually a threat to kill Chinese citizens navigating certain portions of the high seas; and injury could be prevented only by taking a determined and forceful position.

We continued our discussion until nearly twelve o'clock, when I took my leave, thanking the ministers for their courtesy and goodwill. The cabinet sat until six in the evening. Shortly after six I received a telephone call from Mr. C.C. Wu, who said: "I am very happy to tell you that the cabinet has decided to make a protest to Germany, and to indicate that diplomatic relations will be broken off unless the present submarine warfare is abandoned."

It is interesting to remember, as the publication of the Russian secret archives has shown, that on this very day the Japanese Minister for Foreign 'Affairs was urging the Russian ambassador at Tokyo to get from his government assurances of various benefits (including Shantung) to come to Japan if she undertook the supposedly difficult task of inducing China to join the Allies. Japan was thus asking a commission for persuading the Chinese to join the Allies, although they were willing to do so freely of their own accord, as their action this day showed.

The Chinese had made a great decision. These men had acted independently upon their judgment of what was just and in the best interests of their own nation. It was the act of a free government, without a shadow of attempt at pressure, without a thought of exacting compensations on their part. When it is considered in comparison with the manner in which some other governments entered the war, it will stand as an honour to China for all time. Incidentally, this was China's first independent participation in world politics. She had stepped out of her age-long aloofness and taken her place among the modern nations.

I now sent the note to the Chinese Government which contained the simple assurance of fair treatment by the United States. In return I received this promise:

In case an act should be performed by the German Government which should be considered by the American Government as a sufficient cause for a declaration of war, the Chinese Government will at least break off its diplomatic relations with Germany.

In his formal note to me, dated February 9th, the Minister for Foreign Affairs declared:

The Chinese Government being in accord with the principles set forth in Your Excellency's note and firmly associating itself with the Government of the United States of America, has taken similar action by protesting energetically to the German Government against the new measures of blockade. The Chinese Government also proposes to take such action in the future as will be deemed necessary for the maintenance of the principles of international law.

On the same day a formal note of protest was dispatched to the German minister.

The entire cabinet reported on February 10th to a secret session of parliament on the diplomatic action it had taken. The report was well received; only a few questions were asked concerning the procedure which had been followed. Parliament did not take a vote on this matter, as it was considered to be an action by the cabinet within the range of its legal functions.

A wave of exultation passed over the country. There seemed to be hope for harmony among factions; the self-respect of the Government was visibly heightened. That China had without coercion or sordid inducement taken a definite stand on so momentous a matter inspired the Chinese with new hope. In coming to the support of international right, they felt that they were strengthening the forces which make for the independence of their own country.

Expressing themselves unofficially the representatives of the Allied governments during these negotiations cautiously favoured the step proposed. When the decision had once been taken, the approval of the Chinese action was unanimous. My Belgian colleague remarked to me: "The air has been cleared, a weight has been lifted off China and the powers. The stock of America has risen 100 per cent."

Mr. Sam Blythe gave a dinner on the evening of February 9th, at which Dr. George Morrison and many other American and British friends were present. The dinner became a celebration. Greeting me, Doctor Morrison said: "This is the greatest thing ever accomplished in China. It means a new era. It will make the Chinese nationally self-conscious; and that, not for narrow, selfish purposes, but to vindicate human rights."

But the thing was not yet accomplished. I knew well enough that the decision of the Central Government would not be immediately accepted in all parts of China. Opposition might crop out. In certain regions men of strong German sympathies were in control, or political intrigues to cause embarrassment and difficulties to the Central Government were going on. All China must understand and support the decision taken by the Government.

Of the leaders in the provinces the Vice-President, General Feng, at Nanking, was most important; as the blunder had been committed of not consulting him, he was predisposed against the decision; moreover, General Feng had several German advisers in whom he placed confidence, and who had given him a strong notion of German invincibility.

Fortunately, Mr. Sam Blythe was going to stop at Nanking on his way to Shanghai, in order as a journalist to interview the Vice-President. Blythe argued the matter out with him. He found that General Feng really felt injured. This was smoothed over. With Mr. W.H. Donald as an able second, Sam Blythe impressed upon the General that China had merely been asked to break off relations, which did not imply going to war. After a long and serious conversation, with some side-flashes from Sam Blythe, the Vice-President declared himself fully satisfied, and he came out in favour of the Government's policy. (Thus, as has often been the case, an unofficial visit by private individuals accomplished the good results.)

In other ways and by other persons, different leaders were visited and familiarized with the underlying reasons for the act of the Central Government. These influences interplayed with cumulative effect; no concerted opposition was formed; by a sort of football "interference" the policy to condemn German submarine warfare, and, if necessary, to break relations with Germany, scored its touchdown.

Intelligent teamwork and American energy were in a fair way to give China the backing she needed, having first assured her concerted action with the United States. At a diplomatic dinner which I gave the Minister for Foreign Affairs in February, the absorbing talk was about the diplomatic action taken by China. Count Martel and M. Pelliot of the French Legation, Miles Lampson of the British Legation, Mr. Konovalov, Russia's financial adviser for China, and other Allied representatives all came to me during the evening to say how enormously gratified they were at the initiative of the United States and the stand taken by China. For once nobody could disapprove of Chinese action.

The Japanese also expressed approval, but immediately tried to get China to take the further step of declaring war, and the French minister, too, worked actively for this. Japan was eager to recover the lead. A great campaign of intrigue and counter-intrigue resulted among the various factions in China which threatened to destroy the unifying and inspiring effects of China's action. The question of joining the Allies out and out was thrown into politics. From all this most of the ministers held aloof. When Liang Chi-chao sounded me on this question, I told him, while lacking instructions from my government, that I thought the rupture of diplomatic relations would be enough, if it should come to that. Within a few days instructions came from the State Department to the same effect.

During March I repeatedly saw Vice-President Feng and President Li. Feng, small and slender, intelligent in appearance, bald, with keen but shifty eyes, was courtesy itself. I was specially delighted with the refinement and musical quality of his diction. I went over the whole ground with him, satisfying him, especially, on the question of the specific American objections to the German U-boats. "I approve heartily and completely," he finally assured me, "of the proposed break with Germany."

I found that General Li was not only in favour of breaking with Germany, but of an internal break with his own premier, General Tuan. "I cannot trust him," said Li; "he wishes to eliminate me from real power." This friction within distressed me not a little, as I had sincerely hoped that these two men would come to coöperate.

