Footnotes
Reading edition
1.
See Eusebius, Hist. Ec., III, 23, who gives quotations from Irenæus. This passage also gives a lengthy extract from the work of Clement of Alexandria, Quis dives salvetur, bearing on St. John's life at Ephesus (ANF. II, 591-604).
2.
Reign of Domitian, 81-96.
3.
Pontia was an island near Pandataria. The group is known as Pontiæ Insulæ. See DCB, art. “Domitilla, Flavia;” Eusebius, Hist. Ec., ed. McGiffert (PNF, ser. II, vol. I), III, 18, notes 4-6; also Lightfoot, Commentary on the Epistle to the Philippians, p. 22, n. 1.
4.
There are three leading critical editions of the Apostolic Fathers: Patrum Apostolicorum Opera, edited by A. von Gebhardt, A. Harnack, and Th. Zahn, Leipsic, 1876, 1877, reprinted 1894 and since. Opera Patrum Apostolicorum, edited by F. X. Funk, Tübingen, 1881. There is a very inexpensive reprint of the text in Krüger's Sammlung ausgewählter kirchen- und dogmengeschichtlicher Quellenschriften, 2te Reihe, 1 Heft. Funk's text is used in the following sections, but as the Apostolic Fathers are everywhere accessible no references are given to Migne. The Apostolic Fathers, edited by J. B. Lightfoot, second ed., part I, 2 vols. (Clement of Rome), London, 1890; part II, 3 vols. (Ignatius and Polycarp), London, 1889; smaller ed. (containing all the Apostolic Fathers), London. 1890. The most recent edition of the Apostolic Fathers is that of Kirsopp Lake, in the Loeb Classical Library, 1912 (text and translation on opposite pages).
5.
Cf. Matt. 24:6, 22; Mark 13:7, 20. These words do not occur in the book of Enoch.
6.
The writer quotes Ex. 31:18; 34:28; 32:7; Deut. 9:12.
7.
I.e., so that they believed that circumcision should be made in the flesh and not taken spiritually.
8.
ΙΗ or Ιη = Ἰησους. T was taken as a picture of a cross. For the Tau or Egyptian cross, see DCA, art. “Cross.” The method of allegorical interpretation here used is that species known as gematria, in which the numerical equivalence of letters composing a word is employed as a key to mystic meaning. This differs somewhat from the ordinary gematria, for which see Farrar, History of Interpretation, 1886, pp. 98 ff., 445 f. Barnabas is by no means singular among early Christians in resorting to Jewish allegorical interpretation.
9.
For the same charge brought against the Jews of stirring up hostility against the Christians, see Tertullian, Ad Nationes, I, 14; Adv. Marcionem, III, 23; Adv. Judæos, 13; Origen, Contra Celsum, VI, 27.
10.
Cf. Mai. 1:10-12.
11.
The Christians at Rome seem, according to this statement, to have been in such a position that they might be able to interfere in the case of prisoners.
12.
A possible reference to the presence of Peter and Paul at Rome, but by no means certain, as epistolatory commands would fulfil the conditions better. The connection of Peter with Rome, however, is very significant.
13.
It can not be concluded from this that Ignatius was of servile condition. His journey to Rome in chains might be enough here to explain the language, especially when the style of Ignatius is considered.
14.
Such were evidently Gnostics, as shown by their rejection of the God of the Jews.
15.
Piaculum.
16.
Clement alters the passage slightly; see Is. 60:17.
17.
The Greek is ἐπισκοπή (episcopē), meaning primarily “oversight.”
18.
This seems to be the occasion for this letter to the Corinthians. As they appear to be several, they correspond to presbyters rather than to bishops, and the use of the term “presbyters” in the passage sustains this interpretation.
19.
The word rendered daily is ἐπιοὑσιον, the same as that used in Matt. 6:11.
20.
Note the doxology also at the end of the other prayers.
21.
The sense is: If a prophet speaking in the Spirit commands a meal to be prepared for the poor and should himself eat of it, it would be apparent that he ordered it for himself. But if he eats he must be a false prophet.
