[Illustration: Scene during the Russo-Japanese War: Russian soldiers on the march in Manchuria.]

There was dismay and grief at St. Petersburg. The Tsar, realizing that he had been misled regarding the chances of peace and also the military strength of the foe, recalled Admiral Alexieff from Port Arthur. Admiral Makaroff, Russia's military hero and ablest commander, succeeded him. Just as his invigorating influence was being felt in awakened energy and courage, there came another disaster more terrible than the first. The Petropavlovsk, flag-ship of the fleet, coming in contact with a submarine mine or boat, was torn to pieces and sank in two minutes, with all on board, including Admiral Makaroff and his entire staff of seventeen officers.

Still benumbed by these crushing blows, the Russians were bewildered by the electrical swiftness with which the campaign developed, moving on lines almost identical with those in the war with China, ten years before. A miracle of discipline and minute perfection in method and detail, the Mikado's army of little men first secured control in Korea, then the command of the sea. Then one army division crossed the Yalu with three converging lines, moving toward Mukden, pressing a retreating army before them. Then, still moving in the grooves of the last war, there was a landing of troops at Pitsewo, threatening Dalny and Port Arthur, the latter already isolated, with railroad and telegraphic lines cut. Seeing the capture of Dalny was imminent, without a pause the Russians mined the harbor, docks and defences which had cost millions of dollars, and the city created by fiat was by fiat doomed to destruction.

Behind this life and death struggle with a foreign foe, another struggle nearer home was being profoundly affected by these unexpected calamities. An unpopular war cannot afford to be an unsuccessful one. This clash with Japan was distinctly the outcome of bureaucratic ambitions and policy. It had not one single issue in which the people who were fighting its battles and bearing its burdens were even remotely interested. And then again—a despotism must not show signs of weakness. Its power lies in the fiction of its invincibility. Liberals and Progressives of all shades, wise and not wise, saw their opportunity. Finns and Poles grew bolder. The air was thick with threats and demands and rumors of revolt.

At this critical moment M. Von Plehve, the leader of the party of reaction, the very incarnation of the spirit of old Russia, of Pobiedonostseff and the Holy Synod, was in power.

In 1903 there had occurred a shocking massacre of Jews at Kishineff. This culmination of a prolonged anti-Semitic agitation was quickly followed by an imperial edict, promising, among other reforms, religious liberty for all. With M. de Witte, the leader of the progressive party, to administer this new policy, a better day seemed to be dawning. But under the benumbing pressure of autocratic influences, and with his characteristic infirmity of purpose, the Tsar almost immediately removed M. de Witte, replacing him with M. Von Plehve, in whose hands the reforming edict became practically inoperative, and in fact all reforms impossible.

On June 15, 1904, General Bobrikov, the recently appointed Russian Governor of Finland, was assassinated by the son of a Finnish Senator within the walls of the Senate. Quickly following this, July 28th, M. Von Plehve was killed on the streets of St. Petersburg by the explosion of a dynamite bomb. The Tsar, recognized the meaning of these events, and quickly appointed Prince Mirski, known by his liberal tendencies, to Von Plehve's place in the Ministry of the Interior. One of the first acts of the new minister was the authorizing of a meeting of all the Presidents of the Zemstvos for consultation over national conditions. When it is recalled that the Zemstvo is a Peasants' Court, that it is a representative assembly of the humblest class in the Empire, and a gift which accompanied emancipation bestowed for their own protection—when this is remembered, we realize the full significance of this act of M. Von Plehve's successor. This first conference of the heads of the Zemstvos, which met at Moscow, Nov., 1904, by permission of Prince Mirski, contained the germ of a representative government. It was an acknowledgment of a principle hitherto denied; a recognition never before made of the right of the people to come together for the purpose of discussing measures of governmental policy.

In the meantime the Japanese, irresistible as fate, were breaking down one after another of the supposed impregnable defences about Port Arthur; climbing over hills of their own dead, fathers, sons, and brothers, in order to do it. Within the beleaguered fort the supply of ammunition was running low, only one-quarter of the defenders were left, and disease was slaying and incapacitating these. Nearer and nearer came the rain of fire. In vain they listened for the booming of Kuropatkin's guns sweeping down from the north. In vain they watched for the smoke of the long-promised Baltic fleet approaching from the south. No rescue came. On the last night of the year, after consultation with his officers, General Stoessel signed the conditions of capitulation to General Nogi. The key to the Russian power in the East was lost. When the new year dawned the Japanese flag floated from the Citadel on the Golden Hill, and the greatest siege of modern times was ended.

On Jan. 1, 1905, General Stoessel wrote to his Imperial Master: "Great Sovereign, pardon us! We have done everything humanly possible. Judge us, but be merciful!" He then goes on to state the conditions which would make further resistance a wanton sacrifice of the lives of those remaining in the garrison.

St. Petersburg was stunned by the receipt of this intelligence; and every day added to its dismay: Oyama, leaving the captured fortress behind him, sweeping the Russians back from Mukden; Kuropatkin sending despairing messages to the Tsar, who, bewildered and trembling before his own subjects at home, was still vibrating between the two widely opposing influences—the spirit of the old despotism, and that of a new age which clamored to be admitted.

Rescript followed quickly upon rescript; one sounding as if written by de Witte, the other as if dictated by Pobiedonostseff; while alarming rumors were coming hourly from Moscow, Finland, Poland, the Crimea, the Caucasus; and the great fabric before which the world had trembled seemed threatened at every vital point.