Then I saw Dr. Wu Ting-fang. Besides being China's foreign minister, Doctor Wu is a spiritualist. When I entered, he followed his usual bent, bundled the morning's business details over to the counsellor in attendance, and devoted himself to philosophizing. Spiritualism, longevity, and the advantages of a vegetarian diet, were to him topics for real thought and speculation. In mystic language, he remarked: "There is an aura gradually spreading from Europe over the entire surface of the world. It enters the brains of the people and penetrates them, making them war-mad. We are having the first signs here."

By March 10th, submarine warfare had not been modified. Parliament then formally approved the breach of diplomatic relations with Germany.

I had almost belaboured the department for instructions during the progress of our work. But it was not until the 13th of March, the very day the break of diplomatic relations was formally notified, that the instructions came. These rather implied that the circular inviting coöperation on the part of the neutral powers had been too strongly acted upon by me. I could not but be inwardly amused.

When a government takes a step involving life and death and all the interests of its own and of general civilization; when, in connection therewith, it calls upon other powers to associate themselves with it—it ought to be safe to presume that the government means what it says. It should see that the action it invokes involves great sacrifices, and it must not invoke it lightly. A responsible official would not be justified in interpreting such a note in a platonic sense.

At once questions of finance arose. Ancient China had taken her brave step in modern world affairs. She might now have to go to war. That would take money, and money would be needed to guard such a contingency—indeed, internally and externally China had need to put her financial house in order. Yuan Shih-kai's imperialism had left a burden of debt. The Republic required strengthening by a new system of national credit and by the building up of its natural resources. Now the public debt was relatively still small, the rate of taxation upon the hundreds of millions of citizens low. The situation was basically sound. The question had been asked since last summer: Would America supply China with an investment loan of a hundred millions, thus delivering her of lenders who were seeking to dominate her and to split her up into "spheres of influence"?

Minister Wellington Koo, who had journeyed to the United States in behalf of Yuan Shih-kai's imperial ambitions, now worked for the Republic there. I suggested at first that the firm of Lee, Higginson & Company, which still held its option, should complete its loan. This was not done. Then other capitalists were approached and in November, 1916, Doctor Koo arranged for a large loan with Mr. John J. Abbott, president of the Continental and Commercial Savings Bank of Chicago. Mr. Abbott, wishing to study the Chinese financial situation, arrived in Peking during April, 1917, bringing his lawyer. I got him acquainted with the Chinese ministers, and took him and Mr. Joy Morton, also of Chicago, to lunch with President Li and Dr. Chen Chin-tao and Hsu Un-yuen. The President said: "I will back all financial legislation which American experts may find necessary for the proper organization of China's credit."

Doctor Chen was arrested and put in prison through the plotting of his enemies, but Hsu Un-yuen remained, with his sound financial training. Finally Mr. Abbott proposed an ingenious scheme, with the wine and tobacco taxes as the basis—for every $1,000,000 of annual revenue there should be a loan of $5,000,000; if the taxes amounted to ten millions, they would serve as security for a loan of fifty millions. Mr. Abbott left behind him a plan for reorganizing these taxes, and a promise to take up at any time the question of loans on this basis, in addition to five millions lent the preceding November and an option for twenty-five millions more.

CHAPTER XXII

CHINA'S BOSSES COME TO PEKING

I have noted that Dr. Chen Chin-tao, Chinese Minister of Finance, was put in prison. Doctor Chen had administered Chinese finances strictly and well, in a most difficult period. For the military governors or Tuchuns, who were the real bosses of China's vast population, he was too honest and too strict. The Tuchuns looked upon the Minister of Finance as in duty bound to procure funds for them by hook or crook.

When the government banks were broken and had declared a moratorium, their large over-issues of notes were worth only one half their face value. Working with Doctor Chen was Hsu Un-yuen, managing director of the Bank of China. Mr. Hsu managed judiciously to bring the notes of his bank virtually to par. The Tuchuns, aided by the pro-Japanese clique, which formed part of the Premier's entourage, attacked both Hsu and Doctor Chen. For the latter the cabal laid a trap. It was made to appear that he gave support to a certain company in return for having his brother employed. So the cabal, using this pretext to satisfy their grievances, got him arrested and jailed, thus ending his negotiations with the Chicago bank of John J. Abbott. President Li was interested and distressed. When I asked Premier Tuan about Doctor Chen, he smilingly stated that he should have a chance to clear himself.

Meanwhile, the breach between the Premier and the President widened. To strengthen himself in his policy of favouring a declaration of war, the Premier called all the Tuchuns to Peking for a conference. Nine governors-general came, and all the other provinces sent delegates. General Tuan was successful with them, and by April 28th they had decided to support his war policy.

The Tuchun of Shantung was bulky, coarse-looking. I had some idea of his views on representative government from his inaugural address to the Shantung Assembly. "Gentlemen," the Tuchun said with genial frankness, "you resemble birds who are in a large cage together. If you behave well, and sing songs that are pleasing, we shall feed you; otherwise, you shall have to go without food."

Several of the Tuchuns called on me by appointment, and later I gave them a formal reception, at which I saw all who had come to Peking, observed their personalities, and tried to fathom the source of their personal prominence and power. I talked with them individually and in groups, chiefly about the progress of the war and the relative strength of the combatants. My guests were full of smiles and good cheer, particularly did the Tuchun of Fukien radiate joy. In their sociability they were true Chinese, and here, where they had been received with the military honours due to their position and in the spirit of hospitality, they could show themselves in a more amiable light than when maintaining their power in their provinces. To a brief speech of welcome which I made when they had all arrived General Hsu Shu-cheng replied with a most emphatic expression of friendship for America.

That so many of these governors should have risen from the lowliest position was indeed strong evidence of the underlying democracy of Chinese life. But that a mere handful of men should wield such power, each in his province, did not bespeak strength in representative government.

Some of the military commanders were men of education, although most of them had risen from very modest surroundings: Yen Hsi-shan, of Shansi; Chu Jui, of Chekiang; Tang Chi-yao, of Yunnan; Chen Kuang-yuan, of Kiangsi; Ni Tze-chung, of Anhwei; Li Shun, of Nanking, a fisherman's son; Li Ho-chi of Fukien, Tien Chung-yu of Kalgan, both of middle-class families—all these were fair scholars. General Wu Pei-fu, who rose from the post of a private in the Chino-Japanese War, had through great intelligence and industry acquired a good education, as likewise had General Feng Yu-hsiang; both of these generals professed the Christian religion. President Feng Kuo-chang came of a poor family, and as a young man played a fiddle in a small local theatre.