22.
A most difficult and obscure passage. Various interpretations have been proposed; see the various editions of the Apostolic Fathers, especially Funk's. The rendering here given is strictly literal.
23.
This passage is quoted at length by Clement of Alexandria, Stromata, II, 12, 13.
24.
The first part of this quotation has not been identified; the conclusion is Matt. 7:23.
25.
Cf. Acts 2:9 ff.
26.
Probably Palestine is here meant.
27.
The great Syrian goddess Atargatis.
28.
Reference is obscure.
29.
A reference to astrological doctrine.
30.
There is good reason for believing that by India is meant what is now understood as India, and not Arabia. There was no little intercourse between India and the West, and we have the direct testimony of Dio Chrysostom, circa 100, that there was intercourse between Alexandria and India, and that Indians came to Alexandria to study in the schools of that city. See DCB, art. “Pantænus.”
31.
Probably the Gnostics.
32.
He had given his property to his native place.
33.
Fronto. See W. Smith, Dict. of Greek and Roman Biography.
34.
Cf. Hermas, Pastor, Sim. V, 3. ANF, II, 34.
35.
I.e., the Logos; cf. previous chapter.
36.
See Plato, Timæus, p. 28c.
37.
For a remarkable passage on the moral influence of Christ's teaching as a proof of the truth of His message, see Origen, Contra Celsum, I, 67 f.
38.
For a discussion of this Helena, see Bousset, Die Hauptprobleme der Gnosis, 1907, pp. 77 ff.
39.
Probably to be identified with his Exegetica.
40.
Query: the antagonism between good and evil.
41.
Very obscure: see ANF, and Routh, ad loc., and Neander, Ch. Hist., I, 402.
42.
Routh, loc. cit., proposes as an emendation, “declared to be made.”
43.
A mystic name; it is the Hebrew for “line upon line,” see Is. 28:10. It means norm or rule.
44.
Cf. the doctrine of redemption among the Marcosians, a branch of the Valentinians, stated in Irenæus, Adv. Hær., I, 215.
45.
Generally spoken of as hylics.
46.
Cf. introductory note to following selection.
47.
The term used for a sending forth is προβολή or emanation, and is constantly used in Gnosticism; hence the objection on the part of the majority of Christian theologians to the use of the term in describing the relations of the members of the Trinity.
48.
This negative seems to spoil the sense of the passage, and is omitted in some editions.
49.
Simplicity is always regarded in ancient thought as a characteristic of Deity.
50.
According to another reading, of this one.
51.
A city of Thrace on the Black Sea.
52.
See this passage as quoted in Eusebius, Hist. Ec., V, 6, and McGiffert's notes.
53.
By a slight change in the order of the words, as suggested by Neander, the last two clauses might read more clearly: “To judge the quick and also the dead through the resurrection of the flesh.”
54.
Reference to the creation of the sun, moon, and stars on the fourth day of creation.
55.
Probably his wet-nurse was a Christian.
56.
On the occasion of his triumphal entry into Rome.
57.
From here text in Kirch, nn. 84 ff.
58.
Probably the reference is to the privilege of celebrating the eucharist, and not merely the reception of the sacrament from the hands of Anicetus.
59.
Here, as elsewhere in Tertullian, the oblation, or sacrifice, or offering, is the prayers of the faithful, and not the eucharist.
60.
The word substance as used here in connection with the nature of the Trinity has not taken its later meaning and use.
61.
I.e., the followers of Praxeas, who are here introduced as speaking.
62.
Not οὐσία, but ὑποκειμένω.
63.
Sacerdotes, and so throughout.
64.
A person married a second time, i.e., after the death of his first wife.
65.
Cf. Acts 2:22.
66.
Proverbs 4:8, 9.
67.
I.e., having rule over all, not merely able to do all, and so throughout.
68.
The Greek is preserved here and throws light on the reasoning. The Latin omnipotens stands for παντοκράτωρ.
69.
I.e., it is not certain rites nor certain beliefs that give merit to our worship.
