PART FIRST.

Of the Asiatic or True Plague.

SECTION I.

Of the Plague in general.—Inquiry into the Antiquity of the Distemper.—Of the Plagues mentioned in the Old Testament.—History of several remarkable Plagues which, at various times, have desolated the world.

AMONG the many diseases which afflict the human race, we find ONE, upon record, so irresistible in its progress, so fatal in its attacks, and so entirely beyond the powers of medicine; that, like the serpent Python, the Leviathan, or the Mammoth, among animals, it has generally been distinguished by names expressive of its destroying nature; not, like other diseases, by any particular appellation derived from its symptoms. In the Hebrew language this distemper is expressed by the word which signifies perdition;1 in Greek it is called loimos, from luo, to destroy; in Latin, pestis, from pessundo, to overthrow; and in English, the plague, from the Latin plaga, a stroke with a whip; alluding to the common opinion, that it is a scourge from heaven, taking vengeance on mankind for their sins.

Other distempers, called by the general name of Epidemics, have at different times infected whole cities, and even overspread extensive regions; but these, though sometimes very fatal, have always been found so much inferior to the distemper of which we treat, that, on a comparison, we may justly say, though epidemics have slain their thousands, the true plague has slain its ten thousands. In speaking of the destructive ravages of epidemics, we may count the dead by tens, by hundreds, or by thousands; but in the true plague, always by thousands, by myriads,2 or by millions. Procopius, when speaking of a plague which desolated the world in his time, compares the number of the dead to the sand of the sea; and Mr. Gibbon, who attempts to specify, thinks they might amount to an hundred millions;3 and I cannot help being of opinion, that the destruction generally occasioned by violent plagues, amounts to about one half of the population; the reasons for which opinion will be given in the course of this work. In all violent plagues, we hear of the dead being left unburied; of their being cast into pits, &c. But if we wish to make any gross comparison between the destructive power of the true plague, and that of any other violent epidemic, we cannot, perhaps, have a better instance than that which took place at Bassorah (a city on the confines of Persia) in the years 1773 and 1780.4 In the former of these years that city was visited by the true plague; and in the latter, by an epidemic remittent fever. The fever was most violent in its kind, and destroyed twenty-five thousand in the city and neighbourhood; but the true plague, no fewer than two hundred and seventy-five thousand in the same place. Supposing the two computations therefore to be equally exact, we must calculate this plague to have been eleven times more deadly than the epidemic. If therefore the ingenious classifiers, in modern times, have brought into alliance the plague with other epidemic diseases, and characterised the former from the latter; we may justly say, that they have fallen into the same error with other naturalists, who characterise the superior from the inferior; the lion from the cat, not the cat from the lion. As to the remedies applied in these diseases, doubtful in epidemics, they so universally fail in the true plague, that, notwithstanding the improved state of medicine, we may yet say, it stands among diseases, in a great measure, like a giant without any champion to oppose; like a poison without any antidote.

In this unhappy predicament, the breaking out of a plague, in any city or country, proves a most distressing calamity, not only on account of the numbers destroyed by the disease itself, but by reason of the bonds of society being loosed; so that humanity gives way to terror; children are abandoned by their parents, and parents by their children; every thing wears the appearance of ruin and desolation; while, in too many instances, avarice urges on the unprincipled to rapine, or even to murder. Nor are the cruel modes of prevention, sometimes practiced even by the authority of the magistrate, less abhorrent to humanity, then the lawless outrages of the thief or murderer. Instances of all this will appear in the course of the work; the following are so remarkable, that I cannot help inserting them in this place. In the great plague at Marseilles, in 1720, the town being almost deserted, and few choosing to venture into it, “three sea-captains, and some hundreds of sailors, having the courage to enter the city, from the sea-side, found therein a gang of murderers, who made it their business to destroy people seized with the plague, and to plunder their houses. The ringleader of them, named Rouanne, a gunsmith, was broken alive upon the wheel, and forty others were hanged. Rouanne owned that he had killed a thousand persons. There were found, upon one of the murderers, jewels to the value of more than thirty thousand livres.”5 During the time of this public calamity, four men, who came from Marseilles to Aix, were shot by order of the parliament, lest they should have brought the infection along with them.6 Even this is not equal to what Mr. Howard informs us was practiced in a hamlet of Dalmatia, where, the plague having raged with such violence, that only two or three remained; the neighbouring magistrates ordered these miserable survivors to be shot. At such prices will people buy a precarious, nay, an imaginary, safety. In short, what Mr. Gibbon says of the situation of people in the time of violent earthquakes, will also, in a great measure, hold good in the time of pestilence, or any great public calamity. “Instead of the mutual sympathy which might comfort and assist the distressed, they dreadfully experience the vices and passions which are released from a fear of punishment; the houses are pillaged by intrepid avarice, revenge embraces the moment and selects the victim: while 7vengeance frequently overtakes the assassin or ravisher in the consummation of his crimes.”

Whether the world hath been in the same predicament ever since the human race began to multiply, or whether plagues have originated at some remote period, is a question not easily determined. It is certain that, as far as histories go, they give us accounts of plagues; much less frequent indeed in very ancient times than in those which followed; but the compass of historical knowledge is narrow. There are no authentic histories of any nation previous to the termination of those of the Old Testament. Where sacred history ends, profane history begins. The fabulous period affords many accounts of wars, heroes, giants, and monsters, but scarce any of plagues. Diodorus Siculus indeed makes mention of a plague which happened in Greece, after the flood of Deucalion; and which, he says, was occasioned by the general corruption of vegetables, &c. consequent on the flood. Deucalion’s flood is supposed to have been nearly cotemporary with the departure of the Israelites from Egypt; so that, if there is any truth in the relation of Diodorus, it is not improbable that some of the Egyptian plagues might have spread into Greece. We are likewise told of a pestilence at Athens in the time of Theseus;8 but all the accounts of these times are so uncertain, and so much involved in fable, that little or no dependence can be placed on any of them.

The first distinct account we have of plagues of any kind, then, is in the book of Exodus, where we are told of many heavy judgments sent upon the Egyptians because of their disobedience. Before this, indeed, we read of plagues sent on the king of Egypt, for having taken Abraham’s wife; but as these fell only upon the king and his household, we cannot suppose any thing like a general pestilence to have taken place among the people. In like manner did it happen to Abimelech, king of Gerar, on the same account. All the women belonging to the king’s household were rendered barren for a time; but we hear of nothing happening to the nation at large. Again, when Moses and Aaron went in before Pharaoh, they said to him, “Let us go and sacrifice to the Lord our God; lest he fall upon us with the sword, or with pestilence.” This shews indeed that both Moses and Pharaoh knew that such a thing as pestilence existed, or might exist; but it cannot prove that the disease we now call the plague or pestilence commonly took place among nations in those days as it has done since. Even among the plagues inflicted upon the Egyptians by the hand of Moses and Aaron, we find only two that can be supposed to have any similarity to the disease we now call the plague; viz. the boil, and the destruction of their first born. The former may have been pestilential buboes; the latter also may have been the effect of a most malignant pestilence; such as, in the beginning of it, is said frequently to kill suddenly, as by lightning; but whether it was so or not, we cannot now determine.

In the history of Job, who is supposed to have been cotemporary with Moses, we have a case more in point. The boils, with which he was covered, are by Dr. Mead supposed to have been the small pox; though in the true plague the body is sometimes covered with gangrenous pustules, constituting a disease still more dangerous and painful than the small pox; but whatever the disease of Job was, we may reasonably conclude, that in his time there was none similar to it commonly existing among mankind.

After the departure of the Israelites from Egypt, we find frequent mention of a plague as a disease commonly to be met with; but it was always that of leprosy; those destructive plagues, which might be supposed to resemble the disease we now call by that name, being all miraculous. Concerning the prevalence of the leprosy among the Jews, Diodorus says that they “were driven out of Egypt as impious, and hateful to the gods; for their bodies being overspread and infected with the itch and leprosy, (by way of expiation) they got them together, and, as profane and wicked wretches, expelled them out of their coasts.” This he tells us was a reason given to one of the kings of Syria why he should exterminate the Jews. In another place our author gives the following account of the origin of the Jewish nation. “In ancient times there happened a great plague in Egypt, and many ascribed the cause of it to God, who was offended with them. For there being multitudes of strangers of several nations who inhabited there, who used foreign ceremonies, the ancient manner of worship was quite lost and forgotten. Hence the natural inhabitants concluded, that unless the strangers were driven out, they should never be freed from their miseries. Upon which they were all expelled,” &c. He then tells us that some of them came into Greece under the conduct of Danaus and Cadmus; but the greater part entered Judea, then quite desert and uninhabited. Their leader “was one Moses, a very wise and valiant man,” &c.9

The allusion, in this last passage of Diodorus, to the plagues of Egypt, mentioned in Exodus, is manifest; and it is equally manifest, that the Egyptians themselves, as well as the sacred historian, owned them to be miraculous. Here, however, let it be remarked, that, though these, and others inflicted on the Israelites, were miraculous, we are not from thence to conclude that they took place without the intervention of natural causes. On the contrary, in speaking of the plagues of Egypt, we are told, that when the locusts came, “the Lord sent a strong east wind, all that day and all that night; and when it was morning, the east wind brought the locusts.” In like manner “the Lord turned a mighty strong west wind, which took away the locusts, and cast them into the Red sea.” Again, when the sea itself was divided, “the Lord caused it to go back by a strong east wind all that night.” The Egyptians were witnesses to this; but, as they did not believe that the powers of nature had any superior, they could never be induced to think that any of the elements would take part in a dispute between two nations, or favour the one more than the other.