Among the other Tuchuns were many to whom the Chinese applied the proverb: "A good man will never become a soldier." These men, indeed, deserve credit for having risen from their original state as coolies, bandits, or horse-thieves, but they often owe their prominence to qualities which by no means make for the good of the state. Chang Tso-lin, the Viceroy of Manchuria, commenced his career as a bandit; he was pardoned by Chao Er-shun, and became a government officer. Chang Huai-chi was a coolie, and never got much education. Tsao Kun, of Chihli, was a huckster. Wang Chan-yuan was a hostler. The trio, Chang Hsun, Lu Yung-ting, and Mu Yung-hsing, headed the so-called Black Flag Band; at one time the partners put up fifty thousand taels to enable Chang Hsun to buy himself an office and become respectable. But he spent it all in high living. With the antecedents of some of these men one marvels not only at the position they have acquired, but at the personal polish and air of refinement of many of them.

All of them dealt with political power as a commodity, secured through the use of money and soldiers. They were somewhat like the condottieri of the Italian renaissance, looking ahead only to the goal of their personal ambition for wealth and power. Even among these militarists, however, there were those who gave some attention to matters of public policy, and the idea of national welfare and unity had begun to dawn upon their consciousness. Moreover, in them I felt a mixture of the old and the new. They had suddenly come into great power, thought in terms of airplanes and modern armaments, but had as yet few other modern ideas to inspire their action with anything beyond personal motives. In their human qualities, however, several of them excelled; and some, even, showed a real spirit of public service and ability as administrators.

The Japanese Government was still trying to get China into the war, and its minister called on President Li to urge it. I talked on May 9th with the President, who said that he favoured a declaration of war provided parliament was not overridden in the process. Then I saw the Premier. "If parliament is obstinate," General Tuan said bluntly, "it will be dissolved."

I told him it would make a very bad impression in the United States and with other Western powers if parliament were ignored in so important a matter. I knew that parliament did not oppose declaring war, but desired to control the war policy. "But," the Premier urged, "the opposition of parliament disregards national interests. It desires merely to secure partisan advantage." Tuan discussed the attitude of Japan. "The Japanese have assured me," he declared, "that if I follow a strong policy I may count on their support. Now circumstances force the Chinese Government to be friendly to Japan. Of course, I will not give up any valuable rights to anybody, and I will strengthen China in every way so that resistance may be offered to any attempted injustice."

Ironically, he asked whether confidence could be placed in the southern leaders of the Kuo Min Tang. "I have proof," he continued, "that both Sun Yat-sen and Tsen Liang-kuang have given written assurances to the Japanese Consul-General at Shanghai that if either of them becomes President of China he will conclude a treaty granting to Japan rights of supervision of military and administrative affairs more extensive than those sought in Group V of the twenty-one demands." So each party believed the worst of the other.

Events were tending to a climax. The Government was demoralized. Doctor Chen was in prison; Mr. Li Ching-hsi, a nephew of Li Hung-chang, who was to take Chen's place, would not assume office while affairs remained so unsettled. The Ministry of Communications was in charge of an underling. The Minister of Education, who also acted as Minister of the Interior, was seriously ill. The Kuo Min Tang ministers had lost their influence with their party in parliament because of their failure effectively to oppose the Tuchuns' policy. It was believed that the Tuchuns, with the followers of General Tuan, were planning a coup against Parliament.

In the midst of this I had a personal chat with Chen Lu, the Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs, at an evening reception at the British Legation. I told him of my surprise that the Tuchuns, instead of attending to the urgent business in their provinces, should be gathered here, interfering with the Central Government. I let it be distinctly understood that any movement to overthrow parliament in order to carry out the war policy could not be expected to receive the sympathy of the United States. The vice-minister was in close touch with the Tuchuns. I expected that he would repeat my remarks to them. He did.

As I was leaving the Chancery a few evenings later Mr. Roy Anderson appeared with the news that something was happening and drove me over to the railway station. We went through the Chenmen gate. Along the main street were many carts rapidly driven, loaded with military stores and household goods. Automobiles were rushing by them to the station. On the platform was a turmoil of troops busily transferring the various military possessions to cars. In a parlour car our friends the Tuchuns were assembling. I left Mr. Anderson there to observe and to get information.

It appeared that the Tuchuns had all of a sudden decided to leave Peking for their various capitals, taking their bodyguards with them. Two or three were to remain in Tientsin a little longer to watch developments. Their precipitous exit seemed to indicate that President Li had at last got the upper hand.

As a farewell courtesy to Doctor Willoughby, the American legal adviser, the President had invited him and me to luncheon on the following day. President Li was cheerful. The discomfiture of the Tuchuns filled him with glee. "All danger is passed," he announced; "I will dismiss General Tuan, appoint a new cabinet, and have parliament decide the war question without compulsion."

In order to inform myself as to what was behind the President's confidence, I asked him what he had to put in the place of his cabinet and General Tuan, and whether he believed that the Government could be carried on without the concurrence of that important party.

"Oh, yes," the President assured me, "it is all arranged."

Pressing him a little further, and asking upon whom, in particular, he was relying, to my unspeakable surprise, he said: "General Chang Hsun will assist me."

Now General Chang Hsun was an old-time bandit and militarist. His ideas were devoid of any understanding of representative institutions. It passed my power of imagination to see how reliance could be placed in this general for the vindication of parliament. As I looked dubious, the President repeated: "Yes, you may believe me. I can rely on General Chang Hsun."

It was not what Chang Hsun stood for that the President relied on, but on his enmity to General Tuan. Li Yuan-hung, though quite modern in his conception of government, in this instance followed a strong Chinese instinct which aims to prevail by setting off strong individuals against each other.

After I had heard that the dismissal of General Tuan had been announced, General Chin Yun-peng called on me. He was agitated and much worried. "Do you not think that General Tuan should leave Peking?" he asked. "His enemies will undoubtedly wish to take his life."

I tried to cheer him up by telling him that in a modern government such ups and downs must be expected. "Let the other side now develop their policy, and show what they can do; let General Tuan use this time for quiet recuperation, after the strain he has been through. Then," I said, "the time will come again when Tuan will be called back to power." The eyes of the good general lit up with gratitude. General Ni Tze-chung, most notorious and active among the military party, declared on the 26th of May that the dismissal of General Tuan had been illegal. His province of Anhwei disapproved; it would act independently of the Central Government.

This was the crucial point in the development of the situation.