70.
The term papa is applied to Cyprian several times in the extant epistles addressed to him.
71.
I.e., Rome. There was a vacancy at that time, A. D. 250. in the episcopate of Rome and the clergy administered the affairs of that church sede vacante.
72.
I.e., the pure ones.
73.
In the next chapter of Eusebius (= VII, 25) there are the critical reasons against the apostolic authorship of the Revelation of St. John, based upon a critical comparison with the Fourth Gospel and the Epistles of St. John, reasons which are still current in radical critical circles.
74.
The bracketed phrases are doubtful.
75.
Gregory uses the term Trias for Trinity here and throughout.
76.
On the whole passage, cf. I Cor. 15:42 ff.
77.
Sanguis Christi incipit esse sine nobis. Paschasius Radbertus quotes this. De corpore et sanguine Domini, ch. II, MSL, 120:1308.
78.
Reference to the possibility of detecting Christians in times of persecution by the odor of wine which they had received in the eucharist early in the morning.
79.
Ex. 12:6.
80.
Psalm. 141:2.
81.
I Cor. 11:26.
82.
This whole passage is supposed to be addressed to Stephen. Cf. the opening words of § 25.
83.
Eph. 4:1-6 follows.
84.
Or. Fonnak.
85.
The author is a Moslem, and therefore speaks of Jesus with great respect; Mani regarded Jesus as evil.
86.
This is undoubtedly a mistake.
87.
Important material has been recently recovered from Turfan in Chinese Turkestan, reported by Messrs. Stein, Le Coq, and F. K. W. Müller, in Sitzungsberichte der Berliner Academie, for 1904, p. 348; for 1905, p. 1077; for 1908, p. 398; for 1909, p. 1202; for 1910, pp. 293, 307.
88.
By primal man is not meant the first of mankind on earth, but a supernatural being.
89.
Bishop of Alexandria.
90.
See next selection.
91.
Diocletian persecution, A. D. 306.
92.
Maxentius.
93.
Eusebius.
94.
Sicily.
95.
A folle was a sum of money, possibly 208 denarii.
96.
I.e., as to offering sacrifices.
97.
V. infra, § 62, Introduction.
98.
V. supra, §§ 59 f.
99.
ὑποκείμενον.
100.
ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων, the phrase which was afterward the foundation of the Arian sect of the Exoukontians.
101.
Psalm 24:10; Hebrew, The Lord of Hosts; LXX, The Lord of Powers.
102.
Some texts insert “seen nor.”
103.
ὑπάρχειν.
104.
Homoousios.
105.
ἐξ οὐκ ὄντων.
106.
I.e., in forcing the Donatists to return to the Church.
107.
The temporary defeat of the Donatist party which was celebrated at the Council of Carthage in 348-349. See Hefele, § 70.
108.
Tombs built in the shape of altars which were table-shaped.
109.
The metatores were those who were sent ahead of a troop of soldiers to provide for quartering them upon the inhabitants.
110.
The religion of the pagans.
111.
I.e., Christianity.
112.
See DCB, art. “Apollinaris the Elder.”
113.
As the destruction of the altar of Victory.
114.
I.e., by Julian and Valentinian.
115.
The rest of the petition is taken up chiefly with a protest against the confiscation of the endowments for the vestal virgins.
116.
Allusion to the very brief reign of several.
117.
Valerian taken captive by Sapor.
118.
Galienus.
119.
Reference to the “thirty tyrants.”
120.
V. supra, § 63.
121.
Hypostasis or ousia; cf. the Nicene definition, § 63, g.
122.
The Apollinarian heresy.
123.
I.e., following.
124.
I.e., of their diocese.
125.
In the sense of patriarchal province, following the use of the word “diocese” in the administrative system of the Empire. It should be noted that the patriarchal council seems not to have become well defined in the Church's system and never to have come into actual use.
126.
For the development of the ecumenical council, see below, § 91, a. This scheme of nicely adjusted appeals never took permanent place in the Church owing to obvious difficulties.
