IX THE FIFTH FATIMID KHALIF, AL-ʿAZIZ

(A.H. 365-386 = A.D. 975-996)

Al-Moʿizz was succeeded by his son Nizar, who took the name al-Imam Nizar Abu Mansur al-ʿAziz bi-llah, and so is generally known as al-ʿAziz. Although his father’s death took place in the early part of 365, it was concealed for some time until it seemed that the succession was secure, and the formal proclamation was deferred until the Feast of Sacrifice on Thursday, the 4th of Rabiʿ II. 365. The traditional picture of al-ʿAziz represents him as humane, generous, a fearless hunter, and a successful general. Like his father he had a strong taste for building, and erected a great mosque in Kahira, generally known as the Mosque of al-Hakim, as it was finished by his son Hakim, near the Bab al-Futuh: besides this he built the “Palace of gold” facing his father’s palace across the great square in the midst of Kahira, also a mosque in the cemetery of al-Karafa, and a palace at ʿAyn Shams (Ibn Khall. iii. 525). These can hardly be called public buildings in the true sense as they were all connected with the royal court, and as such were within the precincts of the “guarded city” and inaccessible to the public generally. In person al-ʿAziz was tall, broad shouldered, with reddish hair, and eyes large and of a dark blue colour: in Arab opinion there is something sinister in such hair and eyes. He was not only fond of sport, but had also a marked taste for literature, and was particularly adept at composing epigrams. According to Ibn Khallikan, who, as a partisan of the ʿAbbasids, delights in reporting anecdotes to the detriment of the Fatimid Khalifs, he once addressed a derisive and sarcastic letter to al-Hakim, the Umayyad of Spain, who replied, “You satirize us because you have heard of us; had we ever heard of you we should reply” (Ibn Khall. iii. 525).

The Fatimid Khalifs were not able to maintain their somewhat dubious pedigree above the reach of criticism. In Egypt there were many undoubted descendants of ʿAli, and some of these, as well as other people, were strongly inclined to resent the Khalifs’ pretensions. No serious credence can be given to the story that al-Moʿizz was examined on this subject at his first entry into Egypt, and simply displayed his sword as his title to the throne (cf. 49, above), but no doubt many criticisms were passed in private. One day, when al-ʿAziz ascended the pulpit in the Old Mosque he found before him a paper on which was written: “We have heard a doubtful genealogy proclaimed from the pulpit of the mosque: if what you say be true, name your ancestors to the fifth degree. If you wish to prove your assertion, give us your genealogy, one that is as certain as that of at-Taʿi. If not, leave your pedigree in the shade and enter with us in the great family which includes all mankind. The most ambitious vainly strive to have a genealogy like that of the sons of Hashim” (Ibn Khall. iii. 525). The “sons of Hashim” means the ʿAbbasids, of whom at-Taʿi was then the reigning Khalif. The incident seems probable enough as the Egyptians generally were not at all in sympathy with Shiʿite claims; it seems, however, that there was a growing feeling even amongst Fatimid supporters that the Khalif would do well to discard the Shiʿite religious theories which were now of no assistance to the dynasty, and that he would do better if he posed frankly as a secular ruler. Probably this feeling had commenced to form soon after the execution of Abu ʿAbdullah in the time of the first Fatimid: we shall see it gathering force under the son of al-ʿAziz, and finally deciding the Fatimids to cast aside all the quasi religious and mystical pretensions which had been adopted at the formation of the sect by ʿAbdullah, the son of Maymun.

Like his father, al-ʿAziz was favourably disposed towards the Copts and other Christians, but in his case a pro Christian attitude was emphasized by the fact that he had a Christian wife whose two brothers were, by the Khalif’s influence, appointed Malkite patriarchs,—that is to say, patriarchs of the church in communion with the orthodox Greek Church as distinguished from the Jacobite body to which the Copts belonged,—the one at Alexandria, the other in Jerusalem. The Khalif’s favour was extended to the Coptic Church as well as to the Malkite body to which his wife belonged, and permission was given to the Coptic patriarch Efraim to rebuild the ruinous church of Abu s-Seyfeyn in Fustat. Al-ʿAziz exceeded his predecessors in the ostentatious display of wealth, introducing new fashions of Persian origin, such as turbans of cloth of gold, gold inlain armour, and other splendours which were copied by the courtiers and nobles. At one time he spent a sum nearly equivalent to £12,000 on a magnificent silk curtain from Persia.