Expert observers said that had the President immediately dismissed Ni and ordered his punishment, appointing a junior commander in his place, the rest of the militarists would have fallen away from Ni, and the President could have dealt with them individually. Instead, he was persuaded to send a conciliatory letter to General Ni.

This, of course, confirmed the leadership of Ni over the military party; further, it encouraged the majority of the Tuchuns to declare their independence.

A so-called provisional government was set up at Tientsin. The older and wiser heads of the military party, men like General Tuan Chi-jui and Mr. Hsu Shih-chang, held themselves entirely aloof from this new organization.

General Ni Tze-chung was the leading spirit. By dint of force the so-called government helped itself to the deposits of the Chinese Government in the Tientsin branch of the Bank of China. The men greatly in evidence were the members of the pro-Japanese clique, Mr. Tsao Ju-lin and General Hsu Shu-cheng. General Aoki, the Japanese military adviser to the Government, was also on the ground.

In Peking a paralysis crept over the Government. The President lost his advantage as quickly as he had gained it. On the railways all orders of the Tuchuns for transportation were implicitly obeyed. When at this time the question of the movement of revolutionary troops and their stationing at Tientsin and along the railway came up, the Japanese minister persisted in the position that it would be highly undesirable to make any objection on the ground of any possible conflict with the protection of the railway by foreign troops. Two months before, the Japanese Legation had strongly objected to the stationing of a few government troops along the same railway.

The President issued a mandate inviting Chang Hsun to Peking as arbitrator.

When I interviewed the President, he looked disconsolate His youthful English secretary, Mr. Kuo, tried his best to give a more cheerful and confident note to Li's conversation, but Doctor Tenney, who was with me, easily compared the President's doleful Chinese with the more buoyant English translation.

The plan of the Tuchuns was directed toward isolating and strangling Peking. They controlled the railways leading there, and were preventing the shipment of foodstuffs. The ministry that controlled the railways, it must be remembered, was controlled by Japanese influence. Constitutional government in China was paralyzed through the lack of military and financial authority.

The war issue worried the Chinese. First, they feared that the militarist party would take advantage of it, through the support of Japanese influence, to fasten its hold upon China; second, that China might by the Allies be made a field in which to seek compensations. But if local political troubles had not entirely upset the situation, it might have been possible to arrange for a joint declaration of the powers that would have allayed suspicion and made it feasible for China to enter the war with a sense of security.

Dr. Wu Ting-fang, acting on the suggestion of Mr. Lenox Simpson and liberal-minded Chinese publicists, made a move to have the American Government do something. He sent advices to Minister Koo in Washington telling him about General Ni and his leadership of the revolt of the Tuchuns. The southern provinces were still loyal to the President and parliament, and the civil and commercial population disapproved of the rebellion. President Wilson and Secretary Lansing were asked to make a statement in behalf of representative government in China. This was followed by a direct appeal to President Wilson.

But the American Government had already instructed me on the 5th of June to communicate to the Chinese Government a statement evincing a sincere desire for internal political harmony. The question of China's entry into the war, it said, was secondary to continuing the political unity of China and the laying aside of factional disputes. I accompanied it orally with a personal statement that the United States conceived the war to be one for the principles of democracy; that it would deplore any construction of its invitation which would lend itself to the idea that it contemplated any coercion or restriction upon Chinese freedom of action. I made plain that no matter how much the United States wished the coöperation of China in the war, it did not desire to bring this about by using the political dissensions or working with any one faction in disregard of parliament.

General Tuan Chi-jui at once stated to Doctor Ferguson, who unofficially informed him of the American note at Tientsin, that he had totally withdrawn from all politics. The Chinese press gave a very favourable reception to the note; the Chinese people welcomed America's advice. General Feng Kuo-chang, later when he had become President, spoke of the note to me, and remarked on the salutary influence it had wielded upon public opinion in China.

While the political dissensions in the Chinese state were too personal to be overcome by any friendly suggestions from the outside, nevertheless the American note had set up a standard for all the Chinese. It had, furthermore, given convincing proof of the fact that the true interests of China were impartially weighed by the American Government, and were not entirely subordinated to any war policy which America might desire to advance. From all parts of China came expressions of gratitude and satisfaction that the American Government should have spoken to China so justly and truly. The Chinese appreciated the spirit of justice of the American Government in not desiring to have the war issue used for the purposes of enabling any faction or party to override the free determination of the Chinese Government and people. As America was itself at war and would therefore have welcomed coöperation, this just policy particularly impressed the Chinese.

The Japanese press both in Japan and China immediately launched forth into a bitter invective against the American action. The United States should have consulted Japan. Its action constituted interference in the domestic affairs of China. "If China listens to advice from America," a Japanese major-general declared in an excited speech at a dinner in Peking on the 7th of June, "she will have Japan to deal with."

The Japanese ambassador at Washington protested informally. Had not Secretary Bryan, in a note dated the 13th of March, 1915, recognized the special and close relations, political and economic, between Japan and China? It was impossible that the American minister at Peking was taking a part in political affairs in China, but the Japanese public was sensitive about the note sent by the American Government to China. Would it not be useful if the American Government would confirm Mr. Bryan's statement?

The reply to this communication did not come until the 6th of July. Mr. Bryan's statement, the reply said, referred only to the special relations created by territorial contiguity in certain parts of China. Even with respect to them it in no way admitted that the United States might not in future be justified in expressing itself relative to questions that might arise between China and Japan. The United States could not be indifferent to matters affecting the welfare of the Chinese people, such as the unrest in China.

The first detachments of Chang Hsun's troops arrived in Peking on the 9th of June. Chang Hsun's theory was that it is the business of a trooper to make himself terrible. These wild horsemen, wearing loose-fitting black uniforms, with their cues rolled up on the back of the head, rode about Peking with the air of conquerors. The "Mediator" was coming with sufficient military force to back his judgment.

When General Chang himself arrived, the streets from the railway station to the Mediator's house in the Manchu city were entirely shut off. Mounted troopers blocked the way as my automobile came along a side street to cross one of these thoroughfares. They nearly collided with the front of my machine, drew their guns, and would not budge. To explain to them my right to pass would have meant sending someone to the Foreign Office; even then in order to go on I might have to run over them, for the Foreign Office, undoubtedly, meant nothing at all to them. I told my companion not to let them know my position. We tried to pass through on the ground that we had business on the other side, but they reared their horses up and down, and nearly came into the machine with us. We were held up until the great man had arrived and had raced from the station to his residence.