In the midst of these colossal disasters stood a young man not fashioned for great events—from whom the world and the situation demand a statesmanship as able as Bismarck's, a political ideal as exalted as Washington's, a prompt and judicious dealing with an unprecedented crisis worthy of Peter the Great. And not finding this ample endowment, we call him a weakling. It is difficult for the Anglo-Saxon, fed and nourished for a thousand years upon the principles of political freedom and their application, to realize the strain to which a youth of average ability is subjected when he is called upon to cast aside all the things he has been taught to reverence,—to abandon the ideals he holds most sacred,—to violate all the traditions of his ancestors,—to act in direct opposition to the counsel of his natural advisers; and to do all these things at the dictation of men he has been taught not only to distrust, but to hold in contempt.

Chief among his counsellors is the Procurator Pobiedonostseff, head of the "Holy Synod,"—that evil genius of two reigns, who reminds him of the sacredness of his trust, and his duty to leave his divine heritage to his son unimpaired by impious reforms. Next to him stands Muravieff, the wise and powerful Minister of Justice, creator of modern Siberia, and member of the Court of Arbitration at The Hague, who speaks with authority when he tells him he has not the right to change a political system created by his predecessors; and still nearer than these are the Grand Dukes, a phalanx of uncles and imperial relatives surrounding him with a petrified wall of ancient prejudices. Confronting these imposing representatives of imperial and historic Russia are a few more or less discredited men, like M. de Witte and Prince Mirski, counselling and warning with a freedom which would once have sent them to Siberia, and with a power to which the bewildered Nicholas cannot be indifferent, and to which, perhaps, he would gladly yield were it not for the dominating sentiment about him. Many a man who could face a rain of bullets without a tremor, would quail and turn coward if subjected to the same test before such a cumulative force of opinion.

But this is not a crisis to be settled in the Council-Chamber, nor to be decided by convincing arguments, but by the march of events. And events were not slow in coming.

The assassination of the Grand Duke Sergius, uncle of the Tsar, and the most extreme of the reactionaries at Moscow, of which he was governor, was the most powerful argument yet presented for a change of direction in the Government; and others were near at hand.

The derangement of industrial conditions induced by the war pressed heavily upon the wage-earners; and the agitation upon the surface, the threatened explosions here and there, were only an indication of the misery existing in the deeps below. At all industrial centres there were strikes accompanied by the violence which invariably attends them.

On the morning of Sunday, Jan. 22d, an orderly concourse of workmen, in conformity with a plan already announced, were on their way to the Winter-Palace bearing a petition to the "Little Father," who, if he only knew their wrongs, would see that justice was done them. So they were going to tell him in person of their grievances. The letter of the preceding day ran thus:

"Sovereign. We fear the ministers have not told you the whole truth. Your children, trusting in you, have resolved to come to the Winter Palace tomorrow at 2 P. M. to tell you of their needs. Appear before us and receive our address of devotion."

Had these 8,000 or 10,000 men been marching to the Winter-Palace with rifles in their hands, or with weapons of any sort indicating a violent purpose, there might have been cause for alarm. But absolutely unarmed, even for their own defence, led by an orthodox priest carrying an icon, these humble petitioners were met by a volley of rapid fire from repeating rifles, were cut down by sabres and trampled by cavalry, until "policing" had become an indiscriminate massacre of innocent people upon the streets, regardless of age or sex. Before midnight the Tsar was miles away at his Palace Tsarskoe-Selo; and there was a new cry heard in St. Petersburg, a cry unfamiliar to Russian ears,—"Down with the Tsar!" Those blood-stains in Nevski Prospect will be long in effacing!

The long-looked-for Baltic fleet, commanded by Admiral Rojestvenski, was detained at the outset of its voyage by an untoward incident, having fired into a fleet of British fishermen, which was mistaken for the enemy in disguise. After being acquitted by a court of inquiry, the Admiral proceeded, his objective point now being changed from Port Arthur to Vladivostock, the next most critical point.

On May 27-28th there occurred one of the most disastrous naval engagements in the annals of war, in the Korean Straits, near Tsushima, where Admiral Togo with sure instinct of the course which would be taken, was lying in wait under the cover of darkness and fog.

Nineteen Russian vessels were destroyed, the Japanese ships sustaining almost no injury. All that remained of the Russian fleet was surrendered to Admiral Togo, and Rojestvenski, desperately wounded, and all of his surviving officers, were prisoners of war in Tokio.

With this climax of Russian disaster the end had come. Although Russia still doggedly refused to acknowledge defeat, and made feint of preparation for reënforcements and future triumphs, the world saw that there must be peace; and that the only existing obstacle was the determination of a proud nation not to be placed in a humiliating position.

The absolute neutrality of the United States enabled President Roosevelt to intervene at this critical moment as no European sovereign could have done. His proposal that there should be a meeting of envoys for the discussion of some peaceable adjustment of their differences was promptly accepted by both nations, and with the hostile armies still facing each other in Manchuria, arrangements were made for the Peace Conference to be held in the United States in August.