127.
This sixth canon of Nicæa very early received the title: “Concerning the Primacy of the Roman Church.” and had this addition placed as its first clause: “The Roman Church has always had the primacy.” In this form the canon was cited by the Roman legates at the Council of Chalcedon in 451.
128.
Here, as generally, parish means diocese.
129.
This is the seventh canon of the Latin version of the canons.
130.
I.e., Bishop of Rome.
131.
I.e., ecclesiastical position.
132.
I.e., bishops.
133.
I.e., episcopal sees.
134.
See Socrates, Hist. Ec., V, 10.
135.
In the code of Justinian this reads “Manichæans and Donatists.”
136.
For further detail of the history of the Priscillianists, see Sulpicius Severus, Sacred History, II, 46-51. (PNF, ser. II, vol. XI.)
137.
I.e., ascetics and monks.
138.
Priest, sacerdos, is here used, as so often, not for presbyter but for bishop.
139.
As this was addressed to Theodorus, the prætorian prefect, the authority of the decision is rendered of the highest character.
140.
In a usufruct the title remained with the grantor, and the grantee merely had the use or enjoyment of the land.
141.
On the principle that one who had a life interest in property (and only such the bishop had) could alienate for a period not extending beyond his natural life.
142.
The peculium of the slave, property which he was allowed to possess but only by the sufferance of the master.
143.
The Constitution ends here in Justinian's collection.
144.
Cf. Paulinus, Vita Ambros. MSL, 14:37.
145.
I.e., of returning to her former home and condition.
146.
I.e., in distinction from Paulus the eminent Roman lawyer, a contemporary of Papinian.
147.
Fabiola (cf. DCB) on whose death Jerome is here writing to her husband Oceanus.
148.
See I Cor. 7:1 ff.
149.
Cf. Council of Carthage, A. D. 398, Can. 13. “When the bridegroom and bride are to be blessed by the priest they are to be presented by their parents and paranymphs. And let them when they have received the benediction remain in virginity the same night out of reverence for the benediction.”
150.
I.e., of Antioch, where Chrysostom was a presbyter and delivered these homilies.
151.
The name given to the extensive charitable institutions founded by Basil.
152.
For this conception of the value to the giver to be found in almsgiving, see above, § 39, h.
153.
“Shut up in the altar” is another reading.
154.
Cf. Suetonius, Vita Tiberii, c. 36, expulsit et mathematicos. Probably they were a sort of fortune-tellers, computers of nativities, etc. Cf. Hefele, loc. cit.
155.
The title of pope which was not yet restricted even by Latins to the bishop of Rome was in general use as the title of the bishop of Alexandria.
156.
Successor of Athanasius in the see of Alexandria.
157.
Cf. Apostolic Canons, 6, 27; also Council of Neo-Cæsarea. Can 1.
158.
Note the extraordinary form in which the clergy are apparently forbidden to do what in reality the council commands; namely, that they should abandon marital relations with their wives. Cf. Hefele, loc. cit. Can. 80 of Elvira uses the same uncouth phraseology.
159.
This last point was considerably modified by the subsequent canon law.
160.
See Putzger, Historischer Schul-Atlas, 1905.
161.
Stilicho, on whose advice the Senate granted a subsidy to Alarich, in 408 of four thousand pounds of gold.
162.
Capture of Rome, A. D. 410, by Alarich.
163.
The termination is fragmentary.
164.
At the time a bishop.
165.
I.e., Simplicianus had baptized Ambrose.
166.
This is hardly fair to Victorinus and his pre-Christian religious views.
167.
This is the phrase which so deeply offended Pelagius; Da quod jubes, et jube quod vis.
168.
This figure of the two cities is the motif of the whole work, in which the idea is developed in the greatest detail.
169.
See Augustine's treatise On the Gift of Perseverance, PNF, ser. I, vol. V.
170.
This distinction is of importance in Augustine's theory of the Church.
171.
He has been explaining the significance of the references to the three sons of Noah.
172.