In diseases inflicted on the human body, we are assured that the powers of nature were as much employed as in the miracles already mentioned. When it was told David that the child born to him by Bathsheba should die, the infant was seized with a natural distemper, probably a fever, and died the seventh day. When Hezekiah was informed that he should die, he did not, any more than David had done, give himself up to despair; but used, for his recovery, such means as were in his power, viz. prayers to God; from whom, by the constitution of things under the Old Testament, he would receive a direct answer. And it is remarkable, that though the answer was favourable, yet the disease was not removed by any invisible power operating like a charm, but by the use of a remedy. It is plain therefore that this disease was occasioned by one natural power, and removed by another. The boil (for that was the distemper) was brought to maturity by a poultice of figs, and the king recovered.10 If then the scripture informs us, that even where the Deity himself speaks, he has directed the use of a remedy, much more ought we to be diligent in the use of such as our feeble skill can suggest, in those cases where he leaves us entirely to the exercise of our own judgments. To sit down supinely, in case of a dangerous distemper, with a notion, that if God wills us to die we certainly shall die, in any use of natural means; and if he wills the contrary, that we shall as certainly recover, in any neglect of them; is a conduct equally unscriptural and absurd.

In the books of Moses we find the Israelites, in case of disobedience, threatened with the botch of Egypt; with terror, consumption, and the burning ague. From the name of this last we may reasonably suppose it to have been the same with the remitting fever of the East, which is attended with the most intolerable sensation of burning in the bowels; but whatever the nature of these diseases might have been, they certainly were not very common in the world at that time, or they would not have been threatened as extraordinary judgments. They were not the same with the pestilence; because we find, that after they had been threatened with fever, consumption, and extreme burning, it is added, “I will make the pestilence cleave unto thee:” as if it had been said, that the pestilence, which hitherto had appeared only on extraordinary occasions, should then become endemic, and never leave them. But, on the whole, the first account we have of any general plague, seems to be that which was inflicted on the Jews on account of the sin of their king in numbering the people. David was nearly cotemporary with the Trojan war; and Homer, in the first book of his Iliad, informs us, that a plague likewise took place in the camp of the Greeks; and that too for the sin of their king in carrying off the daughter of the priest of Apollo, and refusing to restore her at the entreaty of her father.

In comparing the account of the sacred historian with that given by Homer, we cannot help observing a striking similarity between them. Both plagues were inflicted on the people for the sin of their kings; both were miraculous; the one continued three days, the other nine. In both the Deity himself appeared: an angel brandished a drawn sword over Jerusalem; and Homer says, that, from the top of Olympus, Apollo shot his arrows into the Grecian camp. Lastly, both were stopped in a similar manner: David offered sacrifices to the true God; and Agamemnon returned Chryseis, his captive, to her father, the priest of Apollo, by whose prayers and sacrifices the plague was stopped. Hence it seems not impossible, that the story told by Homer, is only that of David, altered as he thought most proper for embellishing his poem; and that this was the first remarkable plague in the world.

In the year 767 B. C. we hear of a universal pestilence; but the imperfect state of history in those early periods affords few accounts that can be depended upon, either concerning that or any thing else.11 Till after the foundation of Rome, indeed, authentic history scarce commences; and it is not till the 279th year of that city, that we hear of its being in any remarkable degree infected with a pestilential disorder.12 The plague we speak of is said to have taken place about the year 469 B. C. which comes within 38 years of that of Athens in the time of the Peloponnesian war. The near coincidence of these dates, in times so remote, and when chronology was so little settled, tends to excite a suspicion that both arose from the same infection. Of its ravages at Athens we have an excellent account by the historian Thucydides,13 who was an eye witness of what he writes. He says, that according to report it began in Ethiopia, from whence it came down into Egypt, and thence into other countries. It is possible, therefore, that it might reach Italy some time before it came into Greece; for it seems scarce probable, that such a very violent infection could have taken place in Italy without being communicated to the neighbouring countries; whence we may reasonably conclude, that the first plague at Rome, and that of Thucydides, were the same. At Rome, we are informed, it swept away almost all the flower of the youth who were able to bear arms, the greatest part of the tribunes, and both the consuls. The mortality was so great, that no place of sepulture could be found for the dead bodies, but they were thrown promiscuously into the Tiber. In short, so low were the Romans at this time reduced, that the Æqui and Volsci, two Italian nations with whom they were almost always at war, made an immediate attack, in hopes of being easily able to carry the city; but in this they were disappointed. The situation of Athens was truly deplorable; being not only engaged in a foreign war, but crowded with people from the country; numbers dying daily in the streets, and the survivors giving themselves up to all manner of licentiousness.14

As it seems probable that the same infection desolated both Rome and Athens, so it seems not unlikely that it was a continuance of the same which destroyed the Carthaginian army in Sicily, while carrying on a successful war against Dionysius, tyrant of Syracuse. The plague, as we are informed by the Universal History, was common in the Carthaginian territories, especially those on the continent of Africa; and this pestilence broke out soon after the conclusion of the Peloponnesian war. As it originally came from Africa, it is probable that it had never been quite extinguished there; and the compilers of the Universal History think it probable that the army might have brought the seeds of it along with them into Sicily. But, whatever was the origin, the distemper soon became so malignant, that the living were not sufficient to bury the dead; and those who attended the sick perished in such a manner, that, after some time, few dared to come near them. At first they gave the dead a kind of burial; but in time the number became so great, and the survivors so few and weak, that an hundred and fifty thousand are said to have rotted above ground. “Justin seems to intimate that almost the whole Carthaginian army perished by the plague; and that in a manner all at once, as it were in an instant. Diodorus, however, informs us, that a considerable body of Africans and Iberians survived the dreadful calamity. It is worth observation, that not a single person of those who attended the sick survived.” The miserable remains of this army, consisting at first of more than three hundred thousand, were now attacked by their enemies, whom they were no longer able to resist. Their land forces were entirely defeated, and their fleet was burnt: “the Gods themselves, (says Diodorus) when the ships were all in a blaze, and the flames ascending above the masts, seeming to destroy the Carthaginians with lightning from heaven.” Forty gallies still remained, and the unfortunate general was now obliged to purchase liberty to return with the few men he had left. But even these were treacherously attacked by the tyrant’s fleet, and several of them sunk. On his arrival at Carthage, he found the whole city not only in mourning, but in despair: “the wretched inhabitants giving full vent to their grief, made the shore ring with their groans and lamentations. In short, a greater scene of horror, except the spot of ground where the Carthaginian army encamped before Syracuse, than Carthage now was, cannot well be conceived.” This reception completed the despair of the unhappy general. Clothing himself in mean and sordid attire, he joined with the rest in bewailing their common calamities. After some desperate exclamations against the gods, whom he accused of partiality, “The enemy, said he, may rejoice at our misery, but have no reason to glory in it. The troops we have lost did not fall by their valour, nor did they now oblige those that arrived here to leave Sicily by force. We return victorious over the Syracusians, and are only defeated by the plague. As for the baggage found in our camp, this ought not to be looked upon as the spoils of a conquered enemy, but as moveables which the casual death of their owners has left the Syracusians in possession of.” Having then gone on to express his grief for the loss of his army, and declared his intention not to outlive them, he shut himself up in his house, refusing admittance even to his own children, and put an end to his life.15

Whether the unfortunate remains of this army brought with them the infection to Carthage, and there produced a new scene of desolation, we are not informed; but there seems to have been a very great tendency to pestilential disorders in the Carthaginian armies; for, in the time of the siege of Syracuse by Marcellus, a plague broke out in the camp of the Carthaginians who had come to assist the Syracusians. From them it passed into the city itself, with so much malignity, that nothing was to be seen but heaps of dead and dying. None durst receive or assist the sick, for fear of being infected by them; and the bodies of the dead were, for the same reason, left unburied, to infect and poison the air with their putridity and corruption. Nothing was heard, night and day, but groans of dying men; and the heaps of dead bodies continually presented mournful objects to the living, who expected every moment the same fate.16 The infection reached the Roman camp; but we do not hear of its being conveyed, at this time, either to Rome or Carthage. In the time of the contest with Jugurtha, however, a very terrible calamity took place in Africa. “According to Orosius, a great part of Africa was covered with locusts, which destroyed all the produce of the earth, and even devoured dry wood. But, at last, they were all carried by the wind into the sea, out of which being thrown in vast heaps upon the shore, a plague ensued, which swept away an infinite number of animals of all kinds. In Numidia only, perished eight hundred thousand men; and in Africa Propria, two hundred thousand; among the rest, thirty thousand Roman soldiers, quartered in and about Utica for the defence of the last mentioned province. At Utica, in particular, the plague raged with such violence, that fifteen hundred dead bodies were carried out of one gate in a day.”17

From the time that the Romans finished their African wars, till they had accomplished most of their conquests in Asia, their empire seems to have continued free from this dreadful scourge; but soon after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, such a violent infection seized on the city, that for some time upwards of twenty thousand are said to have died in it daily.