The envoys selected for this mission were M. de Witte and Baron Rosen, Ambassador to the United States from Russia, on the one hand, and Baron Komura, Minister of Foreign Affairs in Japan, and Kogaro Takahira, Minister at Washington from that country, on the other. If the appointment of M. de Witte had awakened expectation of a presentation of the Russian cause from the view-point of a progressive leader, the mistake was quickly discovered. M. de Witte, performing a duty intrusted to him by his Imperial master, was quite a different person from de Witte, the exponent of liberal ideas, pleading the cause of an oppressed people before the Tsar; and an adamantine side of his character, quite unexpected, was revealed. The fencing between the two skilled diplomats, de Witte and Komura, afforded a fascinating study in racial methods and characteristics at a high point of development; the impression left being that the intense sincerity of purpose in the Japanese, and the lack of it in the other, was the main point of difference. The Russian argument throughout was upon a perfectly insincere basis. The Russian envoy never once recognized that he represented a defeated nation, steadily maintaining the attitude of a generous foe willing to stop fighting to prevent the shedding of more blood. In striking contrast to this was Baron Komura's calm presentation of his twelve peace proposals, and the sad sincerity with which he tenaciously maintained their justification by the results of the war.

Eight of these proposals, of minor importance, were accepted, while the four of real significance were at once rejected by M. de Witte. These were: the cession of the Island of Saghalien, already partly occupied by the Japanese troops; the interning of all Russian ships lying in Japanese waters; an indemnity of $600,000,000 to reimburse Japan for the cost of the war, and a limitation of the naval power of Russia.

Many times negotiations were on the verge of breaking; at the last of these crises, when the hope of an agreement was actually abandoned and preparations were making for departure, it is said, strong pressure was brought to bear upon Japan by President Roosevelt which led to a modification of the terms—a modification so excessive that deep resentment existed in Tokio, and a satisfaction correspondingly great was experienced in St. Petersburg. Japan withdrew her demands for indemnity and for acquisition of territory in the following way: she saved her adversary from the humiliation of reimbursing her for the cost of the war by offering to sell to Russia the northern half of the island in dispute,—Saghalien,—for two-thirds of the sum she had demanded under the name of indemnity.

The Russo-Japanese treaty of peace, signed at Portsmouth in August, 1905, registers the concession of all the vital points in the demands of the conquering nation. The popular saying, "to the victor belong the spoils," does not hold good in Japan! Twice has she seen the fruits of her splendidly won victories snatched from her by the same hand; and twice has she looked with far-seeing eyes into the future, and quietly submitted. Perhaps she realizes that a time may come when Russia's friendship will be more valuable to her than Saghalien!

The war was over. The march of armies had ceased; but the march of events, accelerated by the great upheaval, moved irresistibly on. Realizing that something must be done to pacify the people, a new and more liberal policy was announced, with de Witte, now Prime Minister, in charge. Russia was to have a National Assembly, a law-making body in which every class would have representation.

This Russian Parliament was to be composed of two bodies: an Upper and a Lower House. The one to be called the "Council of the Empire," the other the "Duma." These were to be convoked and prorogued annually by Imperial Ukase. The President, Vice-President, and one-half the members of the Council of the Empire (consisting of 178 members) were to be appointed by the Tsar; twenty-four more to be elected by the nobility and clergy, a very small number by some designated universities and commercial bodies; each Zemstvo (of which there are fifty-one) being entitled to one representative. The members composing the Duma, or Lower House, were to be elected by the Electoral Colleges, which had in turn been created by the votes of the people in the various provinces of the Empire for that purpose.

The two bodies were to have equal rights in initiating legislation. But a bill must pass both Houses and then receive Imperial Sanction in order to become a law; and failing in this, cannot come up again during the same session. Thus hedged about and thus constituted, it is obvious that a conservative majority was permanently secured and ways provided to block any anti-imperial or revolutionary legislation in the Duma. And when it is added that matters concerning finance and treasonable offences were almost entirely in the hands of the Council, we realize how this gift of political representation to the Russian people had been shorn of its dangers!

The first National Assembly was opened by the Tsar May 10, 1906, with the form and splendor of a court ceremonial. It was a strange spectacle, that solid body of 100 peasants seated on the left of the throne, intently listening to the brief and guarded speech of welcome to the "representatives of the nation, who had come to aid him in making laws for their welfare!" And the first jarring note came when not one of these men joined in the applause which followed.

The first Duma was composed of 450 members. The world was watching this experiment, curious to find out what sort of beings have been dumbly supporting the weight of the Russian Empire. Almost the first act was a surprise. Instead of explosive utterances and intemperate demands, the Duma formally declared Russia to be a Constitutional Monarchy. No anarchistic extravagance could have been so disturbing to autocratic Russia as was this wise moderation, which at the very outset converted Constitutional Bureaucrats into Constitutional Democrats, thus immensely strengthening the people's party at the expense of the Conservatives. The leaders in the Duma knew precisely what they wanted, and how to present their demands with a clearness, a power, and a calm determination for which Russia,—and indeed that greater audience, the world at large,—was quite unprepared. That this seriously alarmed the Imperial party was proved by an immediate strengthening of the defences about the throne by means of a change in what is called the Fundamental Laws. These Fundamental Laws afford a rigid framework, an immovable foundation for the authority of the Emperor and his Cabinet Ministers.

Repairs in the Constitution of the United States have been usually in the direction of increased liberties for the people. The Tsar, on the contrary, aided by his Cabinet and high Government officials, drafted a new edition of the Fundamental Laws suited to a new danger.