Al-Moʿizz had left his successor a difficult problem in Syria. From the first Syria was the hardest burden which the Fatimids had to assume by their entry into the heritage of Egypt, and it is worth remembering that, of the three pieces of advice which Ibn Killis gave to the Khalif as the great wazir was on his death bed, the two first were, try to keep peace with the Greeks, and “be content if the Hamdanids of Aleppo mention your name in the Friday prayer and put it on their coinage.” The ambition to control Syria has always been the fatal temptation of the sovereigns of Egypt, in the days of the ancient Pharaohs as at every period of subsequent history, and the great minister was undoubtedly wise in advising the Khalif not to seek more than a formal recognition of suzerainty. At this moment, however, it was no matter of choice. The Qarmatians had threatened the gates of Cairo, and were now in alliance with Haftakin, who had ejected the Fatimid governor from Damascus: it seemed that the prestige, and perhaps the existence of the Fatimids, depended on their dealing with Haftakin.

Al-ʿAziz entrusted the problem of Syria to the general Jawhar who was put at the head of a large army. The news of his approach found the Qarmatians at Ramla, and Haftakin encamped before Acca. The Qarmatians fell into panic when they heard of Jawhar’s coming, fled from Ramla and allowed him to take possession of the town. Some of the Qarmatians retired to their own territory of al-ʾAhsa in the Bahrayn, whilst others dispersed in all directions. Haftakin heard of this and saw himself deprived of his allies, and so retired to Tiberias where he rallied round him some of the scattered Qarmatians and then, helped by his own Turkish levies, prepared to give battle to Jawhar. First he raised supplies from the Hauran and from Bathniyya, one of the districts near Damascus and then, having provisioned the city for a siege, determined to wait the Egyptian general there. Towards the end of the month of Dhu l-Kaada Jawhar arrived and pitched camp before Damascus, surrounding his camp with a deep trench and making regular openings for his men to pass in and out. Haftakin entrusted one Qassam Sharrab a leader of the local irregular force which had evidently been revived in the city, with the task of arranging sorties and attacks on Jawhar’s camp, and these went on until the 11th of Rabiʿ II. of 366, when the local captain became disheartened as these sorties did not produce any favourable results, and Haftakin himself was beginning to consider the expediency of attempting to escape from the city. Before abandoning Damascus, however, he made every effort to obtain assistance, and at last was cheered by the news that the Qarmatian Hasan b. Ahmad was marching to his relief. When Jawhar heard this he thought it prudent to propose terms to Haftakin, the more so because his own supplies were running short and, to Haftakin’s great delight, proposed to retire if he would refrain from pursuit. As this offer was at once assented to, Jawhar withdrew on the 3rd of Jumada I. and went to Tiberias. As soon as the Qarmatians heard of this they followed to Tiberias, but found that Jawhar had passed on to Ramla. They pursued as fast as they could, and a small engagement took place. The Qarmatian leader Hasan b. Ahmad died at Ramla, and the office of kabir passed to his cousin Jaʿfar, the army being under the command of Yusuf, the last survivor of the six sons of Abu Saʿid (Abu l-Feda: Ann. Moslem, ii. 535). After this it became the custom for the Qarmatians to put their forces under the control of six saʿids, who formed a kind of elective military council. Very soon after Hasan’s death they quarrelled with Haftakin and deserted him. Although the retirement of the Qarmatians left Haftakin in a less favourable position he decided to give battle to Jawhar, with the result that he defeated him, and Jawhar was obliged to flee to Ascalon, leaving a vast booty in the victor’s hands (Maqrizi, ii. 9-10).

Elated by this success Haftakin advanced to besiege Ascalon, but the Khalif al-ʿAziz had heard of the late reverse and prepared to march to his general’s relief. The preparations in Egypt seem to have been delayed for some reason, and so Jawhar sent to Haftakin proposing terms of peace. It was agreed that Jawhar should pay a compensation to Haftakin and then both he and his men should be allowed to go away in peace, but should pass under Haftakin’s sword. This was agreed and Haftakin’s sword was suspended over one of the gates of Ascalon, and the Egyptian army moved out through this gate and marched homewards by the road through Ramla. On the way they met al-ʿAziz marching to their relief, and the two forces joined together and turned back upon Haftakin. He was at Tiberias when he heard of this meeting and at once set out, and before long came into contact with the Fatimite army, with the result that the Turks were put to flight after an engagement lasting only a few minutes. This took place on Thursday, seven days before the end of the month of Muharram 368. Haftakin’s body was sought amongst the many slain but was not found: later on he was brought in a prisoner by some Arabs who had taken him in flight. He was led before al-ʿAziz, who ordered him to be paraded through the troops, during which he had his beard pulled, and had to endure blows and insults of all sorts. The Fatimite then returned to Egypt carrying with it Haftakin and many other prisoners.