Dupin in his edition of Optatus, ad. loc., points out that there were current two etymologies of Catholic; according to one κατὰ λόγον it meant reasonable, and according to the other, κατὰ ὅλον general or universal.
173.
The expression opponere obicem became in scholastic theology of great importance in connection with the ex opere operato nature of the sacraments of the New Law. On this whole matter of the sacraments in the Fathers, see Schwanne, Dogmengeschichte, § 93, which is very clear and helpful, especially as showing the basis of scholastic theory of the sacraments in the patristic period, and that, too, without doing violence to his authorities.
174.
The basis of the doctrine of the indelible character of baptism. Cf. Augustine, Contra epist. Parm., II, 13. 28. “Each [baptism and the right of giving baptism] is indeed a sacrament, and by a certain consecration each is given to a man, this when he is baptized, that when he is ordained; therefore in the Catholic Church it is not lawful to repeat either.” Cf. next passage.
175.
This was written after the conference with the Donatists in 411, in which victory was adjudged to the Catholics.
176.
These commentaries were falsely published under the name of Jerome and may be found in his works. (MSL, 30:670.)
177.
Some manuscripts add “and death through sin.”
178.
For the discussion on appeals across the sea, i.e., to Rome, see Hefele. § 119; A. W. Haddan, art. “Appeal” in DCA.
179.
Hermas, Pastor, Man. VI. (ANF, vol. II.)
180.
The references are to Augustine, De Dono Perseverantiæ, ch. 23 [64], and to Prosper of Aquitaine's epistle to Augustine, see Augustine, Ep. 225. Citations from both in PNF, ser. II, vol. XI. p. 158.
181.
Reference to the Council of Constantinople, 381, known as the Second General Council, but not yet acknowledged as such; see above, § 71.
182.
The elevation of the see at Constantinople to supremacy in the East.
183.
Cf. Ep. 14, ad Anastasium, written somewhat later: “From which model [the difference in the rank and order of the Apostles] has arisen a distinction between bishops also, and by an important ordinance it has been provided that every one should not claim everything for himself; but that there should be in each province one whose opinion should have priority among the brethren; and again, that certain whose appointment is in the greater cities should undertake fuller responsibility, through whom the care of the universal Church should converge toward Peter's one seat, and nothing anywhere should be separated from its head.”
184.
This probably refers to “the four long brothers.”
185.
The friendly treatment Nestorius had given the exiled Pelagians, when they came to Constantinople, had led the men of the West to connect Nestorianism with Pelagianism and to condemn the two as if there was some necessary connection between them.
186.
I.e., not mere appearance without reality, as in Docetism and Monophysitism.
187.
Hefele. loc. cit., interprets the phrase, invicem sunt as a mutual interpenetration.
188.
In explanation of this Leo adds further on: To be hungry and thirsty, to be weary and to sleep, is clearly human; but to satisfy five thousand men with five loaves, and to bestow on the woman of Samaria living water … is, without doubt, divine.… It is not the part of the same nature to be moved to pity for a dead friend, and when the stone that closed that four days' grave was removed, to raise that same friend to life with a voice of command.
189.
See PNF, ser. II. vol. XIV; To Nestorius, p. 197; To the Easterns, i.e., to John of Antioch (Cyril, Ep. 39), p. 251.
190.
See above, the Tome of Leo.
191.
It was charged against Eutyches that he taught that the Son brought His body with Him from heaven. This Eutyches denied.
192.
This is the position of Eutyches. Cyril of Alexandria also taught the same; cf. Loofs, Leitfaden zum Studium der Dogmengeschichte, 1906, § 37, 2.
193.
Cyril's phrase was “The one nature of the incarnate Logos”; cf. Ottley, The Doctrine of the Incarnation, 1896, II, 93.
194.
The text of this passage, the most important dogmatically, may be found in all the references given above.
195.
Against Eutyches, who denied this point, and also against Apollinaris, v. supra, § 88, a.
196.
The Nestorians were accused of dividing the person of Christ into two Sons.
197.