The changes made were all designed to build up new defences around the throne, and to intrench more firmly every threatened prerogative. The Tsar was deliberately ranging himself with the bureaucratic party instead of the party of his people; and the hot indignation which followed found expression in bitter and powerful arraignment of the Government, even to the extent of demanding the resignation of the Ministry. What was at first a rift, was becoming an impassable chasm.

If Count Witte had disappointed the Liberals by his lukewarmness and by what they considered an espousal of the conservative cause, he was even less acceptable to the Bureaucrats, to whom he had from the first been an object of aversion—an aversion not abated by his masterly diplomacy at Portsmouth, for which he received only a grudging acknowledgment. Whatever may be the verdict of the future, with its better historic perspective, whether justly or unjustly, Count Witte had lost his hold upon the situation; and the statesman who had been the one heroic figure in Russia was no longer the man of the hour. At all events, his resignation of the head of the Ministry during this obnoxious attempt to nullify the gift of popular representation was significant; and the name of de Witte is not associated with this grave mistake made by the master he has tried to serve.

The reforms insistently demanded by the Duma were as follows:—The responsibility of the Ministry to that body, as the representative of the people; the distribution to the working peasants of the lands held by the Crown and the clergy; a General Amnesty, with the release of all political prisoners; and the abolition of the death penalty.

This was virtually a sweeping demand for the surrender of the autocratic principle, the very principle the Fundamental Laws had just been revised to render more inviolable. The issue was now narrowed down within definite limits. It was a conflict for power, for administrative control, and it was a life-and-death struggle between the Tsar and his people.

Printed reports of the debates were sent broadcast, and for the first time since Russia came into being the peasantry saw things as they really were. They had always attributed their wrongs to the nobility, who, they believed, had cheated them out of their land and their rights under the Emancipation Act. But now it was not the nobility, not the hated Boyars who were cruelly refusing to give them land and liberty, but it was the Little Father, he whom they had always trusted and adored!

It is a critical moment when the last illusion drops from the eyes of a confiding people. The Duma at this moment was engaged in a task of supreme difficulty and responsibility. Millions of people hung upon its words and acts. A group of inexperienced but terribly determined men were facing an equally determined group of well-seasoned officials, veterans in the art of governing. Never was there greater need of calmness and wisdom, and at this very time a wild revolutionary faction was doing its utmost to inflame the passions of a peasantry already maddened with a sense of wrong and betrayal, who in gusts of destructive rage were burning, pillaging, and carrying terror into the remotest parts of the Empire.

Even while the Duma was demanding this larger measure of liberty and of authority over the Ministry, that body had already initiated and put in force new and more vigorous methods of suppression. Under M. Durnovo, Minister of the Interior, a law had been promulgated known as the Law of Reinforced Defense. Under the provisions of this law, high officials, or subordinates designated by them, were clothed with authority to arrest, imprison, and punish with exile or death, without warrant, without accusation, or any judicial procedure whatever.

On July 16, 1906, M. Makaroff, Assistant Secretary of the Interior, appeared personally before the Duma; and in answer to thirty-three interpellations concerning as many specific cases of imprisonment without resort to the courts, frankly replied: "Yes. We have held the persons named in prison for the time mentioned without warrant or accusation; and some of these, and many others, have been exiled to Siberia. But it is a precaution demanded by the situation and the circumstances; a precaution we are authorized to take by the Law of Reinforced Defense."

In October of last year (1905) the world was made glad by a manifesto issued by the Tsar containing these words: "In obedience to our inflexible will, we hereby make it the duty of our Government to give to our beloved people freedom of conscience, freedom of speech, freedom of public assembly, freedom of association, and real inviolability of personal rights." The Tsar had also, with the same solemnity, declared: "No law shall take effect without the sanction of the Duma, which is also to have participation in the control of the officials." Yet, Ministers and Governors General, or subordinates appointed by them, may at their own discretion imprison, exile, or kill in defiance of Imperial command, and find ample protection in the Law of Reinforced Defense!

The free handling of these governmental methods in the Duma, and the immediate world-wide publicity given to these revelations, if allowed to continue, must inevitably destroy the cause of Russian Bureaucracy. There were but two courses open to the Tsar. He must either surrender the autocratic principle, and in good faith carry out his pledges and share his authority with his people, or he must disperse a representative body which flagrantly defied his Imperial will. He chose the latter course.

Five days after the examination of M. Makaroff, on July 21, 1906, the first Russian Parliament was dissolved by Imperial ukase.

The reason assigned for this was that, "instead of applying themselves to the work of productive legislation, they have strayed into a sphere beyond their competence, and have been making comments on the imperfections of the Fundamental Laws, which can only be modified by our Imperial will."

The Tsar at the same time declared his immutable purpose to maintain the institution of Parliament, and named March 5, 1907, as the date of the convening of a new Duma.

A body of 186 Representatives, including the Constitutional and Conservative members of the Duma, immediately reassembled at Viborg in Finland, where, in the few hours before their forcible dispersion by a body of military, they prepared an address to "The Citizens of All Russia." This manifesto was a final word of warning, in which the people were reminded that for seven months, while on the brink of ruin, they are to stand without representation; also reminding them of all that may be done in that time to undermine their hopes, and to obtain a pliable and subservient Parliament, if, indeed, any Parliament at all be convoked at the time promised by the Tsar.

In view of all this they were solemnly abjured not to give "one kopek to the throne, or one soldier to the army," until there exists a popular representative Parliament.