When the Khalif reached Cairo he treated Haftakin with every consideration, supplying him with garments and presents, and assigned him a residence. In after times Haftakin, admitted to the Fatimid court as an honoured guest, used to say: “I blush to mount my horse in the presence of our lord ʿAziz bi-llah, and dare not look at him because of the gifts and favours with which he overwhelms me.” When al-ʿAziz heard this he said to his uncle Haydara: “By God, my uncle. I love to see men covered with favours, shining with gold and silver and precious stones, and to think that all their fortune comes from me.” The Khalif heard that some people found fault with his conduct towards Haftakin, and ordered him to be escorted through the city in magnificent apparel, and on his return presented him with a large sum of money, a number of robes of state, and ordered the chief men of the court to show him hospitality. After the courtiers had feasted him the Khalif asked him how he approved of their banquets, and Haftakin replied that they were magnificent and that his hosts had loaded him with presents and compliments. It was the Khalif’s project to form a Turkish faction of military capacity which would counterpoise the weight of the Berber element which he regarded with some distrust. He put the Turks and Daylamites who were in Cairo as prisoners under Haftakin’s command, and thus formed a bodyguard which was independent of the Berbers, on whom he and his predecessors had hitherto relied. Haftakin enjoyed the Khalif’s favour until his death in 372. Al-ʿAziz suspected the wazir Ibn Killis of having caused him to be poisoned, as it was said that Haftakin had behaved scornfully towards him, and cast the wazir into prison, but after a short confinement the wazir was set at liberty as the Khalif found that he could not dispense with his services.

Ibn Killis served as wazir in all for fifteen years (d. 368), and it was largely due to him that the country enjoyed internal peace and that the public revenue was largely increased. For the next two years the wazir was the Christian ʿIsa b. Nestorius, who was supported by harim influence. In fact the only efficient administrators were to be found amongst the non-Muslims and renegades: the Turks and Berbers were all right as fighting men, but could never learn to act efficiently as civil servants. But these appointments were not popular, and evidences of resentment appear from time to time. When, towards the end of the reign, preparations were being made against the Greeks, and a fleet of 600 ships lay ready at Maqs to support the army in an expedition to Syria, eleven of these ships were set on fire, and popular feeling ascribed this disaster to the Greek inhabitants living in the neighbourhood, with the result that there was a riot in which many Greeks were murdered and their houses pillaged. It is not fair, however, to represent this as an anti-Christian movement, although no doubt most of those who suffered were Christians. The riot was soon put down, for al-ʿAziz brought out his bodyguard of Turks and Berbers, and within six months the energy of Ibn Nestorius produced six new vessels of the newest type.

Al-ʿAziz shared the besetting weakness of all the Fatimids in his uncontrolled love of ostentatious display. In his case this not only took the form of magnificent dresses and lavish generosity, but he showed a marked passion for rarities of every sort. At his table there were the most curious and foreign dainties, strange animals were imported to grace his public processions, and robes of costly and hitherto unknown materials were procured from the most distant lands. At the same time al-ʿAziz was an expert in precious stones and articles of vertu, and formed a collection of such things in his palace. On the other hand he was a strict reformer in matters of finance, putting down the taking of bribes and presents with severity, and introducing the custom of paying every official and household servant a fixed salary.

Syria still remained subject to Fatimid rule, but was held only by force of arms. In 368 al-ʿAziz judged it expedient to visit the country where hostile movements were taking place on the part both of the Turks and of the Greeks. At the beginning of the journey, however, he was taken ill at Bilbays. For some time he lay in a dubious state, then rallied, and then became worse again. On Sunday, the 23rd of Ramadan, he rode to the bath, and thence to the lodgings of Barjawan his treasurer with whom he stayed, but next morning was very seriously worse. The complaint was stone with pains in the bowels. On the following Tuesday he felt that his end was near and sent for the Qadi Muhammad b. an-Numan, and the general Abu Muhammad al-Hasan Ibn ʿAmmar, to whom he commended the care of his son, then only eleven years old. After this he sent for his son, al-Hakim, and of that interview al-Musabbihi said: “In a conversation I had with al-Hakim, we happened to speak of the death of al-ʿAziz, on which he said to me: ‘O Mukhtar, my father sent for me before he breathed his last, and I found him with nothing on his body but rags and bandages.’ I kissed him, and he pressed me to his bosom, exclaiming: ‘How I grieve for thee, beloved of my heart,’ and tears flowed from his eyes. He then said: ‘Go, my master, and play, for I am very well.’ I obeyed and began to amuse myself with sports such as are usual with boys, and soon after God took him to himself. Barjawan then hastened to me, and seeing me on the top of a sycamore tree, exclaimed: ‘Come down, my boy; may God protect you and us all.’ When I descended he placed on my head the turban adorned with jewels, kissed the ground before me, and said: ‘Hail to the Commander of the faithful, with the mercy of God and his blessing.’ He then led me out in that attire and showed me to all the people, who kissed the ground before me and saluted me with the title of Khalif” (Ibn Khali, iii. 529).

Al-Musabbihi says that after this interview with his son he became worse. For some time he remained in his bath, and then as he left it, suddenly expired. The historian of Kairawan says that the physician prescribed a potion which was wrongly made up and that this was the cause of his death.