The present Greek text reads “of two natures,” but “in two natures” was the original reading. For the evidence, see Hefele, § 193 (Eng. trans., III, p. 348, note); see also Hahn, § 146, n. 34. “Of” appears to be an early forgery. On the other side, see Dorner, History of the Doctrine of the Person of Christ, Eng. trans., div. II, vol. I, p. 411; Baur, Dreieinigkeit, I, 820 f.
198.
Πρόσωπον and ὑπόστασις are here used as probably not distinguishable; see Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, pp. 275 ff.; Loofs in PRE, V, 637, I. 12.
199.
I.e., teaching as to these points in the form of a definition.
200.
It is to be noted that condemnation of Eutyches is not confirmed.
201.
This left the theological situation precisely as it was after the “Latrocinium Ephesinum” of 449.
202.
Matt. 16:18 f.
203.
The list is given in the early part of the epistle not here given: see Preuschen, loc. cit.
204.
The Twelve Anathematisms of Cyril against Nestorius.
205.
Sanctum frenum. Query: Does this refer to the tradition that Constantine made out of the nails of the cross a bit for his horse?
206.
Heb. 5:7, 8.
207.
Same word used as for ordination of clergy.
208.
Hellenic, and so throughout.
209.
By hierarch is to be understood in this connection the episcopal order, or the bishop.
210.
Cf. Epistula, VIII, 2. (MSG, 3:1092.) “Every order of the ecclesiastical hierarchy has relation to God and is more godlike than that which is further removed from God, and lighter and more illuminating in all that is nearer to the true light. Do not understand this nearness in a local sense: it has reference rather to the ability to receive God.”
211.
The highest order of all the consecrated orders is the holy order of monks.
212.
The Irish were known as Scots. The name Scotland was given to that country on account of invaders from North Ireland.
213.
I.e., not necessarily a pagan, but he did not love God, or was not yet “converted.”
214.
In the meanwhile he had escaped to France and lived there.
215.
Where Patrick had lived as a slave.
216.
This reference to Ninian is the most important there is; in fact, Bede is here the chief authority for the work of this missionary.
217.
Whitherne, Galloway.
218.
I.e., Irish tongue.
219.
Rules for computing Easter.
220.
It had been at Soissons after 486, and before that at Tournay.
221.
In 465, under the influence of the Visigoths, the Suevi, formerly Catholic, had embraced Arianism.
222.
“Let all the churches of Spain and Gallicia observe this rule, that at every time of offering of the sacrifice and before the communion of the body and blood of Christ, according to the custom of the Oriental parts, all should repeat together with a clear voice the most sacred symbol of the faith, that first the people may speak the faith which they hold, and they may bring hearts purified by faith to the reception of the body and blood of Christ. For so long as this constitution be perpetually observed in the Church of God, the entire belief of the faithful will be confirmed, and the false faith of the infidels be confuted, in order that one may be very easily inclined to believe what one hears very often repeated, neither shall any one excuse himself from all blame by pleading ignorance of the faith, when he knows from the mouth of all what the Catholic Church holds and believes.” (From the Speech of Reccared, cf. Mansi, loc. cit.)
223.
Here, as very often, the bishops attending a council are spoken of as priests. The term “priest” had not become identified with “presbyter.” The bishop was a sacerdos or priest. The presbyter was also a sacerdos.
224.
This testimonial, or certificate of election, was to be presented to the king that he might give his assent; cf. § 94.
225.
The kings appear to have attempted to appoint bishops without canonical election. This was never recognized by the Church as lawful on the part of the king and was always opposed. See next selection from Gregory of Tours.
226.
Testimonial of election.
227.
I.e., Clermont-Ferrand.
228.
See Greg. Tour., III. 19. Cf. DCB, art. “Gregorius (29).” He was bishop of Langres.
229.
St. Martin of Tours, the patron saint of the church of Tours.
230.
Eufronius was the predecessor of Gregory of Tours, the author of this passage.
231.
At one time metropolis of Novempopulania; when it was destroyed in the ninth century, the dignity passed to Auch, where it remained.