As the Roman arms were carried still farther to the eastward, and all the countries reduced, to the confines of Persia, the plague seems to have become more common among them. In the time of Marcus Aurelius, a war was undertaken against the Parthians, which was carried on by the Romans with great success, and with no less cruelty; for, though the city of Seleucia opened its gates to the Roman general, he caused the inhabitants, to the number of four hundred thousand, to be massacred. But they soon paid dear for this cruelty, by a dreadful pestilence, which broke out, according to the historian Ammianus Marcellinus, in the very city which they had desolated, and was brought by their army into Italy, from whence it spread throughout the whole empire. Other historians say, that it originated in Ethiopia, from whence it spread into Egypt, and thence into the country of the Parthians. We know not how long the infection continued; only that, some years afterwards, when the emperor was defeated by the Germans, the pestilence still raged to such a degree, that slaves, gladiators, and even the banditti of Dalmatia and Dardania, were enlisted for the defence of the empire. It is certain that great havock must have been made by it, as we find that the barbarians were encouraged to invade the empire on all sides, and could scarcely be repulsed; insomuch that historians compare this with the most destructive wars the Romans had ever waged.18

During the time that the empire was overrun by the northern barbarians, the plague frequently made its appearance; which we shall have occasion to notice more particularly in the following section; but in those times the destruction by the sword was so extraordinary, that less mention is made by history of any pestilential disorder. In the time of Justinian, however, about sixty-five years after the final destruction of the western empire, the most violent plague recorded in history took place. Of this we have a particular account by Procopius.19 “The distemper (says Mr. Gibbon) arose in the neighbourhood of Pelusium, on the confines of Egypt, between the Sarbonian bog and the eastern channel of the Nile. From thence, tracing, as it were, a double path, it spread to the east, over Syria, Persia, and the Indies, and penetrated to the west, along the coast of Africa, and over the continent of Europe. In the spring of the second year, Constantinople, during three or four months, was visited by this pestilence. Such was the corruption of the air, that the pestilence was not checked, nor alleviated, by any difference of seasons. The numbers that perished in this extraordinary mortality have not been recorded; only we find that, during three months, there died at Constantinople five, and at last ten thousand a day. Many cities of the east were left vacant, and, in several districts of Italy, the harvest and vintage withered on the ground. The triple scourge of war, pestilence and famine afflicted the subjects of Justinian; and his reign is disgraced by a visible decrease of the human species, which has never been repaired, in some of the fairest countries of the globe.”20

This plague broke out in the time of Justinian, in the year 541 or 542 of the christian era; and not only ravaged Constantinople in the time of Justinian, but returned with increased violence during the reigns of many of his successors. In the time of Mauritius we find the Avari, a barbarous nation to the north of the Danube, driven back by the plague after they had crossed that river to invade the Roman territories. The reign of Phocas, successor to Mauritius, was still more unfortunate. “Great numbers were swept off, either by famine or pestilence; the earth refused her fruits in season; the winters were so severe, that the seas were frozen, and the fish destroyed.” Phocas ascended the imperial throne in 603; but in the midst of such confusion as then filled the world, we can scarce expect an accurate account of the time when this most malignant pestilence ceased. We can scarcely suppose it to have lasted two centuries; but, in the reign of Constantine Copronymus, which began in 742, we find the distemper still raging, and the same dreadful phenomena of nature still continuing. The plague, we are now told, broke out in Calabria in Italy; whence it soon spread over Greece, Sicily, the islands in the Ægean sea; and at last reached Constantinople; where it raged for three years together, with such fury, that the living were scarce sufficient to bury the dead. The earthquakes, which accompanied or preceded this pestilence, were such as had never been known in any age. In Syria and Palestine several cities were swallowed up; others, entirely ruined; and some, if we may give credit to Nicephorus, removed without any considerable damage, six miles and upwards from their former seats. At the same time happened an extraordinary darkness, which lasted from the fourth of August to the first of October, there being little or no distinction, during all that time, between day and night.21 During the reign of the same prince, there happened such an extraordinary frost, that, at Constantinople, both seas were frozen for an hundred miles from the shore; the ice being covered with snow twenty cubits deep, and sufficiently strong to bear the heaviest carriages. When the frost broke, mountains of ice and frozen snow, being driven by the wind through the straits, did a great deal of damage to the walls of Constantinople. The month following, several prodigies appeared, or were thought to appear, in the air. At the same time a comet, which the Greeks called Docites, because it resembled a beam, was seen for ten days in the east, from whence it moved into the west, and shone there for one and twenty days more. The people were struck with terror and amazement at the sight of the prodigies, and apprehended the last day to be at hand.22 Dreadful earthquakes, strange phenomena in the heavens, inundations, &c. occurred in the year 812, during the reign of Michael Balbus; but no remarkable plague is mentioned by the Greek historians, till the year 1025, when a new train of calamities took place. The plague broke out in Cappadocia, raging with such violence there, as well as in Paphlagonia and Armenia, that the people were forced to abandon their dwellings. A terrible famine followed; after which the earthquakes again commenced with redoubled fury: at Constantinople they continued forty days together; while people were terrified by a comet (probably a large meteor) which passed with a dreadful noise from north to south; the whole horizon appearing to be in a flame.

From these calamities the world, at least that part of it known to the Greek historians, appears to have enjoyed some respite till the year 1346. Indeed we may now say, as in the time of the invasion by the northern barbarians, that the sword, and not the pestilence, was the plague of those times. A most violent and universal pestilence, however, now took place; though, for want of such historians as Thucydides and Procopius, we cannot here give a particular account of it. In general we are told, that it began in the kingdom of Cathay (the northern part of China) from whence it gradually overspread all the countries between that and the western extremity of Asia. Invading, at last, Constantinople, it proceeded from thence to Greece, Italy, France, Africa, Germany, Hungary, Denmark, Britain and Ireland. Thus, it seems to have been as extensive a contagion as ever appeared in the world. It is even probable, that, from the remains of this contagion, Europe hath been but very lately set at liberty; as we hear, not long after, of plagues being very frequent in different parts of that continent. In England it assumed somewhat of a new form towards the end of the fifteenth century; being then known by the name of the English Sweating Sickness. But, except in the greater propensity to sweat, the disease appears not to have differed from the true plague. The sweating sickness first made its appearance in the army of Henry VII, when he landed at Milford in 1483; and that year invaded London, where it continued only from the 21st of September to the end of October. It returned in 1485, 1506, 1517, 1528 and 1551; since which time it has not been known in Britain. In 1517 it was extremely violent and mortal; sometimes killing the sick in three hours; and so general was the infection, that, in some places, one half of the inhabitants died. In 1528 it also raged with great violence; the sick sometimes dying in four hours. The last attack, in 1551, was also very violent. In 1529 it appeared in Holland and Germany, destroying great numbers of people; but it hath not been observed, at least in any remarkable degree, in those countries since that time. In the course of the 17th century, various parts of Europe have suffered very much from the plague in its usual form. Indeed (for reasons given in the subsequent section) we can scarce suppose the pestilential contagion ever to have ceased entirely. In 1603, London was visited with the plague; and on this occasion the practice of shutting up infected houses was first introduced.23 In 1656 another plague took place in the same metropolis, but does not appear to have made any violent attack. In Naples it raged that year with great fury; destroying, according to some accounts, fifteen thousand, according to others, twenty thousand, a day. But these accounts the author of the Journal just quoted, with great probability, supposes to have been exaggerated. Others say, that four hundred thousand Neapolitans were destroyed by this infection; so that we must at any rate believe it to have been very violent. In the plague of London in 1665, immense numbers perished; and particular accounts were published of this calamity; of which an abridgment is given in the Appendix to this work, No. III. Since that time it has not been known in Britain; but other parts of Europe have not been equally fortunate. In the beginning of the eighteenth century it appeared in several parts of the continent; particularly in Copenhagen in the year 1711; where it committed great ravages, as it had done at Dantzic two years before; but in 1720 it appeared at Marseilles in France, where it raged with such fury as to destroy sixty out of the hundred thousand supposed to be the whole population of the place.24 Since that time France hath been free from the distemper; but in Sicily, the dominions of the Ottoman Porte, and places adjacent, it hath been felt very severely. In 1743 it was supposed to have destroyed two thirds of the inhabitants of Messina. A particular account of its ravages was read before the Royal Society of London by Dr. Mead. The following is taken from Dr. Lobb’s Treatise on the Plague. “From the beginning of June to the end of July, of forty thousand inhabitants, two thirds perished. The disorders in the city were incredible. All the bakers died, and no bread was baked for many days. The streets were full of dead bodies; at one time from twelve to fifteen thousand remaining in the open air: men, women and children, rich and poor, all together dragged to the church doors. The vaults being full, and the living not sufficient to carry the dead out of the city, they were obliged to put them on funeral piles, and burn them promiscuously. Nothing was more shocking than to see people, far above the common stations, go about begging for a loaf of bread, when they could hardly walk, with their tumours upon them; and few were in a state to help them. All these calamities did not hinder the most execrable villanies, which were committed every moment; and, though so few survived, the governor was obliged to make several public examples.”