When I was with Dr. Wu Ting-fang a few days later the card of a secretary of the cabinet was brought in. I knew that he was trying to induce Doctor Wu to sign a decree dissolving parliament. I had heard in the morning that President Li had finally caved in; for Chang Hsun's first prescription for restoring China was to declare that parliament must be dissolved. The President relied on Chang's assistance. He could not help himself, he must accept the dictation of the man he had summoned.

I rejoined a friend who awaited me outside in the automobile. He had just overheard the chauffeur of the cabinet secretary and the doorman of the Foreign Office. The chauffeur had said: "Is your old man going to sign up? You had better see to it that he does, else something might happen to him."

These subordinates were keeping their eyes open.

The Japanese minister, on whom I called that morning, said to me: "General Chang's mediation is the last hope of peace. It is desirable that parliament be gotten rid of, it is obstructive, and makes the doing of business well-nigh impossible."

Dr. Wu Ting-fang stood out against countersigning the mandate that would dissolve the parliament. In matters of spiritualism, vegetarianism, and longevity, I had perhaps not always been able to take him quite seriously. But I admired his quiet courage in not allowing himself to be bowled over, after even President Li had given in. Before daylight on the 13th of June Doctor Wu was roused from his bed and now asked to countersign a Presidential mandate designating the jovial General Chiang Chao-tsung, commander of the Peking gendarmerie, to act as Premier, and accepting Doctor Wu's resignation. Before daybreak General Chiang signed the mandate dissolving parliament. The President consented to its issue, for he had been told it would be impossible to prevent disturbances in Peking unless this were done.

So wore on the early summer of 1917. Affairs seemed to have arrived at a stalemate.

CHAPTER XXIII

AN EMPEROR FOR A DAY

My family had gone to Peitaiho for the summer. I was staying at the residence alone with Mr. F.L. Belin, who had recently come to Peking to join my staff. I slept rather late on Sunday, July 1st, as the morning was cool. When Kao, the first boy, came in to take orders he appeared excited and cried: "Emperor has come back again!"

I did not immediately grasp the significance of this astonishing announcement; but he went on volubly telling me that it was true, that the Emperor had returned, that all the people were hanging out the yellow dragon flag. I sent out for information and soon learned that the little emperor, in some mysterious way, had been restored during the night.

The monarchical movement came as a complete surprise to everybody, for it was entirely the personal act of General Chang Hsun. The men whose names were recited in his proclamations as assisting him had known nothing about it; it was undreamed of even by those who found themselves forced to assist, such as the Chief of Staff and the heads of the gendarmerie and of the police.

Kang Yu-wei, the "Modern Sage" of China, arrived in Peking on June 29th, and with him the restoration was planned. Kang Yu-wei, who had been the leader of the first reform movement in 1898, when he made a stand against absolutism, had always remained a consistent believer in constitutional monarchy. He encouraged Chang Hsun with philosophical theory, and wrote all his edicts for him. The two believed that the Imperial restoration would immediately bring to the active support of the Government all the military governors, whose true sentiments were notoriously imperialistic. Their consent was taken for granted, and the edicts, as drawn up, expressly assumed that it had been given.

It became known to me that Chang Hsun had also discussed the possibility of an Imperial restoration with the Japanese minister. The latter expressed the opinion that the movement should not be undertaken without first making sure of the assent of the chief military leaders. Chang Hsun had no doubt of this support; he evidently regarded the advice of the Japanese minister as encouraging, and believed that his movement would have diplomatic countenance.

Chang Hsun had his intimate advisers, particularly Kang Yu-wei, draw up the requisite Imperial edicts on the 30th of June. In these it was stated that leading governors, like Feng Kuo-chang, Lu Yung-ting, and others of equal prominence, had petitioned for the restoration of the monarchy. Lists of appointments to the highest positions in the Central Government and the provinces were prepared. The existing military governors were in most cases reappointed. In the Central Government the important men designated were Hsu Shih-chang as Guardian of the Emperor, Liang Tun-yen as Minister for Foreign Affairs, and Chu Chi-pao as Minister of the Interior. Wang Shih-chen was retained as Chief of the General Staff.

As an amazing instance of how consent was taken for granted, it was recited in an Imperial edict that President Li Yuan-hung had himself petitioned for the reëstablishment of the Empire; this edict appointed Li a duke of the first class.

So soon as these edicts were prepared and ready for presentation, a dinner was arranged for the evening of the same day, to which the heads of the Peking military and police establishments were invited. They met at the Kiangsu Guild Hall. After great quantities of wine had been consumed, Chang Hsun broached his project for the salvation of China, stating that all preparations had been made and that military and diplomatic support was assured. Then, pointing to the Chief of Staff, he said: "Of course, you are supporting the movement."

General Wang, completely taken aback, saw no way to refuse—since he was in the presence of an accomplished fact. In the same way the consent of General Chiang, head of the gendarmerie, and of General Wu, head of the police, was obtained.

Thus the enterprise was launched. Chang Hsun directed General Wang and four others to proceed immediately to the residence of President Li, to wake him up, and to obtain his consent to a memorial asking for reëstablishment of the monarchy. Chang Hsun himself proceeded to the Imperial City. Not being able to obtain the support of the Imperial dukes for his movement, he had lavishly bribed the eunuchs in charge of the palace, who opened the gates for him and his retinue, and took him to the private residence of the young Emperor. Chang Hsun prostrated himself, and informed the Emperor that the whole nation demanded his return to the throne. Thereupon he took the frightened boy to the great throne room, and, in the presence of his retainers and members of the Imperial Family, who had been summoned, formally enthroned the Emperor. Then the edicts which had been prepared were formally sealed.

As may be imagined, there were some comic incidents. A rather distinguished man had been summoned by the Premier to discuss with the President his assumption of one of the cabinet portfolios. A Chinese friend of mine who had just heard of the restoration saw him at the hotel about ten o'clock in the morning. On being asked what was his errand in Peking, the distinguished personage stated confidentially that he was awaiting a carriage to take him to the President's palace. "There is no President," he was told. "This is now an Empire; the Emperor was enthroned at four o'clock this morning." The great man's astonishment was amusing.

As the military chiefs were deceived on the preceding night, so Peking was deceived for one day. As the news spread, the population showed an almost joyous excitement. Everywhere the yellow dragon flags appeared, soon the entire city took on a festive appearance. Revived memories of past splendour seemingly made the population of Peking imperialist to a man. But the height of this movement was reached as early as the morning of the 2nd of July.