The hand of autocracy is making a final and desperate grasp upon the prerogatives of the Crown. When the end will come, and how it will come, cannot be foretold. But it needs no prophetic power to see what that end will be. The days of autocracy in Russia are numbered. A century may be all too short for the gigantic task of habilitating a Russian people—making the heterogeneous homogeneous, and converting an undeveloped peasantry into a capable citizenship. The problem is unique, and one for which history affords no parallel. In no other modern nation have the life forces been so abnormal in their adjustment. And it is only because of the extraordinary quality of the Russian mind, because of its instinct for political power, and its genius for that instrument of power hitherto known as diplomacy—it is only because of these brilliant mental endowments that this chaotic mass of ethnic barbarism has been made to appear a fitting companion for her sister nations in the family of the Great Powers.

It is vain to expect the young Tsar to set about the task of demolishing the autocratic system created by his predecessors and ancestors. That work is in charge of more august agents. It is perishing by natural process because it is vicious, because it is out of harmony with its environment, and because the maladjusted life forces are moving by eternal laws from the surface to their natural home in the centre. And we may well believe that the fates are preparing a destiny commensurate with the endowments of a great—perhaps the greatest—of the nations of the earth.

Let it not be supposed that it is the moujik, the Russian peasant in sheepskin, with toil-worn hands, who has conducted that brilliant parliamentary battle in the Duma. Certain educational and property qualifications are required for eligibility to membership in that body, which would of necessity exclude that humble class. It is not the emancipated serf, but it is rural Russia which the Duma represented, and the vastness of the area covered by that term is realized when one learns that of the 450 members constituting that body only eighteen were from cities. It is the leaders of this vast rural population, members of ancient princely families or owners of great landed estates, these are the men who are coming out of long oblivion to help rule the destinies of a new Russia. Men like Prince Dolgorouki, some of them from families older than the Romanoffs—such men it is who were the leaders in the Duma. They have been for years studying these problems, and working among the Zemstvos. They are country gentlemen of the old style,—sturdy, practical, imaginative, idealistic, and explosive; powerful in debate, bringing just at the right moment a new element, a new force. Happy is Russia in possessing such a reserve of splendid energy at this time. And if the moujik is not in the forefront of the conflict, he, too, affords a boundless ocean of elementary force—he is the simple barbarian, who will perhaps be needed to replenish with his fresh, uncorrupted blood the Russia of a new generation.

LIST OF PRINCES.

GRAND PRINCES OF KIEF.

Rurik, 862-879

Oleg (Brother of Rurik, Regent), 879-912

Igor (Son of Rurik), 912-945

Olga (Wife of Igor, Regent), 945-964

Sviatoslaf, 964-972

Vladimir (Christianized Russia, 992), 972-1015

Yaroslaf (The Legislator), 1015-1054

(Close of Heroic Period.)

Isiaslaf, 1054-1078

Vsevolod, 1078-1093

Sviatopolk, 1093-1113

Vladimir Monomakh, 1113-1125

(Throne Disputed by Prince of Suzdal.)

Isiaslaf, 1146-1155

George Dolgoruki (Last Grand Prince of Kief) 1155-1169

(Fall of Kief, 1169.)

Andrew Bogoliubski (First Grand Prince of Suzdal), 1169-1174

George II. (Dolgoruki), 1212-1238

Yaroslaf II. (Father of Alexander Nevski and Grandfather of Daniel, First Prince of Moscow), 1238-1246

PRINCES OF MOSCOW.

Daniel (Son of Alexander Nevski), 1260-1303

Iri (George) Danielovich, 1303-1325

Ivan I., 1328-1341

Simeon (The Proud), 1341-1353

Ivan II. (The Debonair), 1353-1359

PRINCES OF MOSCOW AND GRAND PRINCES OF SUZDAL.

Dmitri Donskoi, 1363-1389

Vasili Dmitrievich, 1389-1425

Vasili I. (The Blind, Prince of Moscow, Novgorod, and Suzdal), 1425-1462

GRAND PRINCES OF ALL THE RUSSIAS.

Ivan III. (The Great), 1462-1505

Vasili II., 1505-1533

TSARS OF RUSSIA.

Ivan IV. (the Terrible), 1533-1584

Feodor Ivanovich, 1584-1598

Boris Godunof (Usurper), 1598-1605

The False Dmitri, 1605-1606

Vasili Shuiski, 1606-1609

Mikhail Romanoff, 1613-1645

Alexis (Son of former and Father of Peter the Great), 1645-1676

Feodor Alexievich, 1676-1682

Ivan V. and Peter I. ) Sophia Regent, ) Ivan died 1696 1682-1696

Peter I. (The Great), 1696-1725

Catherine I., 1725-1727

Peter II. (Son of Alexis and Grandson of Peter the Great and Eudoxia), 1727-1730

Anna Ivanovna (Daughter of Ivan V., Niece of Peter I.), 1730-1740

Ivan VI. (Infant Nephew of former Sovereign), 1740-1741

Elizabeth Petrovna (Daughter of Peter I. and Catherine), 1741-1761

Peter III. (Nephew of Elizabeth Petrovna; reigned five months, assassinated), 1762

Catherine II. (Wife of Peter III.), 1762-1796

Paul I. (Son of former), 1796-1801

Alexander I., 1801-1825

Nicholas I., 1825-1855

Alexander II., 1855-1881

Alexander III., 1881-1894

Nicholas II., 1894-

INDEX.