In the Turkish dominions, though we have not read of such extraordinary devastations as formerly took place, yet we are assured that the pestilence rages there very frequently. From 1756 to 1762 we have histories of it by Dr. Russel and others, the substance of which accounts is given in the Appendix, No. V. In the time of the great war between the Turks and Russians, it found its way to Moscow, which city it invaded in 1771. M. Savary says, it was brought thither by infected merchandise from the store houses of the Jews; and that it carried off two hundred thousand people. In the sixth volume of the Medical Commentaries, however, we are told that it was brought from the army by two soldiers; both of whom were carried into the military hospital, and both died. The anatomist who dissected their bodies died also. The infection quickly seized the hospital, and thence the whole city. This happening in the beginning of the year, its progress was for some time checked by the cold; but its ravages became greater as the summer advanced. It raged most violently during the months of July, August and September; in which time there were instances of its destroying twelve hundred persons in a day. Twenty-five thousand died in the month of September; in the course of which month scarce one in an hundred of the infected recovered. Only seventy thousand, according to this account, perished by the disease. The year 1773 proved very fatal to Bassorah; where, as formerly mentioned, two hundred and seventy-five thousand perished in the summer season, through the violence of the distemper.25 But in countries where the plague rages so frequently, and where there are few that make observations with any accuracy, we cannot expect complete histories of every attack made by it; neither would the limits of this Treatise admit of a detail of them, though there were. We know, however, that since the year we speak of, the plague has ravaged Dalmatia, particularly in the year 1784, when it almost desolated the town of Spalatro, destroying three or four thousand of its inhabitants. Though some countries therefore have for a number of years remained free from the attacks of this terrible enemy, yet there are others where it is as it were stored up, and from whence it may, on a proper occasion, break forth as formerly, and once more spread ruin and desolation through the world.

SECTION II.

Of the Countries where the Plague is supposed to originate.—The Influence of Climate in producing Diseases—And of the Moral Conduct of the Human Race in producing and influencing the same.

IN considering the origin of a calamity so dreadful and so universal, we might reasonably suppose that the fatal spots which gave rise to it would long ago have been marked out and abandoned by the human race altogether. But this is far from being the case. In the accounts already given of various plagues, they are always said to have been imported from country to country, but never to have originated in that of the person who wrote of them. If a plague arose in Greece, we are told it came from Egypt; if in Egypt, it came from Ethiopia; and had we any Ethiopic historians, they would no doubt have told us that it came from the land of the Hottentots, from Terra Australis Incognita, or some other country as far distant as possible from their own. In short, though it has been a most generally received opinion, that plagues are the immediate effects of the displeasure of the Deity on account of the sins of men; yet, except David and Homer (already quoted) we find not one who has had the candour to acknowledge that a plague originated among his countrymen on account of their sins in particular. In former times Egypt and Ethiopia were marked out as the two great sources of the plague; and even as late as the writings of Dr. Mead we find that the same opinion prevailed. The Doctor, who attempts to explain the causes of the plague, derives it entirely from the filth of the city of Cairo, particularly of the canal that runs through it. But later writers, who have visited and resided in Egypt, assure us that the country is extremely healthy, and that the plague is always brought there from Constantinople. It is true that Dr. Timone, in the Philosophical Transactions, No. 364, tells us, that it appears from daily observation, as well as from history, that the plague comes to Constantinople from Egypt; but the united testimonies of Savary, Volney, Mariti and Russel, who all agree that Egypt receives the infection from Constantinople, must undoubtedly preponderate.

“The pestilence (says M. Savary) is not a native of Egypt. I have collected information from the Egyptians, and foreign physicians who have lived there twenty or thirty years; which all tended to prove the contrary. They have assured me that this epidemic disease was brought thither by the Turks, though it has committed great ravages. I myself saw the caravelles of the Grand Signior, in 1778, unlade, according to custom, the silks of Syria at Damietta. The plague is almost always on board; and they landed, without opposition, their merchandise, and their people who had the plague. It was the month of August; and, as the disease was then over in Egypt, it did not communicate that season. The vessels set sail, and went to poison other places. The summer following, the ships of Constantinople, alike infected, came to the port of Alexandria, where they landed their diseased without injury to the inhabitants. It is an observation of ages, that if, during the months of June, July and August, infected merchandise be brought into Egypt, the plague expires of itself, and the people have no fears; and if brought at other seasons, and communicated, it then ceases. A proof that it is not a native of Egypt is, that, except in times of great famine, it never breaks out in Grand Cairo, nor the inland towns, but always begins at the seaports on the arrival of Turkish vessels, and travels to the capital; whence it proceeds as far as Syria. Having come to a period in Cairo, and being again introduced by the people of Upper Egypt, it renews with greater fury, and sometimes sweeps off two or three hundred thousand souls; but always stops in the month of June, or those who catch it then are easily cured. Smyrna and Constantinople are now the residence of this most dreadful affliction.”

M. Volney informs us, that the European merchants residing at Alexandria agree in declaring that the disease never proceeds from the internal parts of the country, but always makes its first appearance on the sea-coasts at Alexandria; from thence it passes to Rosetta, from Rosetta to Cairo, and from Cairo to Damietta, and through the rest of the Delta. It is invariably preceded by the arrival of some vessel from Smyrna or Constantinople; and it is observed, that if the plague has been violent during the summer, the danger is greater for the Alexandrians during the following winter.

To the same purpose, the Abbe Mariti says, “The plague does not usually reside in Syria, nor is this the place where it usually begins. It receives this fatal present from Egypt, where its usual seat is Alexandria, Cairo or Damietta. The plague of 1760 came at once from Cairo and Alexandria; to the latter of which it had been brought from Constantinople. When it comes from that capital, as well as from the cities of Smyrna and Salonica, it acquires a peculiar malignity; and its activity never expands itself with more fury than in the plains of Egypt, which it overspreads with incredible rapidity. It is observed, that this plague, so destructive to Egypt, seldom attacks Syria; but that the latter has every thing to dread from a plague hatched in the bosom of Egypt.”

The testimony of these three authors, who have all been lately on the spot, must certainly have very great weight, especially when corroborated by that of Dr. Russel; for which see Appendix, No. V. But still there is some difficulty. M. Savary informs us, that, except in cases of great famine, the disease never breaks out in Cairo; which certainly implies that in cases of famine it does originate in the city itself; and Mariti, by saying that the Syrians have much reason to dread a plague hatched in the bosom of Egypt, undoubtedly intimates that plagues sometimes do originate in Egypt. Smyrna and Salonica likewise seem to come in for their share of the blame; and Dr. McBride, in his Practice of Physic, informs us, that some parts of Turky are visited by the plague once in six or seven years; and M. Savary says, that Egypt is visited with it once in four or five years; but if Egypt never receives it but from Turky, it would seem that the plague could at least be no more frequent than in that country; or, if the fact be otherwise, that the disease must either originate in Egypt itself, or be brought to it from some other country than Turky. Dr. Timone, in the paper already quoted,26 tells us, that the plague has taken up its residence in Constantinople; but that, though the seeds of the old plague are scarce ever wanting, yet a new infection is likewise imported from time to time. Thus, in attempting to find out the countries where the plague originates, we are led in a circle. Constantinople accuses Egypt, and Egypt recriminates on Constantinople. Ethiopia, the most distant and least known of those countries which in former times had any connexion with the more civilized parts of the world, for a long time bore the blame of all; but the Jesuit missionaries who resided long in Abyssinia (the ancient Ethiopia) do not mention the plague as more common in that country than some others; neither does Mr. Bruce, in the accounts he has published, take notice of any such thing. Ethiopia could not speak for itself, by reason of the ignorance and barbarity of its inhabitants; and Constantinople is now very much in the same predicament. The investigation of this subject therefore would require an accurate account of the climates of those countries where the plague is found to commit the greatest ravages, and a comparison of them with those which are now accounted the most unhealthy in other respects, and likewise a comparison of the diseases produced in the latter, with the true plague.