I had avoided receiving General Chang Hsun. Mr. Liang Tung-yen came to assume office as Minister for Foreign Affairs; I also abstained from seeing him, as well as the rest of General Chang's ministers, asking Doctor Tenney to talk with those who presented themselves. Mr. Liang had always been an imperialist, and was in high spirits, believing that at last China was saved. He had been led to believe that the foreign diplomats would readily recognize the restoration.

Strong doubts as to the character of the movement became manifest on Monday, the 2nd of July. Tuan Chi-jui did not figure in the Imperial official lists. When asked about this, Chang Hsun declared that General Tuan was unimportant, having no troops under his command. But Liang Chi-chao had been playing cards with friends at about 2 A.M. on the fateful night, when the news was telephoned to Tientsin. Liang immediately went to General Tuan's residence, where the latter was similarly engaged at cards. General Tuan, who was thoroughly weary of public affairs, was difficult to rouse; he begged to be spared the trouble of thinking of what might be occurring in Peking. More details came in, and it became apparent what a thoroughly one-man affair the movement was. Then Tuan roused himself.

Tuan was at that time actually only a private citizen, without authority or command. But I learned later that Liang Chi-chao had gone to Japanese friends for funds to enlist the military against the Imperial movement, and he got 1,000,000 yen as a loan to himself and General Tuan for this purpose. It was to be treated as a government loan upon restoration of normal conditions.

The two proceeded on Tuesday to Machang, where the Eighth Division had been encamped since the attempt to overawe President Li Yuan-hung. General Tuan, it was stated, felt nervous as to the outcome of his venture, but he called the commanders, declaring that he had always been opposed to a restoration of the monarchy, and that it was now being attempted by a single general. To resist this act he proposed to take command of the republican troops.

General Tuan was at once recognized as commander-in-chief. President Li, on his part, did not yield to the importunities of Chang Hsun. He gave out an absolute denial of the statement that he favoured the restoration. After issuing a mandate that turned over the Presidential powers to the Vice-President and appointed General Tuan Chi-jui Premier and Commander-in-Chief, he took refuge in the Legation Quarter. I sent a personal representative to General Tuan at Tientsin, who declared that he already had complete control of the military situation and could finish Chang Hsun inside of ten days.

As hostilities threatened in and around Peking, and as the danger of looting was always present, I discussed the precautions to be taken with several of my colleagues, and agreed with the Japanese minister that we would each bring a company of reinforcements from Tientsin. Meanwhile, the movements of Tuan's troops began. To hinder their advance, Chang Hsun's men broke the railway at a point about one third of the way from Peking to Tientsin.

Certain members of the diplomatic corps urged that we give notice that no fighting should take place on or near the railways. As we had made no objection to the bringing in of Chang Hsun's troops and to their being stationed in Peking and along the railway, I took the position that we were not justified in objecting to the troops of the government to which we were accredited taking necessary action against Chang Hsun. We might, however, insist upon the right of keeping the railway open. This met with approval. On the 5th of July a demand was made upon the belligerent generals that the railway must be kept open, and that at least one train be allowed to pass in each direction every day.

The damaged line was reconstructed, and on July 6th, the American infantry arrived in Peking; on the 7th, the first trains travelled between Peking and Tientsin—one train actually passing between the armies during a battle. Fighting went on during these days between the troops of General Tuan, directly commanded by General Tuan Chi-kwei, and Chang Hsun's forces; there was much firing but small loss of life, and the latter's forces were finally driven back toward Peking. The troops of General Tsao Kun also advanced upon Peking from the west.

Mr. Grant, of the National Printing Bureau, on Friday rushed into the legation compound in his automobile, with the report that looting was going on in the southern part of the city. We ascended the wall. From the Chenmen Tower we saw excited groups moving up and down the main streets, but nothing was happening save the bringing in of a few wounded men. To investigate the cause of the excitement I went with Mr. Belin in our private rickshaws to the Chinese city, passing to the end of the broad Chenmen thoroughfare. The street was still crowded, the people were excited though well behaved; the shops all had their shutters up. Near the south end of the street some shopkeepers posted in front of their shops told us that the return of Chang Hsun's troops from outside the walls had been reported. Looting had been expected but had not taken place. We proceeded to the Temple of Heaven, where great crowds were walking about among the tents of the troops. On returning, we entered a shop to look at some antiques, remaining half an hour. When we came out our rickshaws had disappeared. Doctor Ferguson joined us as we searched for our men. Suddenly, Belin shouted to a rickshaw man, who with a dozen others was conveying some of Chang Hsun's petty officers southward. We insisted that the non-commissioned officer occupying the rickshaw get out, and he finally complied.

The rickshaws had been requisitioned by these bandits. Upon our return to the Legation, my rickshaw-runner had just arrived, excited to the point of tears. Our two coolies had drawn the men who originally commandeered them up to the Imperial City; there they were requisitioned again to convey other men back to the Temple of Heaven. But my man, when opposite the entrance to Legation Street, had upset his bandit into the road and made a quick entry into the Legation Quarter, where the angry and sputtering trooper dared not follow him. That the rickshaws belonging to foreigners should thus be pressed into service shows the disregard which these troopers had for everything but their own desires.

As we returned to the Legation we noticed a wonderful colour effect. Coal-black clouds were banked against the western sky, above which were lighter clouds or angry shreds of flaming colour. Against this the dark walls and towers of Peking stood out in sharp relief. In the streets the crowds still surged, in restless expectancy. Suddenly the sunset light disappeared; the sky became black with clouds; a sharp gust of wind whirled the dust of the Chinese city northward; then came a flash of lightning, a clap of thunder, and a heavy downpour, which cooled the excited heads and drove all to shelter. The late afternoon had been weird and fantastic, and appeared to presage the happening of still stranger things.

I was lunching with a friend at his race-course house on Sunday, the 8th of July, when word was brought to me that a certain Colonel Hu, coming from Chang Hsun, had persuaded the French minister that the city was in imminent danger of sacking, fighting, and general disturbances. The only salvation, Colonel Hu had said, lay in asking Hsu Shi-chang to come from Tientsin to mediate. The French minister thereupon induced his Entente colleagues to agree to transmit a note to General Tuan Chi-jui urging him to prevail upon Hsu Chi-Chang to come as mediator. This seemed to me ill-advised. It meant, at a time when Chang Hsun was already as good as defeated, that he would be solemnly treated as entitled to dictate the terms and personnel of mediation by influential members of the diplomatic corps. I returned to Peking and saw my colleagues, urging my opinion strongly. The British chargé withdrew his consent; he had just received a telegram from his consul in Tientsin reporting that General Tuan was absolutely opposed to mediation. The action contemplated was not taken, though Chang Hsun persisted in his attempts to gain recognition from the diplomatic corps. The French minister, who hated Dr. Wu Ting-fang—this would explain his support of Chang Hsun—gradually came to see the obverse side of his policy as certain Germanic affiliations of Chang Hsun became known.