Absolutism, 244 Act of Union, 71 Adashef, 87, 88 Akhmet (Khan), 76 Alexander I, 164, 172, 175, 177, 178, 179, 183, 184, 186 Alexander II, 213, 217, 223, 228, 234, 236 Alexander III, 239 Alexieff, Admiral, 275, 276 Alexis, 105, 107, 109, 110, 111, 141, 142 Alexis Orlof, 154, 166, 168 Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh, 224 Alice (Princess), 242 Alma (the), 210 Anarchism, 232 Anastasia, 86, 88, 95, 103 Andrassy, 227 Angles, 25 Anna, 28, 29 Anna Ivanovna, 142, 146, 148 Anthony, 75 Appanages, 26, 34 Apraxin, 144, 150 Arable Steppes, 4 Araktcheef, 185 Aryan, 8, 14 Asia Minor, 70 Asiatic Mongols, 46 Askold, 19 Austerlitz, 177 Austria, 170, 180 Azof, Sea of, 115

Bacon, Francis, 91 Baikal, Lake, 253 Balthazi, 133 Baltic (the), 13, 43, 59, 124 Baltic Fleet, 286 Barren Steppes, 4 Bashi-Bazuks, 225 Basil, 28 Batui, 48 Beaconsfield, 224, 227 Berlin, Treaty of, 227 Bessarabia, 227 Biron, 146, 148 Bismarck, 227 Black Lands, 4, 39 Black Sea, 6, 12, 115, 214 Bogoliubski (Andrew), 40, 62, 83 Bohemians, 13, 27 Book of Instruction, 161 Book of Pedigrees, 110 Boris Godunof, 96, 97, 99, 100, 101 Bosnia, 224, 226, 227 Bosphorus (the), 20, 71 Boxer War, 267 Boyars, 27, 38, 43, 48, 51 Bremen, 45 Britain, 25 Buddhism, 257 Bulgaria, 24, 74, 226, 227 Bulgarians, 11, 27 Burnett, Bishop, 120 Byzantine, 36, 49, 66 Byzantine Empire, 11, 13, 72 Byzantium, 19, 27, 31, 32, 33, 36, 72, 74

Calendar (new), 138 Candia, 204 Carpathians, 3 Caspian Sea, 12 Cathay, 47 Catherine I, 130, 132, 143 Catherine II, 155, 157, 159, 160, 165, 166, 169, 175 Catholics, 27 Caucasus, 3 Centaurs, 14 Charlemagne, 13 Charles Martel, 72 Charles I, 108 Charles II, 108 Charles X, 192 Charles XI, 124 Charles XII, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 132, 133, 140 Charlotte (Princess), 213 Charlotte of Brunswick, 142 Chemulpho (Battle of), 276 Chersonesos, 7 China, 47, 253 China-Japan War, 254, 259, 263 Chopin, 164 Christian IX, 224 Church of Bethlehem, 206 Cincinnati, Order of, 163 Circassia, 176 Code Napoleon, 180 Commune (the), 15 Confucianism, 257 Constantine, Grand Duke, 164, 172, 187, 188, 189, 193 Constantinople, 18, 20, 23, 28, 30, 39, 46, 64, 70 Constitution, 292 Cossacks, 101, 105, 106 Council of the Empire, 290, 291 Court of Arbitration, 281 Cracow, 50, 102 Crimea, 7, 77, 115, 164 Crimean War, 210 Cyprus, 227

Dagmar, 224 Daimios, 257 Dalny, 275, 278, 279 Daniel, 270 Danube (the), 23 Dir, 19 Dmitri, 95, 96, 101, 102 Dmitri Donskoi, 69 Dnieper (the), 4, 12, 19, 39, 42 Dolgorukis, 83 Dolgoruki (Yuri), 40, 61, 62, 63 Dolgoruki (Prince), 177, 301 Don (the), 69, 101 Drevlins (the), 21, 26 Drujina, 37, 38, 52 Drujiniki (the), 46 Duma, 290, 291, 292, 295, 296, 297, 298, 299, 301 Durnovo, M., 296

Eastern Empire (the), 38 Eastern Question, 198, 203 Ecclesiastical States, 30 Egypt, 170, 171 Electoral College, 291 Elizabeth Petrovna, 140, 142, 147, 148, 149, 152 Emancipation Law, 220, 295 Etrogruhl, 70 Eudoxia, 130, 141

Feodor, 95, 96, 97, 105, 110, 111 Ferdinand, 82, 201 Finland, 184, 222 Finns, 8, 11, 12, 17, 43, 44 Florence, 41 Formosa, 264 Francis II, 178 Francis Joseph, 202 Franks, 25 Frederick II, 50 Frederick the Great, 150, 153 Fundamental Laws, 293, 295, 299

Galitsuin (Prince), 113, 144 Gaul, 25 Gautama, 257 Genghis Kahn, 47, 48 Georgia, 176 German Knights, 68 German Orders, 45, 60 Glinski (Anna), 87 Glinski (Helena), 85 Glück, 130 Godwin, 96 Golden Horde, 69, 71 Gortchakof, 213, 223, 227 Goths (the), 10 Grand Principality (the), 66 Great Desert of Gobi, 52 Great Patriarchs, 66 Great Tower of Ivan, 183 Greece, 72 Greek Church, 30, 31, 71, 72, 226 Greeks (the), 6, 24, 27 Gustavus Adolphus, 105