The most unhealthy climates now existing (those where the plague commonly rages excepted) are to be met with in the hottest parts of the world; the East and West Indies, the wastes of Africa, and some parts of America. In all these, Dr. Lind, who has written a treatise on the diseases incident to Europeans in hot climates, seems to lay the whole blame upon the heat and moisture accompanying it. In the East Indies Bencoolen, in the island of Sumatra, is the most unhealthy of all the English settlements; but he informs us, that by building their fort on a dry, elevated place, about three miles from the town, it became sufficiently healthy. Next to this, Bengal is most subject to sickness; for which he assigns the following reason: “The rainy season commences at Bengal in June, and continues till October; the remainder of the year is healthy and pleasant. During the rains, this rich and fertile country is covered by the Ganges, and converted as it were into a large pool of water. In the month of October, when the stagnated water begins to be exhaled by the heat of the sun, the air is then greatly polluted by the vapours from the slime and mud left by the Ganges, and by the corruption of dead fish and other animals. Diseases then rage, attacking chiefly such as are lately arrived. The distempers are fevers of the remitting or intermitting kind; for, though sometimes they may continue several days without sensible remission, yet they have in general a great tendency to it. If the season be very sickly, some are seized with a malignant fever, of which they soon die. The body is covered with blotches of a livid colour, and the corpse, in a few hours, turns quite livid and corrupted. At this time fluxes prevail, which may be called bilious or putrid, the better to distinguish them from others which are accompanied with inflammation of the bowels. The island of Bombay has of late been rendered much more healthy than it formerly was, by a wall built to prevent the encroachments of the sea, where it formed a salt marsh; and by an order that none of the natives should manure their cocoa-trees with putrid fish.

“Batavia, the capital of the Dutch East India dominions, is annually subject to a fatal and consuming sickness. Here the Dutch, in attempting to make this, their capital in India, resemble their cities in Europe, have adorned it with canals or ditches, intersecting each other, running through every part of it. Notwithstanding the utmost care to keep these clean, during the rainy season, and after it, they become extremely noxious to the inhabitants, but especially to strangers. It has been remarked, that the sickness rages with the greatest violence when the rains have abated, and the sun has evaporated the water in the ditches, so that the mud begins to appear. This happened in 1764, when some British ships of war had occasion to stay for a little time at Batavia. The stench from the mud was intolerable; the fever was of the remitting kind; some were suddenly seized with a delirium, and died in the first fit; but none survived the attack of a third. Nor was the sickness at that time confined to the ships; the whole city afforded a scene of disease and death; streets covered with funerals, bells tolling from morning to night, and horses jaded with dragging the dead in herses to their graves. At that time a slight cut of the skin, the least scratch of a nail, or the most inconsiderable wound, turned quickly into a putrid, spreading ulcer, which, in twenty-four hours, consumed the flesh, even to the bone. Besides these malignant and remitting fevers, which rage during the wet season in the unhealthy parts of the East Indies, Europeans, especially such as live intemperately, are also subject to fluxes, and to an inflammation, or disease of the liver; which last is almost peculiar to India, and particularly to the Coromandel coast.”

In the same work we have an extract from Mr. Ives’s journal of a journey from India to Europe by land. “Gambroon in Persia, says he, is very unhealthful. Few Europeans escape being seized with putrid intermitting fevers, which rage from May to September, and are often followed with obstructions of the liver. Various authors who have treated of Gambroon, do, as well as the present English factory, impute its unhealthfulness, during the summer months, to the noxious effluvia with which the air is contaminated, from the great quantities of blubber fish left by the sea upon the shore, and which very soon become highly offensive. In the rainy seasons, at the island of Karee, in the Persian Gulf, intermitting fevers and fluxes are the usual distempers. On our arrival at Bagdad (supposed to contain 500,000 souls) we found a purple fever raging in the city; but though it was computed that an eighth part of the inhabitants were ill, yet the distemper was far from being mortal. Here we were informed that the Arabs had broken down the banks of the river near Bassorah, with a design to cover with water the deserts in its neighbourhood. This, it seems, is the usual method of revenge taken by the Arabs for any injury done them by the Turks at Bassorah; and was represented to us as an act of the most shocking barbarity, since a general consuming sickness would undoubtedly be the consequence. This was the case fifteen years before, when the Arabs, by demolishing the banks of this river, laid the environs of Bassorah under water. The stagnating and putrefying water in the adjacent country, and the great quantity of dead and corrupted fish at that time lying upon the shore, polluted the whole atmosphere, and produced a putrid and most mortal fever, of which between twelve and fourteen thousand of the inhabitants perished; and, at the same time, not above two or three of the Europeans who were settled there escaped. The effects of the violent heats we endured were, an entire loss of appetite, a faintness and gripes, with frequent and bilious stools; which greatly exhausted our strength. My stomach was often so weak, that it could receive only a little milk. Several of us became feverish through the excessive heat, and were obliged to have recourse to gentle vomits, &c. Though we were furnished with the most ample conveniencies for travelling, which money, or the strongest recommendations to the principal christians, as well as mahometan chiefs, could procure, and had laid in a quantity of excellent madeira, claret, and other provisions, &c. yet most of us suffered in our constitutions by this long and fatiguing journey.”

On these climates in general Dr. Lind observes, that in well cultivated countries, such as China, the air is temperate and wholesome; while the woody and uncultivated parts prove fatal to multitudes accustomed to breathe a purer air. In all places also, near the muddy and impure banks of rivers, or the foul shores of the sea, mortal diseases are produced from the exhalations, especially during the rainy season. “There is a place near Indrapour, in Sumatra, where no European can venture to remain, or sleep one night on shore, during the rainy season, without running the hazard of his life, or at least of a dangerous fit of sickness; and at Podang, a Dutch settlement on Sumatra, the air has been found so bad, that it is commonly called the Plague-Coast. Here a thick, pestilential vapour or fog arises, after the rains, from the marshes, which destroys all the white inhabitants.”

In treating of the diseases of Africa, the same author takes notice of those of Egypt; which country, he says, is rendered unwholesome by the annual inundation of the Nile, and being surrounded on three sides by large and extensive deserts of sand, by which means it is exposed to the effects of that noisome vapour, which, during the summer months, arises from sultry, hot sand. He doth not, however, say, that the true plague originates in this country, either from the inundation of the Nile or any other cause. On the climate of Egypt I shall once more quote M. Savary, who is a strenuous advocate for its healthiness, and is at pains to confute the opinion of Mr. Pauw, and others, who assert the contrary. “Mr. Pauw (says he) pretends, that at present Egypt is become, by the negligence of the Turks and Arabs, the cradle of the pestilence; that another epidemical disease, equally dreadful, appears here, by the caravans of Nubia; that the culture of rice engenders numerous maladies; that the want of rain and thunder occasions the air of the Thebais to acquire a violence that ferments the humours of the human body, &c.” “These assertions (M. Savary observes) have an air of probability, which might impose on people who have not lived in Egypt; but Mr. Pauw has ventured opinions in his closet, without the guidance of experience. In vallies, indeed, enclosed by high mountains, where the atmosphere is not continually renewed by a current of air, the culture of rice is unwholesome, but not so, near Damietta and Rosetta. The plains are nearly on a level with the sea; neither hill nor height impedes the refreshing breath of the north, which drives the clouds and exhalations off the flooded fields southwards, continually purifies the atmosphere, and preserves the health of the people; so that the husbandmen who cultivate the rice are not more subject to diseases than those who do not. The heats of the Thebais certainly surpass those of many countries under the equator. Reaumer’s thermometer, when the burning breath of the south is felt, sometimes rises to thirty-eight degrees above the freezing point,27 often to thirty-six. Were heat the principle of diseases, the Said (Upper Egypt) would not be habitable; but it only seems to occasion a burning fever, to which the inhabitants are subject; and which they cure by regimen, drinking much water, and bathing in the river: in other respects they are strong and healthy. Old men are numerous, and many ride on horseback at eighty. The food they eat in the hot season contributes much to the preservation of their health; it is chiefly vegetables, pulse and milk. In Lower Egypt, the neighbourhood of the sea, the large lakes, and the abundance of the waters, moderate the sun’s heat, and preserve a delightful temperature. Strabo and Diodorus Siculus, who long lived here, did not think the country unhealthy. There is, indeed, an unwholesome season in Egypt. From February till the end of May, the south winds blow at intervals, and load the atmosphere with a subtile dust, which makes breathing difficult, and drive before them pernicious exhalations. Sometimes the heat becomes insupportable, and the thermometer suddenly rises twelve degrees. The inhabitants call this season Khamsin, fifty; because these winds are most felt between Easter and Whitsuntide; during which season they eat rice, vegetables, fresh fish and fruit; bathing frequently, and using plenty of perfumes and lemon juice; with which regimen they prevent the dangerous effects of the Khamsin. But it must not be supposed that this wind, which corrupts meat in a few hours, blows fifty days. Egypt would become a desert. It seldom blows three days together; and sometimes is only an impetuous whirlwind, which rapidly passes, and injures only the traveller overtaken in the deserts. When at Alexandria a tempest of this kind suddenly arose, driving before it torrents of burning sand, the serenity of the sky disappeared, a thick veil obscured the heavens, and the sun became blood-coloured. The dust penetrated even the chambers, and burnt the face and eyes. In four hours the tempest ceased, and the clearness of the day appeared. Some wretches in the deserts were suffocated, and several I saw brought to appearance dead; some of whom, by bathing in cold water, were restored to life.”