Kang Yu-wei presented himself at my house on the 8th, seeking refuge, and I assigned him rooms in one of our compounds. He informed me that Chang Hsun had had full assurances of support on the part of Hsu Chi-Chang and other important monarchists. Next day he informed me that Prince Tsai Tze was anxious to consult me.

I arranged to have the Prince come to the house assigned to Mr. Kang, where I had two hours' conversation with the Manchu and the sage. Kang Yu-wei commenced with a long disquisition on the advantages of a constitutional monarchy. He wished to explain his action and to prove to me that he was not a reactionary, but was aiming only for progress under the monarchical form, which he considered most suitable to China.

All this time the Prince was silent. He seemed greatly depressed, not inclined to say anything at first. After inquiries about his health, I asked him what he would like to say to me. With eyes of real sadness he looked me full in the face, saying: "What shall we do? My house has been drawn into this affair without our consent. It has been forced on us. We did not wish to depart from the agreements we had made with the Republic. But Chang Hsun would not listen to us. He thought he saw the only way. Now what shall we do?"

I told him that I appreciated the difficulty in which the Imperial Family found itself, but that I of course could not know the details of the situation sufficiently to give any opinion. One thing, however, seemed to me certain: if the leaders of the republican government knew the true attitude of the Imperial Family, and if the Emperor would formally and absolutely dissociate himself from the movement of Chang Hsun, I believed that they would not make the Imperial Family suffer. I asked him whether they had considered having the Emperor issue a decree, absolutely and for all time renouncing all rights to the throne and declaring his complete fealty to the Republic.

The Prince regarded me aghast. "Oh, no! No matter how desirable that might be from many points of view, it is not in the power of the Emperor to do it. The rights he has inherited are not his. They came to him in trust from his ancestors. He will have to maintain them, and hand them on to his descendants. He, and we of his family, shall not do anything to make these rights prevail against the State, but as the sons of our ancestors, we cannot repudiate them."

Never had I been so deeply impressed with the complexity of Chinese affairs as by this answer—an Imperial family maintaining traditions of empire in the midst of a republic, an emperor continuing to reside in the Imperial Palace, a neighbour of the republican President in his residence, and yet no desire to enter again into politics and to grasp the sovereign power! I could now understand why the Chinese had allowed the Emperor to remain in the palace; it was the house of his ancestors, from which he might not be driven. That common reverence was the one point of understanding between Chinese and Manchus.

Prince Tsai Tze evidently still hoped that Hsu Shih-Chang, the loyal friend of the Imperial Family, might be brought to Peking to mediate, and that he might be prevailed upon to preserve the favourable treatment hitherto accorded the Imperial Family. I could not give Prince Tsai Tze any encouragement on this point, on which I had very definite opinions, but had to content myself with general expressions of sincere sympathy with the strange fate of this family.

The question of mediation was again taken up by the diplomatic corps on the afternoon of this day. Some of the ministers feared that the city would suffer greatly if things should be allowed to go on. I was strongly of the opinion that our interference in this matter could have no good result, but would only further confuse and complicate the situation. For once, the Chinese must settle it themselves, regardless of any incidental inconvenience. From what I knew of the strength of the contending forces and of the whole situation, I had no doubt whatsoever that if left alone the republican forces would be easily successful and that there would be no disturbances. I was on principle against any action which would be in substance intervening in behalf of a general who had attacked the Republic and whom nothing could now save from overthrow except such diplomatic action.

I was approached on the 10th of July by a representative of General Chiang, chief of the gendarmerie. He stated that it was desired to bring Chang Hsun into the American Legation, for his own safety though against his will, and that an agreement to this effect had been made among the different commanders. I stated that in the circumstances it would be better for the diplomatic corps to discuss what protection could be extended to Chang Hsun. An informal meeting was held, at which the British chargé agreed that he would receive Chang Hsun if he were brought in.

The legations were notified by General Tuan, late in the afternoon of July 11th, that during the night the troops would move against Chang Hsun's forces in the city, and bombardment of the Temple of Heaven and the quarters near the Imperial City held by Chang Hsun would begin at dawn on the 12th of July. In conjunction with the commandant of the legation guard, I sent notice to the American residents in the quarters particularly affected, directing them to seek safety. Eighteen refugees came to the Legation, where they were cared for during the day at the Students' Mess. A company of the Fifteenth Infantry, which had been brought up from Tientsin, was encamped in the compound in front of my residence, to which their tents and military equipment imparted an aspect of great military preparedness.

I was awakened at daybreak on July 12th by the sound of artillery and rifle fire. As the fighting commenced people went out of curiosity upon the city wall. But stray bullets frequently fell on the wall, and the commandant ordered it cleared. Unfortunately, several of these onlookers—among them three Americans—were injured. During the battle I received word from the Imperial tutors that the Dowager Empresses were preparing to bring the Emperor to my residence. Since the 9th of July they had wished to remove the Emperor to this legation for safety. While the Empresses and some of the dukes desired this, the eunuchs under Chang Hsun's influence opposed the removal. The Prince Regent, also influenced by Chang Hsun, took the same view. Thus on various occasions the eunuchs, whose existence had almost been forgotten, came out on the stage of action in this curious affair.

About eleven o'clock, while the firing was at its height and after several bombs had been dropped from aeroplanes upon the Imperial City, telephone messages came to the effect that several friends of the Imperial Family and Doctor Ferguson of the Red Cross were about to rescue the Emperor from danger and bring him to the Legation. I had the house prepared. Half an hour later two automobiles with the Red Cross flag flying entered the legation compound. Mr. Belin ran to the door, expecting to see the Emperor and Empress emerging from the automobiles, but he returned with only Mr. Sun Pao-chi, who was shivering with excitement. I took him to the reception room and comforted him with tea. He still expected the Emperor to come. The automobiles left again for the Imperial Palace, but as the aeroplanes had ceased dropping bombs and the artillery fire was decreasing in violence, the people in the palace decided against carrying out the flight.