232.
Bishop of Bourdeaux.
233.
At Maçon.
234.
The formal certificate of election.
235.
Guntrum.
236.
Bishop Bertchramnus's.
237.
I.e., if he be one of the court chaplains.
238.
Sigibert appears to have been born 629.
239.
Rather the thirtieth according to some MSS., which seems to be more in accord with what has gone before.
240.
Luxeuil.
241.
Fontenay or Fontaines.
242.
Near Autun.
243.
What is now Switzerland was then regarded as a part of Germany, Allemania.
244.
This has not been preserved. But Bobbio, subsequently founded, became a stronghold of the Catholic faith against Arianism.
245.
Bobbio, twenty-five miles southwest from Piacenza.
246.
Evagrius, Hist. Ec., VI. 7.
247.
I.e., to be the apocrisiarius at the court of the Emperor.
248.
See Gieseler, KG, Eng. trans. I, p. 396, n. 72.
249.
Theodelinda held to the schismatic party in Northern Italy. Gregory is careful to touch this point very delicately, and not to allow it to become such a point of contention as might disturb favorable political relations.
250.
Gregory is not correct here. In the eighth, ninth, and tenth sessions of the Council of Chalcedon, the cases of Theodoret and Ibas were examined, they were heard in their own defence and were acquitted or excused without censure. See Hefele, §§ 195, 196. The case of Theodore of Mopsuestia, however, did not come before the Council of Chalcedon, because he was dead. v. supra, § 93, the Constitutum of Vigilius.
251.
I.e., in communion with the Roman see.
252.
Boniface III, 606-607.
253.
Boniface IV, 607-615.
254.
He was not a professed Catholic. It probably means either that he held fast to his political alliance with Rome, or that he was determined to favor the Catholic faith professed by his spouse.
255.
There are several letters written by Gregory to Romanus available in translation, see above.
256.
Augustine had been consecrated in Gaul. His successors in the see of London were to be consecrated by the suffragans of that archiepiscopal see.
257.
Bishop of Lindisfarne, 652-662.
258.
In 645, 647, 648, 651. It would occur again in 665.
259.
Bishop of the West Saxons, temporarily in Northumbria.
260.
Coming from Rome under the circumstances in which he was sent, this book of the canons can be no other than the collection of Dionysius Exiguus.
261.
See below, § 105.
262.
Cf. Bede, Epistula ad Egberium Episcopum; Plummer, op. cit., I. 412 f.
263.
The Monothelete doctrine, which appeared to be a form of Eutychianism because of its close connection with Monophysitism. v. infra, § 108.
264.
A. D. 649, Against the Monotheletes, see Hefele, § 307; v. infra. § 108; see Hahn, § 181, for the Anathematism of the Council; Haddan and Stubbs, op. cit., III. 145-151.
265.
Constans II, also known as Constantine IV; see DCB.
266.
Matitutinarum vel vespertinarum missarum. The term “mass” is here applied, not to the eucharist, but to Matins and Vespers. See Hefele, § 222, on this canon.
267.
Cf. canon 4, Council of Clermont, A. D. 535 (Bruns, II, 188): “The clergy are not in any way to be set against their bishops by the secular potentates.”
268.
The employment of the technical term purgatorium to designate the place and fires of purification is very much later, and not defined until the thirteenth century as the official and technical word, although used long before that time in theological discussion.
269.
Member of household, a servant.
270.
In case of assault and battery.
271.
The preceding rules are clearly matter of moral direction, and indicate the transition from general advice to a scale of sins and punishments, such as follows.
272.
I.e., in a monastery.
273.
Another reading, 4.
274.
For the rule of Columbanus, see MSL, 80:209 ff.
275.
This with the two preceding are the three vows of the Benedictine monk.
276.
Lacuna in text.
277.
The conclusion of the mass.
278.
V. supra, § 100.
279.
Further on, Bede mentions Putta, bishop of Rochester, who was “extraordinarily skilful in the Roman style of church music, which he had learned from the pupils of the holy pope Gregory.”