The internal parts of the continent of Africa are but little known. The northern parts, containing the States of Barbary, are sufficiently healthy; the middle parts of the western coast, known by the names of Negro-land, Guinea, &c. are extremely unhealthy and pernicious to strangers. Dr. Lind informs us, that, at a distance, this country appears in most places flat, covered with low, suspended clouds; and on a nearer approach heavy dews fall in the night time; the land being every morning and evening wrapped up in a fog. The ground is clothed with a pleasant and perpetual verdure, but altogether uncultivated, excepting a few spots, which are generally surrounded with forests or thickets of trees, impenetrable to refreshing breezes, and fit only for the resort of wild beasts. The banks of the rivers and rivulets are overgrown with bushes and weeds, continually covered with slime, which sends forth an intolerable stench. All places however are not equally unhealthy; nor is any place equally unwholesome at all times of the year. It is only with the rainy season that the sickness commences. But as it would be tedious, and not answer our present purpose, to enumerate those places which are healthy, and those which are not, I shall only extract from Dr. Lind’s work an account of one which seems to be as bad as can well be imagined. It is called Catchou, a town belonging to the Portuguese, and situated in 12 degrees N. lat. “I believe (says the author of this account) there is scarce to be found on the whole face of the earth a more unhealthy country than this during the rainy season. We were thirty miles distant from the sea, in a country altogether uncultivated, overflowed with water, surrounded with thick, impenetrable woods, and overrun with slime. The air was vitiated, noisome and thick, insomuch that the lighted torches or candles burnt dim, and seemed ready to be extinguished; even the human voice lost its natural tone. The smell of the ground, and of the houses, was raw and offensive; but the vapour arising from the putrid water in the ditches was much worse. All this, however, seemed tolerable, in respect of the infinite numbers of insects swarming every where, both on the ground and in the air; which, as they seemed to be produced and cherished by the putrefaction of the atmosphere, so they contributed greatly to increase its impurity. The wild bees from the woods, together with millions of ants, overran and destroyed the furniture; while swarms of cock-roaches often darkened the air, and extinguished even the candles in their flight; but the greatest plague was the musquetoes and sand-flies, whose incessant buzz and painful stings were more insupportable than any symptom of the fever. Besides all these, an incredible number of frogs, on the banks of the river, made such a constant and disagreeable croaking, that nothing but being accustomed to such an hideous noise, could permit the enjoyment of natural sleep. In the beginning of October, as the rains abated, the weather became very hot, the woods were covered with abundance of dead frogs, and other vermin, left by the recess of the river; all the mangroves and shrubs were likewise overspread with stinking slime.”

No doubt these accounts are calculated to inspire us with dreadful ideas of the countries mentioned in them. What could be done by the putrefaction of dead animals and vegetables, certainly would be done here; the produce, however, was not the true plague; not even in Catchou; but “a sickness which could not well be characterised by any denomination commonly applied to fevers; it however approached neared to what is called a nervous fever, as the pulse was always low, and the brain and nerves principally affected,” &c. Certainly if in any country heat, moisture and putrefaction could produce a plague, it would be in this. Yet, in all the places we have mentioned, whether India, Arabia, Egypt, or Guinea, (and we might go through the whole world in the same manner) we have not been able to find either moist heat or dry heat, even when aided by putrefaction, insects, and nastiness of all kinds (not justly chargeable upon any climate;) I say, we have not found the united powers of all these able to produce a plague. Nay, it is even doubtful whether climates can produce those inferior diseases above mentioned. Even Dr. Lind, who appears to be so willing to ascribe every thing to climate, seems embarrassed in this respect. “There are many difficulties (says he) which occur in assigning a satisfactory reason, why in some countries, as in those between the tropics, heavy and continual rains should produce sickness; while in other places, especially in the southern parts of Europe, a want of rain for two or three months in summer brings on diseases almost similar. Upon this occasion (adds the Doctor) I cannot help observing, that there is hardly a physical cause which can be assigned for the produce of any disease, that will not admit of some exceptions: thus, not only the woods and morasses in Guinea are tolerably healthy, with some exceptions, in the dry season; but a few instances might be produced of towns surrounded with marshes and a foggy air, where the inhabitants suffer no inconvenience from their situation, even during the rainy season. Do the impetuous torrents of water poured from the clouds during the rainy seasons, in tropical countries, contain what is unfriendly to health? Thus much is certain, that the natives of such countries, especially the mulattoes, avoid being exposed to these rains as much as possible, and when wet with them immediately plunge themselves into salt water, if near it. They generally bathe once a day, but never in the fresh water rivers, when overflown with rains, preferring at such times the water of springs. Is the sickness of these seasons to be ascribed to the intense heat of the then almost vertical sun; which frequently, for an hour or two at noon, dispels the clouds, and with its direct beams instantly changes the refreshing coolness of the air into a heat almost insupportable?

“Further: As the season of those sudden and terrible storms, called the hurricanes, in the East and West Indies, and tornadoes on the coast of Guinea, partly coincides with that of the rains, do these dreadful tempests in any measure contribute to produce the prevailing sickness at those times? It was remarkable one year at Senegal, that, in the beginning of the rainy season, in the night succeeding one of these tornadoes, a great number of the soldiers, and two thirds of the English women, were taken ill, this garrison before having been uncommonly healthy.

“Lastly: Is it not more probable, as in those countries the earth for six or eight months in the year receives no moisture from the heavens but what falls in dews, which every night renew the vegetation, and reinstate the delightful verdure of the grass, that the surface of the ground in many places becomes hard and incrustated with a dry scurf, which pens up the vapours below, until, by the continuance of the rains for some time, this crust is softened, and the vapours set free? That these dews do not penetrate deep into the surface of the earth, is evident from the constant dryness and hardness of such spots of ground, in those countries, as are not covered with grass and other vegetables. Thus the large rivers, in the dry season, being confined within narrow bounds, leave a great part of their channel uncovered, which, having its moisture totally exhaled, becomes a hard, dry crust; but, no sooner the rains fall, than, by degrees, this long parched up crust of earth and clay gradually softens, and the ground, which before had not the least smell, begins to emit a stench, which in four or five weeks becomes exceeding noisome; at which time the season of sickness commences.”

From these quotations it must certainly appear, that the author himself is dissatisfied with his theory; and that, though in the outset he thought heat and moisture, assisted by the exhalations from putrid animal and vegetable substances, sufficient to produce the disorders of which he treats, yet, on a more minute investigation, he is obliged to acknowledge, that something inexplicable still remains. This he now wishes to solve by unknown properties in the water, by confined exhalations, &c. But as the consideration of these things belongs properly to the next section, I shall here only remark, that there hath not yet been given any satisfactory account of the origin of epidemic diseases of what I call the inferior kind, much less of the true plague, which stands above them all, as I have already said, like the serpent Python above other serpents.

To what has been quoted from Dr. Lind, I shall here subjoin the testimony of Dr. Clark, who had an opportunity of observing the epidemic diseases which raged at Bengal in 1768 and 1769. These were, “the remittent fever and dysentery, which begin in August, and continue till November. During the beginning of the epidemic, the fever is attended with extreme malignity and danger; frequently carrying off the patient in twelve hours; and, if not stopped, generally proves fatal on the third or fourth day. In August the remissions are very imperceptible; in October they become more distinct; and, as the cold weather comes on, the fever becomes a regular intermittent. At that time, too, the putrid dysentery begins to rage with the fever. These diseases were very fatal to many Europeans, particularly new comers, in 1768. But in the year 1770, when there was a scarcity of rice, it was computed, that about eighty thousand natives, and one thousand five hundred Europeans, died at Bengal. The streets were covered with funerals; the river floated with dead carcases; and every place exhibited the most melancholy scenes of disease and death. During the sickly seasons at Bengal, the uncertainty of life is so great, that it frequently happens that one may leave a friend at night in perfect health, who shall not survive next day. There have been several instances of persons who have returned home in a state of perfect health from performing the last duties to a deceased friend, and have next day been numbered with the dead. But the cool, agreeable season, from December to March, is productive of no prevailing diseases. The complaints to be met with are in general the consequences, or remains, of the diseases of the former period. The complaints which the Europeans are subject to in the dry months are, the cholera and diarrhœa. Fluxes and fevers are then seldom epidemic; and, when they do happen, are not attended with much danger.

“At Batavia the rainy season is from November to May, during which time malignant, remitting and continued fevers and the dysentery rage with great fatality. Captain Cook, in his first voyage, arrived here in October 1779; the whole crew, excepting Tupia, a native of Otaheite, being in the most perfect health. But, in the course of nine days, they experienced the fatal effects of the climate, and buried seven people at Batavia. On the 3d of December, the ship left the harbour. At that time the number of sick amounted to forty; and the rest of the ship’s company were in a very feeble condition. When the ship anchored at Prince’s Island, in the Straits of Sunda, the sickness increased, and they buried twenty-three persons more in the course of about six weeks. The Grenville Indiaman, which touched at this island in 1771, suffered equally from the malignity of the air. A few were taken on board, when the ship sailed from Batavia, ill of a malignant fever; which spread by contagion at sea, and carried off great numbers. I visited several in this ship, when she arrived at China, who were reduced to mere skeletons, by the duration of the fever and dysentery; both of which were most certainly propagated by contagion.