As I sat in the library all through the forenoon receiving reports and giving directions, there was a constant hissing of bullets and shells overhead. No shell dropped in our legation, although two or three fell in the British. The Chinese artillery fire was remarkably accurate. Sitting there and listening to the tumult of shouting and firing from the Chenmen gate and the volleys of guns and artillery exceeding in volume of sound any Fourth of July I had ever experienced, I felt thankful to have seen a day when the Chinese would stand up and fight out a big issue. I soon found that the battle was not commensurate with its sound.

Shortly before noon Chang Hsun was brought to the Dutch Legation, accompanied by a German employé of the Chinese police. Chang Hsun had been persuaded to come by his generals almost with the use of force. He was still under the illusion that he could mediate. When the Dutch minister informed him that this was impossible, he wished to return to his troops. This, of course, could not be permitted.

Firing was violent from dawn until nearly noon. The field guns, machine guns, and rifles filled the air with enormous tumult, but from eleven o'clock on the firing gradually diminished, and it entirely ceased at four in the afternoon. Immediately thereafter I proceeded by motor car to the various centres of fighting. I found that Chang Hsun's house had been struck by several shells and that the indirect artillery firing of the government troops had been managed with considerable accuracy. The human dead had already been removed from the neighbourhood although numerous carcasses of horses remained. Thence I proceeded to the Temple of Heaven, where I was astonished to find Chang Hsun's troops encamped with all their guns and artillery, eating, drinking, and talking in the best of spirits. They told me that five of their men had been killed, and that their bodies were still there. The absence of visible results from the enormous expenditure of ammunition during the day was astonishing. I found, however, that the method of fighting employed by the troops was to creep up as closely as possible behind a high wall, and fire into the air in the general direction where the enemy might be. Hence, the bystanders were in rather greater danger than the combatants themselves. In fact, the total number of killed as a result of the fighting of July 12th was twenty-six; seventy-six were seriously wounded, and more than half of these were civilians.

The Chang Hsun contingents in the Temple of Heaven had hoisted the republican flag at 10 A.M. An agreement was reached by which they were to be paid $60 per man upon the delivery of their arms. Chang Hsun's troops about the Imperial City held out for a larger payment. To my astonishment, as late as Saturday, the 14th of July, I saw fully armed soldiers of Chang Hsun on guard at the central police headquarters. Asking the reason for this—for Chang Hsun's troops were supposedly routed in pitched battle on the 12th of July—I was told that the commanders had not yet settled upon the sum these contingents were to be paid. Eighty dollars per man was finally agreed upon, and by the 15th of July Chang Hsun's troops, deprived of their arms and their pigtails, had left Peking with their money, and were on their way to their rural homes in Shantung.

The dragon flags disappeared on the 12th of July as suddenly as they had appeared on the 2nd. The city quickly resumed its ordinary life.

The swift failure of Chang Hsun's enterprise was due to no inherent weakness of monarchical sentiment in north China. In fact, monarchist leanings among the northern military party are quite well known. It had been assumed that such a movement would be launched, and, if it had been more prudently planned and prepared, it might easily have succeeded, at least for a time. Its total failure was due to the fact that Chang Hsun, counting on monarchist tendencies among the northern military men, neglected to make those preparatory negotiations which would have turned the potential support into real strength. While this is true, there can be no doubt that Chang Hsun's failure gave an enormous setback to the cause of monarchism in China. After two failures to reëstablish the empire, ambitious men will think many times before embarking on such a venture again. Which is to say that the efforts to restore the Empire actually served to entrench more deeply the republican form of government.

CHAPTER XXIV

WAR WITH GERMANY: READJUSTMENTS

"It has been decided by the Chinese Government to declare war; on this very day the decision has been formally adopted by the cabinet."

Thus General Tuan Chi-jui, then Premier, conveyed to me on the 2nd of August the news of China's further entrance into world politics. I had known about this from other sources. General Tuan had announced it as his policy when I visited him on the 14th of July. He had then stated that Vice-President Feng Kuo-cheng would assume the functions of President, which President Li would relinquish, and that it would be a war government.

The American Government had held to its view that China should not be pressed to declare war. It believed that the breaking off of diplomatic relations, for the time being, was sufficient contribution to our cause in the war. But the Japanese, aided especially by the French, had strongly urged the Chinese Government to join them. Not until much later did the Chinese learn of secret treaties made between France, Great Britain, Italy, and Japan, giving assurance to the Japanese that no effective resistance would be offered by those powers to anything which Japan might desire in China at the end of the war.

In their ignorance of these secret arrangements, the Chinese thought that association with the war powers would put them on the footing of an ally. Also, doubtless, the militarist party surrounding Tuan hoped to increase its power through war activities. For my part, I allowed the Chinese to feel that the American Government, desiring them to decide this question according to their own best judgment, hoped that a way might be found to bring the war situation into harmony with justice to China.

When he announced the cabinet's decision, Premier Tuan took up with me the matter of finance. He evidently expected that the American Government, or the Consortium, together with independent banks, would now furnish China the money needed for her war preparations. The powers were considering what assurances to offer. In previous discussions with Chinese officials I had repeatedly dwelt on the fact that should China take this step, she would be entitled to specific and strong assurances from the powers guaranteeing her political and administrative integrity, in terms that could not easily be evaded in future. I had made continued efforts to effect an agreement upon a declaration favourable to the full maintenance of the sovereign rights of China. My conversations with the Japanese minister during 1916 and 1917 had this in view. Now that China was considering entry into the war, I again suggested the desirability of such a declaration, and hinted to the Chinese officials that they might be successful upon this occasion in obtaining a statement which would fortify the sovereign rights of China and prevent the further growth of special privileges and spheres of influence.

My colleagues all appeared to be favourable to the idea. It would undoubtedly have been possible for the Chinese Government to secure such a specific and effective declaration. Instead, however, of taking advantage of the position which their readiness to declare war gave them, and boldly proposing such a declaration as a necessary condition, they became tangled up in long discussions. The substance originally proposed was worn down to a rather empty formula.

The first proposal was that the governments should declare their policy to "favour the independent development of China, and in no way to seek in China, either singly or jointly, advantages of the nature of territorial or preferential rights, whether local or general." The Chinese had suggested, in addition, a statement that the other governments would accord to China their full assistance, in order to "help it obtain the enjoyment of the advantages resulting from the equality of powers in their international relations." As finally adopted, the declaration simply gave assurance of friendly support in "allowing China to benefit in its international relations from the situation, and from the regard due a great country." Vague and unmeaning as it was, the latter term was undoubtedly flattering to Chinese amour propre. These assurances were given to China on August 14th, and the United States participated in them.