Hague (the), 119, 281 Hague, the Congress, 242 Hamburg, 45 Hanseatic League, 45 Harold, 96 Hastings, Lady Mary, 92 Haynau, 202 Hedwig, 60 Helen, 22 Helsingfors, 241 Henry VIII, 82 Herodotus, 7 Herzegovina, 224, 226, 227 Hindostan, 170 Hohenzollern, 45 Holy Alliance, 85 Holy Roman Empire, 13 Holy Shrines, 206 Holy Synod, 135 Horde (the), 67 Hungary, 50, 68 Huns, 47

Iagello, 59, 60 Icon, 285 Igor, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25 Imperator, 138 Indemnity, 289 India, 171 Inouye, Count, 272 Ionian Isles, 170 Isabella, 82 Islamism, 56 Ito, Marquis, 262 Ivan I, 66 Ivan III (the Great), 72, 73, 74, 75, 81, 84 Ivan IV (the Terrible), 75, 84, 85, 86, 88, 92, 96, 101, 113, 249 Ivan (the Imbecile), 112, 130 Ivan Mazeppa, 127, 128, 130 Ivan V, 146 Ivan VI, 148, 154, 155 Ivan Shuvalof, 150

Japan, 256 Japan-Korea Treaty, 1876, 261 Japan Treaty with U. S., 1854, 258

Kaminski, Battle of, 163 Karz, 226 Kazan, 77 Khazarui, the, 17, 23 Kiel, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 26, 27, 28, 34, 35, 36, 39, 40, 42, 49, 61 Kishineff, 279 Komura, Baron, 278, 288 Knout, 30 Königsberg, 45 Koreans, 259 Kosciusko, 163 Kossuth, 201, 202 Koulaks, 230 Kremlin (the), 62, 66, 101 Kublai-khan, 56 Kurland, Duke of, 153 Kuropatkin, 281 Kutchko, 62 Kutuzof, 181

Lacour (M. de), 206 Laharpe, 175 Latin Church, 31, 44, 45 Leipzig, 183 Leo VI, 20 Leo X, 80, 81 Liao-Tung, Gulf of, 253 Liberalism, 222 Li Hung Chang, 262 Li-Ito Treaty, 262 Lithuania, 59, 60, 63, 68, 84 Lithuanians (the), 13, 17, 59, 77 Little Russia, 106, 127 Livonia, 124 Livonian Knights, 44, 54 Livonian Orders, 74 Lombardy, 170 Louis IX, 50 Louis XI, 82, 83, 95 Louis XIV, 121, 126 Louis XV, 140 Louis Napoleon, 205 Louis Phillippe, 192, 201 Lubeck, 45

Magyar, 11 Makaroff, M., 297, 298 Makaroff, Admiral, 277 Malakof, 213 Manchuria, 253 Manchus (the), 255 Marco Polo, 47 Marfa, 90 Maria Theresa, 150 Marie, 224 Maximilian, 82 Menschikof, 131, 142, 144, 145, 206, 207, 210, 213 Merienburg, 130 Metropolitan (the), 66 Mickiewiz, 164 Mikhailof, Peter, 118 Mir, 15, 57, 98 Mir-eaters, 230 Mirski, Prince, 279, 280, 283 Mohammedanism, 208 Mongols, 48, 49, 51, 52, 56, 63 Monomakh, 40, 61, 63 Montenegro, 224, 226, 227 Moscow, 54, 61, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 74, 90, 181, 182 Moskwa (the), 62 Mukden, 256, 277 Muraviev, 250, 251, 283 Muscovite, 66, 67 Muscovy, 59, 65 Mussulman, 27

Napoleon Bonaparte, 169, 170, 171, 172, 177, 180, 183 Narva, Battle of, 125 Natalia, 108, 109, 111 National Assembly, 103, 290, 292 Nesselrode (Count), 207 Nestor, 22, 25 Neva (the), 4, 54 Nevski, Alexander, 54, 55, 63, 69, 103 Nevski, Daniel, 63, 66 Nicholas I, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192, 194, 196, 199, 201, 203, 208, 210 Nicholas II, 241 Nicholas III, 249 Nihilism, 232, 237, 238 Nikolaievsk, 250, 251 Nikon (Patriarch), 107, 109 Nikopolis, 226 Nogi, General, 281 Norse, 34 Norsemen, 18, 25 Novgorod, 14, 18, 26, 28, 35, 41, 42, 43, 54, 55, 57, 65, 67, 74, 79, 90

Odessa, 210 Oka (the), 76 Oleg, 19, 20, 21, 26, 71 Olga, 21, 23, 28 Osterman, 148 Othman, 70, 71 Ottoman, 70 Ottoman Empire, 158, 166, 226, 227 Oyama, 281