“Those parts of Sumatra lying immediately under the line are continually subject to rain, and the ground near the shore is low, and covered with thick trees and underwood. The heat being intense, noisome fogs arise, which corrupt the air, and render the country fatal to foreigners. The land of North Island, which lies on this coast, near the beginning of the Straits of Sunda, appears at a distance finely variegated; but at the place where the wood and water are to be got it is low, and covered with impenetrable mangroves, and infested with a variety of insects. It is here that most of the East India ships take in wood for their homeward voyage. A Danish ship, in 1768, anchored in this island, and sent twelve of her hands on shore to fill water; where they only remained two nights. Every one of them was seized with a fever, whereof none recovered: but although the ship went out to sea, none, except the twelve who went on shore, were attacked with the complaint.”

With regard to China, this author says, that the “port of Canton is by no means so healthy as is generally represented. The comparative degree of health which Europeans enjoy here has been ascertained from the instances of the supercargoes, which is, however, a very erroneous standard. The generous and regular way in which these gentlemen live, for the most part, exempts them from diseases; and, being but few in number, no great mortality can take place among them. But seamen, who never observe much regularity in their way of living, who work hard in the day time, are but badly clothed, and not provided against the damps and cold north-easterly winds at night, seldom fail to be afflicted with the diseases already mentioned (fevers and fluxes.) Even the factors of different nations, who reside here for any considerable time, experience all the inconveniences peculiar to any sultry climate: florid health is a stranger to their countenances; their constitutions are soon weakened and enfeebled; and they become subject to habitual fluxes and other complaints, the usual consequences of too great relaxation.”

The climate of the southern part of China, according to the same author, is excessively hot during the summer months. Even in September and October, when the nights are cold, the days continue to be sultry. The cold months are, December, January and February; “and during this time the vicissitudes of the weather are more quick than in any other part of the world. When the wind is northerly, and the thermometer at 46, upon a change of the wind to the south, it is next day up to 60 or 70. People who reside here are always at a loss with regard to their clothing; one day finding a silk coat sufficient; and the next, upon a sudden change of wind, finding it necessary to wear a flannel waistcoat.”

On the subject of climate, therefore, I must conclude with the following observations:—First: That, as the diseases above mentioned are produced both in moist and dry countries, in those in the torrid and those in the temperate zone, they can neither be the offspring of moisture or drought, of heat or cold, of septics or antiseptics, but of something not yet discovered. Second: That, upon fair investigation, it does not appear, that ancient historians have been able to ascertain the origin of any plague whatever: they have universally ascribed it to the anger of the Deity, while their own pride would never allow it to have originated in any country with which they were connected. Third: It doth not by any means appear, that the climates of those countries, where the plague is known to be most common, are at all inferior to those already described, excepting the very circumstance of having the plague frequently in them: nay, indeed, that they are equally bad. Nobody will pretend to argue, that the climate of Asia Minor, of Greece, of the Morea, or of any of the countries most infected with the plague, was, or is, worse than that of Catchou in Africa, already described; yet it is certain, that we have a number of testimonies that the plague has ravaged Asia Minor, while we have not one of its visiting Catchou. Ancient Greece, the Peloponnesus (Morea) and Asia Minor, were accounted healthy and fine countries; and modern travellers assure us, that they have not degenerated in this respect; yet these countries are desolated by the plague, while the unwholesome regions above described are entirely free from it, unless imported from some other quarter. To give this matter, however, as fair a discussion as possible, I shall here consider the account we have of the climate of Bassorah, given by the gentleman residing there in 1780; whose case, in the remitting fever, is given, Appendix, No. VI. “The overflowing of the Euphrates, and its waters stagnating in the desert, have always been accounted primary causes of epidemical diseases at Bassorah. The great floods from the melting of the snow on the mountains of Diarbekir, the ancient Assyria, happened in the year 1780, early in the month of May, when the heats in Persia and Arabia begin to be excessive. The desert, which reaches to the gates of Bassorah, is, for many miles, incrusted with a surface of salt; which, when mixed with the stagnated waters, and exposed to the sun, produces the most noxious effluvia. As early as the 25th of May, the town was surrounded by a salt marsh, the heated steam arising from which was, at times, almost intolerable; but the canal that runs through a great part of the city being filled with the bodies of animals, and all kinds of putrid matter; and, at low tides, all these substances exposed to the sun, made the air in the town scarce supportable; and, being totally destitute of police, the streets were in many places covered with human ordure, the bodies of dead dogs and cats, &c. which emitted a stench more disagreeable and putrid than any thing I ever experienced in my life. As to the degree of solar heat, it far exceeded what I conceived the human frame to be capable of bearing. The sensation under this heat was totally different from what I had ever experienced; it resembled the approach of an heated substance to the body. The quicksilver, in Fahrenheit’s thermometer, rose to between 156 and 162 degrees.28 From the 30th of May I never saw it so low as 156, but generally between 158 and 160. After I left Bassorah I was told that it rose still higher. In the coolest part of the house, with the aid of every invention to decrease the heat, the quicksilver rose to 115; but after I came away, I was informed that it rose still higher, even at seven in the morning, the hour which we accounted the coolest in the day. Once the heat was said to be so intolerable, that no one could expose himself to it long enough to observe the thermometer in the sun. Some of the oldest inhabitants of Bassorah said that they never remembered to have heard of such a heat in any part of Persia or Arabia. The natives of the country appeared more alarmed at the heat than the Europeans: nothing could induce them to expose themselves to the sun after ten o’clock. I left Bassorah for Aleppo on the 30th of May. On our arrival at Zabira, the heat was so intense, that even the Arabs sunk under it.”

From this account it was natural to expect that violent sickness would ensue. This was the opinion of the inhabitants, and they were not deceived. The sickness, however, was not the true plague, but a violent remitting fever; and even this did not originate in the city itself, but was observed to approach from Asia Minor, ravaging Diarbekir, and keeping the course of the Tigris, to Bagdad, where many died. From thence it followed the course of the Euphrates to Bassorah, and for about twenty miles lower. The opposite, or Persian shore, though within a few miles, was exempted, and it did not spread more than twenty miles into the desert.29

I might now proceed to give an abstract of what has been said of the power of climate in producing diseases on the Western Continent, and West India islands; but as this belongs more especially to the second part of this Treatise, I shall here pass it over, as well as what Dr. Smith has said of the climate of Greece, in the Medical Repository, and which he endeavours to prove to be similar to the climate of North America. But, before we proceed to consider what diseases may be produced by climate alone, it is proper to discuss the question, how far man is naturally subject to diseases of any kind? Many, no doubt, will be apt to suppose this a very absurd question; for as man is now, by nature, subject to death, it seems to follow, that he is also naturally subject to disease, as the means of bringing on death. But, however plausible this may appear, experience shows, that disease and death are not always connected. Many people die of mere old age; the powers of life being exhausted, and the system so far decayed, that the various parts of it can no longer perform their offices. On the other hand, a disease destroys by attacking some particular organ, and either totally consuming or altering it in such a manner, that it disturbs the vital operations, while yet strong and vigorous. We may therefore compare the death of a person from mere old age to the natural extinction of a candle when the tallow is totally consumed; and death from disease, to the blowing out of a candle while a part of it remains, and might have burned for a considerably longer time. Thus I am inclined to consider all diseases as merely accidental; and this with the greater certainty, because, though, in common with other believers in revealed religion, I think that death is the consequence of Adam’s transgression, yet I do not find that disease of any kind was threatened except in cases of positive transgression, long after the days of Adam.

Every one allows, that, though some diseases are natural, some are likewise artificial; but nobody hath attempted to draw the line of demarcation between them. Every thing is charged upon climate, heat, moisture, drought, vapour, &c. and yet, upon examination, we shall find the utmost difficulty in deriving a single disease from the causes we assign. No person in his senses will say that Adam, in consequence of eating the forbidden fruit, became liable to the venereal disease. As little can we say for the gout, the stone, or the dropsy; and if we cannot particularize the diseases to which he became naturally liable, we have no right to say that any kind of disease became natural to him in consequence of his transgression. If, therefore, death itself, originally not natural to man, did yet take place in consequence of his moral conduct; and if diseases, without number, have arisen among his posterity, though not natural to him in consequence of his first transgression, we have equal reason to believe that these diseases have taken place among them in consequence of their moral or rather immoral conduct, in totally deviating from the line prescribed them by their Maker, and following others of their own invention; and this will appear the more probable, when we consider, that, long after mankind became subject to death, we find diseases, particularly the pestilence, threatened as the consequence of subsequent transgressions.