280.
Monasticism had already begun to decline as the monasteries increased in wealth and numbers. The decline continued into the next century, when the Church was at its worst condition about the beginning of the reign of Alfred. The revival of monasticism was not until the tenth century as a result of the Cluny Reform.
281.
See Arabic Gospel of the Infancy, c. 46; ANF, viii, 415.
282.
Probably banana is meant.
283.
I.e., the celestial damsels.
284.
An intensely bitter tree.
285.
Charles Martel.
286.
A. D. 732, Battle of Tours and Poitiers.
287.
The shrine of later construction may still be seen in the Cathedral of Pavia. It is not improbable that the genuine relics of St. Augustine are here.
288.
Note that this is not “the one nature of the Word of God become flesh,” the formula most commonly employed by Cyril, and to be distinguished from this, though Cyril sometimes appears to use the two contrary to his own distinction.
289.
The phrase of Dionysius was not “one theandric energy” but “a new theandric energy.”
290.
I.e., the incarnation, term so used constantly in Greek theology.
291.
The Ecthesis.
292.
From here text in Denziger.
293.
Latin reads: our Lord Jesus Christ.
294.
For this council, see Hefele, § 314.
295.
From here the text may be found also in Hahn, § 150.
296.
Prosopon, and so throughout.
297.
Hypostasis, and so throughout.
298.
Latin: God the Word.
299.
The preceding is but a recapitulation of Chalcedon; see above, § 90.
300.
I.e., Gregory Nazianzus.
301.
Leo, Ep. ad Flavianum, ch. 4: Agit enim utraque forma cum alterius communione quod proprium est, Verbo scilicet operante quod Verbi est, et carne exsequente quod carnis est; unum horum coruscat miraculis, aliud succumbit iniuriis; v. supra, § 90, b.
302.
Greek: economic life.
303.
Latin adds: indivisibly and unconfusedly.
304.
Here, as elsewhere, “natural will” means such a will as belongs to a nature, divine or human.
305.
The Emperor to whom the report is made.
306.
The most important parts of this are to be found in Hahn, § 235.
307.
Decretal letters.
308.
I.e., Gregory Nazianzus.
309.
Probably that of 256.
310.
I.e., Saturdays.
311.
See canon 69 of the Apostolic Canons, which prescribed fasting on the Saturday before Easter, or the Preparation.
312.
John the Baptist.
313.
The Edict says seventy-sixth year.
314.
In the duchy of Spoleto.
315.
I.e., a picture, and not a statue, for these had been forbidden long since.
316.
Rimini, Pesaro, Fano, Sinigaglia, and Ancona.
317.
Duces can hardly mean dukes here.
318.
Governor of Naples under the Emperor.
319.
These names are not all to be identified. Auximanum, however, is Osimo, south of Ancona; Ferronianus is Fregnano, near Modena; Montebelli or Monte Veglio is west of Bologna; Persiceta is also near Bologna, which Paulus Diaconus says was taken by the Lombards, op. cit., VI, 49.
320.
From Sept. 1, A. D. 727, to Sept. 1, A. D. 728.
321.
One hundred and forty, according to another reading.
322.
Aurifer, or, according to another reading, Lucifer.
323.
Both duchies were nominally under the king of the Lombards, but it is very probable that they were attempting to free themselves from his rule.
324.
The Campus Neronis was outside the walls of Rome, as they then extended and adjoined the Vatican.
325.
Barberino, fifteen miles east of Civita Vecchia.
326.
This was his real name.
327.
See introduction to this extract.
328.
See next selection.
329.
I.e., in pictures.
330.
John had a strong argument here as the Iconoclasts reverenced the true cross.
331.
θεομήτως, not θεοτόκος.
332.
Cf. Basil, De Spiritu, ch. 27; v. supra, § 87, for Basil on the force of tradition.
333.
The creed of Nicæa is not here recited, only the so-called creed of Constantinople, but without the filioque in the Greek.
334.
Pneumatomachians.
335.
I.e., monks.