Paleologisk, John, 73 Pantheon, 14 Paris, Treaty of, 184 Patkul, 124, 126 Patriarchalism, 217 Patriarchate (the), 135 Patriarchs, 30 Paul I, 159, 167, 168, 170, 171, 172, 173 Peace Conference, 287 Peace Congress, 242 Pechenegs, 20, 23, 24 Pechili, Gulf of, 253 Peloponnesus (the), 13, 24 Perry, Commodore, 258 Perun, 14, 20, 24, 27, 28, 29, 59 Pestel, 188, 189 Peter the Great, 95, 104, 109, 112, 113, 114, 116, 117, 118, 120, 121, 122, 125, 127, 132, 135, 139, 145, 174, 176 Peter III, 151, 168 Plague of Moscow, 158 Plevna, 226 Pobiedonosteeff, 278, 283 Poland, 13, 32, 50, 59, 60, 68, 105, 156, 162, 163, 164, 221 Poles, 77 Poliani (the), 13 Polovtsui (the), 46, 48 Poltova, 129 Pope, 44 Pope Leo VI, 38 Port Arthur, 253, 264, 278, 279 Portsmouth, Peace of, 290 Posadnik, 38, 42, 45 Potemkin, 166 Proteus, 14 Prussia, 45, 162 Pruth, Treaty of, 133 Pskof, 18, 74, 78, 79 Pugatschek, the Cossack, 158 Pushkin, 20 Pyrenees, 72

Raskolniks, 107, 109, 110, 137, 138 Reinforced Defense, Law of, 296, 298 Revolution of 1762, 155 Rojestvenski, 286 Rollo, 25 Roman Empire, 31, 32 Romanoff, 86, 301 Romanoff, Mikhail, 103, 104, 105, 107 Rome, 31, 32 Romish Church, 105 Rosen, Baron, 287 Roosevelt, President, 287, 289 Roumania, 226 Ruileef, 189 Rurik, 18, 21, 34, 46, 66, 71, 103, 249 Russian Academy, 160

Saardan, 118 Sagas, 38 Saghalien, 289, 290 Samurai, 257 San Stefano (Treaty of), 226 Saracen, 13, 50 Sarat, 55, 56, 65, 69, 271 Saxons, 25 Scandinavia, 37 Scandinavians, 17, 25, 26, 27, 29 Scythians, 6, 7, 14, 24 Sea of Azof, 12, 46, 48 Sebastopol, 7, 164, 210 Senate, 135 Sergius, Grand Duke, 284 Servia, 226, 227 Shantung, 266 Shintoism, 257 Shipka Pass, 226 Siberia, 93 Siberia, Maritime Provinces of, 252 Sienkiewicz, 164 Sigismund, 81, 102 Silvesta, 87 Sineus, 18 Sisalpine, 170 Slav, 8, 12, 15, 17, 18, 24, 26, 27, 32, 34, 36, 37, 43, 44 Slavonia, 19, 58 Slavonic, 15, 24, 25, 36, 50 Sobor, 95, 97, 135 Socialism, 232 Sophia, 73, 81, 111, 113, 114, 117, 118, 122 Sophia, Queen of Prussia, 118 Sophia Perovskaya, 238 Spain, 25 Speranski, 179, 185 St. Basil, Church of, 29 St. Bartholomew, Massacre, 92 Stoessel, General, 281 St. Paul, Cathedral of, 130 St. Petersburg, 125, 126 St. Vladimir, 101 Stratford de Redcliffe (Lord), 206, 207 Stribog, 14 Strultsui, 115, 116, 121, 123 Suez Canal, 224 Suleyman, the Magnificent, 197 Suvorov, 170 Suzdal, 40, 43, 46, 52, 61 Sviatoslaf, 22, 23, 24, 26 Sweden, 74, 124, 180 Swedes, 54 Sword-Bearers, 44

Tai-Tsiu, 255 Tartar, 8, 20, 21, 46, 49, 51, 63 Takahira, Kogaro, 287 Taxes, 229 Tchinovniks, 231 Teutonic Order, 44 Togo, Admiral, 286 Tokio, 287, 289 Tolstoi, 141, 144 Tong-Hak Rebellion, 263 Top Knot (the), 273 Topography, 1 Trans-Siberian Railway, 267, 270 Treaty of 1841, 203 Treaty with China, 1858, 251 Truvor, 18 Tsar, 23 Tsarkoe-Selo, Palace of, 286 Tsushima, 286 Turguenief, 200, 232 Turk (the), 8, 9, 17, 70, 71, 132, 153 Turkey,170 Turkish Empire, 204, 208 Tycoon, 258

United States, 202 Ural, 3, 93 Ussuri Region, 252 Usury, 229

Vampires, 14 Varangians, 18, 20 Vasili, 66, 67, 68 Vasili II, 71, 72, 78, 79 Vasili Shuiski, 102 Verestchagin, 245 Vernet, Horace, 128 Vetché, 15, 42, 55 Viborg, 299 Vich, 147 Victor Emmanuel, 213 Visigoths, 25 Vistula, 13 Vladimir, 26, 28, 29, 32, 34, 35, 182 Vladivostok, 252, 254, 286 Vna, 147 Volga (the), 3, 12, 42 Volkof (the), 28 Volost, 15, 98, 220 Volus, 14 Von Plehve, 278, 279, 280

Warsaw, University of, 194 Wei-Hai-Wei, Battle of, 1895, 264 Western Empire (the), 38 White Seat (the), 91 Winter Palace, 283, 285, 287, 288, 294 William I, 223 William III, 120 Witte (M. de), 278

Yalu, the, 264 Yaroslaf I, 35, 38, 54 Yaroslaf II, 52 Yaropolk, 26 Yellow Sea (the), 253 Yermak, 94, 250

Zemstvo, 220, 239, 280, 291, 302 Zoë, Princess, 73 Zone of Forests, 4