If, without taking scripture into consideration, we attend only to what may be gathered from profane history, we find the testimony of all the ancients concurring in one general point, viz. that in times of great antiquity men were more healthy, and even stronger, than in the times when those authors lived. This is taken notice of by Homer, when comparing the strength of men in the time of the Trojan war with those in his days, about two centuries later.30 Virgil, who lived in much more modern times than Homer, carries his ideas of the degeneracy of man much farther; and informs us, that Turnus, when fighting with Æneas, took up and threw a stone which twelve men of that time could not have lifted. Now, though we know that both these accounts are fabulous, yet they perfectly coincide with the voice of historians of all nations; for we are universally told, that the first inhabitants of countries were a brave, hardy people, living according to the simplicity of nature, free from diseases, and attaining to a good old age.

This is so conformable to what is generally said at present, probably very often by rote, without regard to rational evidence, that, were we so inclined, ample room might be found for declamation against modern luxuries, particularly the practice of drinking ardent spirits, as pernicious to health, and destructive to the human body. On this subject, however, we may once for all observe, that, although we find ample evidence of the baleful influence of these liquors in producing other diseases, yet we find none of their ever having had any share in the production of an epidemic or general disease among mankind. In ancient times the art of distillation seems to have been unknown; so that whatever mischief was done in those days must have been done by wine, or other fermented liquors. In modern times, though the use both of fermented liquors and ardent spirits is undoubtedly carried to excess, yet there is no evidence of their producing an epidemic, or even making it more violent or general than it would otherwise have been. Dr. Cleghorn, having spoken largely of the manner of living of the natives in Minorca, proceeds thus: “I should next give a circumstantial account of the diet and way of life of the British soldiers in this island; but as this would be a disagreeable task, I shall only observe, that the excess of drinking is among them an universal vice, confirmed into habit. But, however different the Spaniards be from the English, in their meat, drink, exercise, affections of the mind, and habit of body; yet the health of both nations is equally influenced by the seasons. An epidemical distemper seldom or never attacks the one class of inhabitants without attacking the other also; and, surprising as it may appear, it is nevertheless true, that the peasants, remarkable for temperance and regularity, and the soldiers, who, without meat and clothes, frequently lie abroad drunk, exposed to all weathers, have diseases almost similar, both as to their violence and duration.”

There can be no doubt that excess in drinking hath put an end to the lives of many individuals; and it hath been observed, that such as attempt to preserve themselves from the plague by the use of strong liquors, have generally fallen sacrifices to it;31 but this cannot prove that such excess would have brought on the distemper without some other cause. It hath been certainly found, that excess in drinking or eating, excess in venery, excessive fatigue by labour, watching, study, &c. will all make an epidemic disease more violent when it attacks a particular person; but no experience hath yet shown that the first person seized with an epidemic always fell under this description. All that can be said on the subject is, that, by such excesses as have already been described, the body is prepared for receiving the disease, by an exhaustion, or evaporation (if we please to call it so) of the vital principle; as wood is prepared for burning by the evaporation of its moisture; but as wood, however dry, will not burn without the contact or application of fire, so neither will the body, though ever so well prepared, be attacked by any epidemic, unless the true cause of that epidemic be also applied.

Thus we are still disappointed in our attempts to discover the origin of the plague. We have seen that the most unhealthy climates in the world do not produce it of themselves; neither can the conduct of any individual bring it upon himself, without an unknown something, which nobody has yet found out. It was this difficulty of finding out the natural cause, which certainly induced by far the greatest number of writers on the subject to ascribe it to Divine Power; and even as late a writer as Dr. Hodges tells us, that he believes in the to Theion, the “finger of God,” in the plague, as much as any body. As for those who have endeavoured to account for the origin of this distemper from an inquiry into natural causes, and conclusions drawn from the late experiments on air, they have totally failed; as will be fully elucidated in the following section.

If then we are to believe that diseases, especially those called epidemics, among which the plague holds the first place, have arisen in consequence of a certain line of conduct adopted by the human race, or have been inflicted by the Deity as punishments on that account, we are to look for their origin among those to whom the Deity principally manifested himself; that is, the Jews, and nations who interfered with them. Among the Jews we hear of the first general plague distinctly mentioned; viz. the three days pestilence of David, and to which it is possible that Homer alludes in his Iliad. Next to this is the great plague of 767 B. C. said to have spread all over the world. This coincides with the time of Pul, king of Assyria; who, having overthrown the ancient kingdom of Syria, turned his arms against that of Israel, and no doubt extended his conquests among the eastern nations, as we know very well the Assyrian monarchs did. As the ten tribes, ever after their separation from the house of David, had in a manner totally given themselves up to idolatry, we are not to wonder if the pestilence, so frequently threatened by Moses, was very common, or, as physicians term it, endemic, among them. Thus, whatever enemy invaded the country, would almost certainly carry the disease along with them, and spread it among the other nations with whom they afterwards had any connexion. At this time, or even before this, during the wars of Syria with Israel and Judah, this dreadful pestilence might begin; but, as to its being all over the world in any particular year, I do not see how it can be ascertained; because there are no general histories of the world in those early times. It appears more probable that this general pestilence took place at the time that Sennacherib’s army was destroyed. I have no doubt, indeed, for the reasons already given, that the plague had infected Sennacherib’s army before he went into Ethiopia. In that country, in all probability, he would leave it; and, after his return to Judea, when the dreadful catastrophe befel him of an hundred and eighty-five thousand of his men being destroyed in one night, there can be no doubt that the remains of his army would carry with them the seeds of a most malignant pestilence, capable of spreading destruction far and wide. It is true, we are not directly told, in Scripture, that the Assyrian army was destroyed by a plague, but that the angel of the Lord destroyed them; but, as this expression is quite similar to what we read of the pestilence in David’s time, there can be but little doubt that the means of destruction made use of in both cases were the same. Josephus expressly says, that Sennacherib’s army was destroyed by a pestilence. Neither are we to conclude, because this pestilence was miraculous, that it therefore certainly killed every one on whom it fell; or that it would not infect those who came near the sick, as any other disease of the kind would do.

From the same source may we derive the propensity in the Carthaginian armies to pestilential disorders. Carthage was a colony of Tyre; and the Tyrians were in close alliance with the Jews, during the reigns of David and Solomon, and very probably afterwards; so that from them the distemper might be communicated in such a manner as to be almost endemic; and thus hardly an army could be sent out but what would have the infection with it, breaking out with violence now and then, as occasional causes tended to give life to the contagion. It is impossible, however, from the source just mentioned to trace the plague of Athens, or the first plague in Rome; but it is very natural to suppose that the violent one which raged in Rome, during the reign of Titus, came from Jerusalem. That city had sustained a most dreadful siege, and the obstinate and wretched inhabitants had endured such calamities as have scarcely been recorded in the history of nations. Among these calamities was a pestilence, which, in all probability, would be conveyed to Rome, and there occasion the destruction already mentioned.

But what seems to render this account of the origin of the plague more probable is, that the Jews are to this day accused of propagating the disease in those countries where it is most frequent. Baron de Tott is of opinion that the plague in Constantinople originates among the Jewish dealers in old clothes; for these avaricious dealers, purchasing the infected goods, sell them indiscriminately to every one who will buy, and that without the least care taken to remove the infection from them; by which means it is no wonder to find the plague, as well as other diseases, disseminated among them in great plenty. Dr. Russel informs us, that the Jews are most liable to the plague, the most fearful of it, and the most ready to fly from the infection. The Abbe Mariti agrees in the same accusation against this unfortunate people. “The Jews (says he) purchase at a low price the goods and wares which remain when most of the family are deceased, and then store them up; which, when the plague is over, they sell at a dear rate to those will buy, and thus propagate the pestilential poison: again it kindles, and presently causes new destruction. Thus this opprobrious nation, preferring gold to life, sell the plague to mussulmen, who purchase it without fear, and sleep with it, till, renewed of itself, it hurries them to the grave.” M. Volney, though he does not mention the Jews in such express terms as Mariti and Russel, yet agrees as to the mode of its propagation in Constantinople, and the reason of its continuance in that city. “It is certain (says he) that the plague originates in Constantinople, where it is perpetuated by the absurd negligence of the Turks, which is so great, that they publicly sell the effects of persons dead of the distemper. The ships which go to Alexandria never fail to carry furs and woolen clothes, purchased on these occasions, which they expose to sale in the bazar of the city, and thereby spread the contagion. The Greeks who deal in these goods are almost always the first victims.”

Thus the account we have of the origin of the plague at present is, that the city of Constantinople, having been long and deeply infected, the infection is stored up through the avarice of the Jewish merchants, who buy the goods and clothes of the infected. The stupidity of the Turks allows these goods to be sold in Constantinople, or exported freely to all parts to which their vessels sail, particularly to Alexandria; where the avarice of the Greeks prompts them to buy without examination or precaution, to the destruction of their own lives, and of multitudes of others. Egypt being the principal place of traffick, the plague is more frequent there than in other parts of the empire. Syria is comparatively free from it; which M. Volney supposes to be owing to the small number of vessels which come there directly from Constantinople.